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⁷ India Office Library, MSS. Eur. F. 84/14, p. 79, Elgin to Secretary of State for India, 9 June 1896. My italics.

⁸ Quoted in Lugard, F. D., The Rise of Our East African Empire (1893), 11, 585Google Scholar.

⁹ MSS. Eur. F. 84/15, Appendix, p. 95, Elgin to Secretary of State for India, 15 September 1897.

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¹⁵ Quoted in Diké, K. O., Trade and Politics in the Niger Delta (1956), 211Google Scholar.

¹⁶ Quoted in Oliver, R., Misrionary Factor in East Africa (1952), 124Google Scholar. See also Orr, C. W., Making of Northern Nigeria (1911)Google Scholar: the economic motive ‘was undoubtedly the primary cause of Great Britain's action in assuming administrative responsibility’, for ‘economic reasons necessitate the development of the resources of tropical regions’; that European activity in Africa in the later nineteenth century' was mainly prompted by a desire for fresh/markets and a field for commercial enterprise may at once be conceded. But it would be unfair and unjust not to recognise as well that it was prompted also by a real and genuine desire for the welfare of the inhabitants, by substituting an era of law and order for the pitiful condition of insecurity and inter-tribal warfare in which they lived’ (pp. 20, 48, 281-2).

¹⁷ Quoted in Lugard, , Rite of our East African Empire, II, 590 nGoogle Scholar.

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²¹ Quoted in Stengen, J., ‘L'Impénalisme Colonial de la fin du XIXe siècle’, Jour of African Hittory, III (1962), 488Google Scholar.

²² Quoted in Cecil, G., Lift of Robert, Marquis of Sato'burys TV (1932), 323Google Scholar.

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²⁴ Keltie, J. S., The Partition of Africa (1895)Google Scholar.

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²⁶ Quoted in Ramm, A., Political Correspondence of Mr Gladstone and Lord Granville 1876-1886 (1962), II. 304Google Scholar.

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³¹ Quoted in Hoskins, H. L., ‘British Policy in Africa, 1873-77’, Geographical Review, XXXII (1942), 142Google Scholar; Hoskins discusses the attempt to deal with the new situation. In 1877 Battle Frere expressed the belief that trouble with Germany was brewing in South Africa, and so he urged huge annexations.

³² Salisbury wrote in 1877: ‘I fed convinced that the old policy-wise enough in its time- of defending English interests by sustaining the Ottoman dynasty has become impracticable, and I think that the time has come for defending English interests in a more direct way by some territorial rearrangement’ ( Cecil, , op. cit. II, 130Google Scholar). He felt the geographical situation of Egypt, as well as the responsibility which the English government had in the past incurred for the actual conditions under which it existed as a State, made it impossible to leave it to its fate. Lady Cecil considered that Salisbury‘from his first occupation with the [Egyptian] question, seems to have had no doubt as to what must be its ultimate issue, and at the outset was prepared actively to promote it’ (ibid. 329). See also Langer, W. L., European Alliances and Alignmentt, 1871-1890 (New York, 1950), 257Google Scholar. It is interesting to note that Wilfrid Blunt thought the partition ‘may be said to have begun’ at the Congress of Berlin in 1878, when die joint financial intervention in Egypt was arranged with France, and, as he put it, ‘Tunis was given her in return for Cyprus, a scandalous beginning’ ( Blunt, W. S., My Diaritt, part 11, 1900-1904, p. 72Google Scholar, entry for 31 August 1903).

³³ Parliamentary Debates, 4th ser., vol. 116, col. 516, II December 1902.

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³⁶ Parliamentary Debates, 5th ser, Lords, vol 5, col. 557-8, 6 April 1910.

³⁷ Public Record Office, C.O. 446/53/18617, minute by Elgin, 18 June 1906. My italics.

³⁸ Parliamentary Debates, 5th ocries, Commons, vol 17, col. 1153, 13 June 1910.

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⁴⁰ See, for example, Hinsley, F. H., New Cambridge Modern History, XI, chap. I, 45–7Google Scholar; Landes, D. S., ‘Economic Imperialism’, Journ. Economic History, XXI (1961), 510–12Google Scholar.

⁴¹ See above, p. 158.

⁴¹ MacDonagh, O., ‘The Anti-imperialism of Free Trade’, Economic History Review, and ser. XIV (1962), 489–501CrossRefGoogle Scholar, comments on Gallagher, J. and Robinson, R. E., ‘The Imperialiam of Free Trade’, Economic History Review, and ser. VI (1953)Google Scholar, remarking that it did sometimes matter who was in power; Gladstone would never have bought the Suez Canal shares in 1875; Disraeli's highly personal decision ‘materially influenced’ the genesis of the scramble for Africa, for the purchase of shares was a pre-condition of the events leading up to the occupation of Egypt.

⁴³ Goodfellow, C. F., The Policy of South African Confederation, 1870-1881’, Cambridge University Ph.D. thesis (1961), to be published by LongmansGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁴ CO. 291/71/33839, minute by Sir Fred Graham, 15 July 1904.

⁴⁵ Ganon, N. G., ‘British Imperialism and the Coming of the Anglo-Boer War’, 140–33Google Scholar. South African Journal of Economics, XXX (1962)Google Scholar.