¹ Langhorne, R. T. B., ’, Historical Journal, xvi, 2 (1973), 361–87.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

² On this point see Hammond, R.J., Portugal and Africa 1815–1910 - A Study in Uneconomic Imperialism (Stanford U.P., 1966), pp. 259–65. In the German view even a licence for a British company to catch whales off Angola represented a concession in terms of the agreement.Google Scholar

³ See Langhorne's reference to the case of Mr Gilmour, of the Mozambique Company, p. 370.

⁴ The Germans were suspected of attempting to gain a foothold in Madeira under the guise of constructing sanatoria for sufferers from tuberculosis. The discovery that the sanatoria were in fact hotels calmed the strategists but gteatly upset the British hotel-owners on the island. There is a brief reference to the affair in Monger, G., The End of Isolation (London, 1963), pp. 226–8.Google Scholar

⁵ Note by Anderson, Under-Secretary at the Colonial Office, on Consul-General MacDonnell (Lourenco Marques) to Grey, 26 Apr. 1912, No. 17 Africa (copy), CO. 551/32.

⁶ See Frankl, Michael G., The Development of British War Aims, Aug. 1914-Mar. 1915 (Ph.D. thesis for London University, 1969).Google Scholar

⁷ This paragraph is condensed from the author's Ph.D. thesis, Britain and Portugal 1910–16 (London University, 1971), chs 3 and 4.Google Scholar

⁸ Metternich to Bethmann-Hollweg, 10 Apr. 1912, 5 June 1912, Die Grosse Politik, xxxi, Nos. 11441, 11450.

⁹ It was only an oblique reference by the Portuguese prime minister in his speech to Congress of 15 March 1912 about the Anglo-Portuguese treaties which led Grey to show Metternich the latter as they had existed in 1898. Their renewal in 1899 had added nothing new, but was evidently highly relevant to the German ambassador's inquiry. Meanwhile Acland told Parliament that the most recent Anglo-Portuguese treaty was that of 1815. Hansard, 5th ser., xxxv, cols, 1862–3. Grey then referred to the most recent confirmation of the treaties in the General Arbitration Agreement between Britain and Portugal in 1904. House of Commons - Answers to Questions, 1912, I, 431. He followed up by assuring Metternich that the Anglo-Portuguese alliance had not been renewed since Edward VII%'s accession in 1901, which provoked Harcourt's inquiry. Harcourt to Grey, 26 Mar. 1912, private, Grey Papers, F.O. 800/91. Tyrrell was told to explain. See Langhorne, p. 379, note 63, for the British reaction when Kiihlmann began asking the right questions.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Kuhlmann to Bethmann-Hollweg, 22 Apr. 1912, G.P., xxxi, No. 11444. Minute by Grey on Grey to Goschen, 11 Jan. 1913, B.D., x, 11, 323.

¹¹ Grey to Goschen, 4 July 1912, B.D., x, n, 312; same to same, 17 July 1912, B.D., x, ii, 315.

¹² Grey to Granville, 1 Aug. 1912, B.D., x, n, 317.

¹³ Memorandum for the cabinet, 17 July 1912, B.D., x, 11, 315, note 1.

¹⁴ Remarks on the Anglo-Portuguese Alliance and the Strategic Value of the Portuguese Colonies, Admiralty War Staff, 18 Dec. 1912, secret, F.O. 371/2105.

¹⁵ Early in 1912 the British Government exerted very strong pressure on the Portuguese to ensure that they accepted a tender from the Marconi company for a network of radio stations connecting Oporto, Lisbon, Funchal, Cape Verde and Punta Delgada so that the Portuguese system should be uniform with the British. This involved the rejection of a much lower tender from Telefunken. The same thing happened shortly afterwards in Goa, at the instigation of the government of India. F.O. 367/1463, passim.

¹⁶ Memorandum by Crowe, 12 Feb. 1913, F.O. 367/342, on Remarks on the Anglo-Portuguese Alliance, above. (The Admiralty's paper ended up on a 1914 file as it was re-examined on the outbreak of war.)

¹⁷ On these points see the author's Ph.D. thesis, ch. 3.Google Scholar

¹⁸ In 1913 there was considerable interest in the Admiralty at the possibility of building a naval base at Porto Grande, São Vicente, in the Cape Verde Islands. Those in favour urged, however, that an agreement be made with Portugal ensuring that the base would become virtually a British possession in time of war. This implicit confirmation of the Anglo-Portuguese alliance was perfectly acceptable, indeed welcome, to the Sea Lords, who proposed that the C.I.D. should discuss the matter. Churchill's intervention against this ‘ visionary proposal ’ was required to reject the scheme. Adm. 1. 8355, passim.

¹⁹ Memorandum for the cabinet, 30 July 1913, F.O. 371/1741.

²⁰ See the interesting analysis of this question made by Sir G. Mounsey, Assistant Under-Secretary at the Foreign Office, in a letter to Lt.-Col. F. Webb, of the Committee of Imperial Defence, 22 Mar. 1938, F.O. 371/22589.

²¹ See Langhorne, pp. 369–70.

²² See Teixeira Gomes to Ministerio dos Negocios Estrangeiros, 29 Feb. 1912, No. 65, series A (political correspondence), Arquivo do Ministerio dos Negocios Estrangeiros, Livro da Correspondência, No. 15; same to same, 12 May 1913, No. 116, ibid.; the speech of Antonio Madeira, Foreign Minister, in December 1913, in Portugal: Congresso: Assembleia National, Diario das Sessōes, Catnara dos Deputados, vol. 171, 9 Dec. 1913, pp. 6–9; Alypse, Pierre, ‘ As Ambições Alemas e as Colónias Portuguesas’, Boletim da Agência Geral das Colónias (Lisbon), vol. 2, No. 8, 02. 1926, pp. 138–51.Google Scholar

²³ For example, Teixeira Gomes to M.N.E., 3 Dec. 1913, No. 232, confidencialissimo; Livro da Correspondencia no. 15; same to same, 16 Dec. 1913, no. 238, confidential; ibid.

²⁴ Teixeira Gomes to M.N.E., 19 Feb. 1914, No. 52, ibid.

²⁵ Hardinge to Grey, 23 June 1913, private. F.O. 371/1740.

²⁶ Lichnowsky to Bethmann-Hollweg, 17 Jan. 1913, G.P., xxxvii (i), No. 14656.

²⁷ Willequet, Jacques, ‘ Anglo-German Rivalry in Belgian and Portuguese Africa? ’, Louis, W.R. and Gifford, P. (eds.), Britain and Germany in Africa (Yale U.P., 1967), p. 262.Google Scholar

²⁸ Hatton, P.H.S., ‘ Harcourt and Solf: The Search for an Anglo-German Understanding through Africa, 1912–14 ’, European Studies Review, 1, No. 2, 04. 1971, 123–45.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁸ See Langhorne's rather underplayed account of the occasion, p. 382.

³⁰ Solf to Rosen, 15 Dec. 1913, Rosen, Friedrich, Aus Einem Diplomatische Wanderleben (Berlin, 1932), II, 263–4. An unintended irony was also added to Grey's statement to Paul Cambon: ‘ I said finally that this was one of the objections to the secrecy of Agreements; they had to become known sooner or later, and were apt to cause disappointment.’ Grey to Grenville, 28 Nov. 1913, B.D., x, 11, No. 350.Google Scholar

³¹ Rosen, to Bethmann-Hollweg, , 23 10. 1913, G.P., xxxvii (I), No. 14684; Rosen, 11, 139–42.Google Scholar

³² Solf to Rosen, 15 Dec. 1913, ibid., p. 263.

³³ See Langhorne, pp. 384–5.

³⁴ Teixeira Gomes to unknown (probably de Tovar, Pedro, his chargé d'affaires in London), 6 10. 1914Google Scholar, Gomes, Manuel Teixeira, Correspondência: Cartas para Politicos e Diplomatas (Lisbon, n.d.), 1, 132–4.Google Scholar

³⁵ Nicolson to Goschen, 5 May 1913, Carnock Papers, F.O. 800/364; same to same, 2 Feb. 1914, F.O. 800/371.

³⁶ See Asquith to the King, 31 July 1912, Asquith Papers, vol. A.6; same to same, 8 May 1913, ibid., vol. A.7.

³⁷ The arguments employed by Rosen are all set out in his massive memorandum to the Auswärtige Amt of 30 05 1914, G.P., xxxvii (I), No. 14710, and reappear in his memoirs: Rosen, 11, 157–64.Google Scholar

³⁸ Jagow believed this too. Jagow, to Lichnowsky, , 26 02. 1914, G.P., xxxvii (i), No. 14697.Google Scholar

³⁹ See note 37, above.

⁴⁰ See Jagow's and von Stumm's comments on Rosen's memorandum, above.

⁴¹ Willequet, p. 267.

⁴² Ibid., p. 270.

⁴³ Memorandum by Bertie, 20 Feb. 1914, of conversation with George V, Bertie Papers, F.O. 800/188; Harcourt to Grey, 8, 9 and 25 Jan. 1914, Grey Papers, F.O. 800/91; Grey to Harcourt, 10 and 11 Jan. 1914, ibid.; P. Cambon to Doumergue, 5 Mar. 1914, Documents Diplomatiques Français, in série, 9, No. 501; Lichnowsky, to Bethmann-Hollweg, , 1 04. 1914, G.P., xxxvii (I) No. 14705.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Grey to Goschen, 3 Mar. 1914, B.D., x, 11, No. 366.

⁴⁵ Langhorne, p. 387.

⁴⁶ Memorandum for the cabinet, 16 Mar. 1914, B.D., x, 11, No. 369.

⁴⁷ See Rosen, 11, p. 175.

⁴⁸ Hammond, pp. 260–1.

⁴⁹ See Langhorne, pp. 374–5.

⁵⁰ Grey to Goschen, 17 June 1912, No. 6 i, Africa, secret, F.O. 367/289.

⁵¹ Grey to Robert Williams, 12 June 1912, F.O. 367/290; memorandum by Grey, 20 June 1912, ibid.; Grey to Goschen, 17 Jan. 1913, No. 7, Africa, secret, F.O. 367/342; Carnegie to Grey, 15 Apr. 1914, No. 69, F.O. 371/2085; Carnegie to Grey, 23 June 1914, and minutes, B.D., x, II, No. 376; Rosen, II, 262, 268, 273–4.

⁵² Consul Muller to Grey, 11 Dec 1912, No. 37 Africa (copy), C O. 417/530.

⁵³ de Matos, João Ribeiro Mendes Norton, Memorias e Trabalhos da Minha Vida (Lisbon, 1944, 4 vols.), 1, 130–40; iv, 18–22, 117–20.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Ibid., in, 14–19.

⁵⁵ F. dos Santos Cordeiro Subtil, A Alemanha perante 0 Ultramar Vortuguês 1898–1914, unpublished thesis for the Instituto Superior de Ciencias Sociais e Politica Ultramarina, Lisbon (1966), pp. 132–4.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Cordeiro Subtil deals in detail with this expedition and its aims, pp. 147–65; Carnegie to Grey, 18 Apr. 1914, No. 72, F.O. 371/2085.

⁵⁷ Daeschner to Doumergue, 16 Mar. and 30 May 1914, D.D.F., III 9, No. 471; 10, No. 312.

⁵⁸ Villiers to Grey, 26 Apr. 1914, No. 54, F.O. 371/2085.

⁵⁹ Carnegie to Grey, 2 July 1914, B.D., x, n, No. 377.

⁶⁰ Grey to Carnegie, 15 July 1914, ibid., No. 380.

⁶¹ Willequet, p. 270.