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³ Morley to Minto, 2 May 1907, India Office Library, MSS. Eur. D. 573/2/91-2.

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²⁶ Quoted in T. C. Pease, Anglo-French Boundary Disputes in the West, 1749-1763 (Collections of the Illinois State Historical Library, XXVII, 1936, 411-12). Hardwicke was quite right about the fur trade: Lawson calculates that during the period 1700-75 fur and hats played an insignificant role in the total English and colonial economy; imports of fur accounted for under ½ per cent of the total value of English imports: the exports of fur under ¼ per cent, and of fur hats under 1¼ per cent: Lawson, M. G., Fur: a Study in English Mercantilism, 1700-1775 (Toronto, 1943), p. 70Google Scholar.

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²⁸ Mowat, C. L., East Florida as a British Province, 1763-84 (University of California Publications in History, XXXII, 1943, 7)Google Scholar ; Lyon, E. W., Louisiana in French Diplomacy, 1759-1804 (Norman, 1943), pp. 27–8Google Scholar.

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³¹ These characteristics included the retention of a mercantilist element. Robinson, R. E. and Gallagher, J., Africa and the Victorians (1961), pp. 22Google Scholar: the later Victorians inherited a tradition of policy that ‘had come down unbroken from Pitt and Canning to Palmerston and Clarendon’. It is interesting to note that one of the Victorian habits, using India as ‘a battering ram’, launching expeditions for imperial and commercial purposes from India, had begun as early as 1762/63, with the seizure of Manila (Ballard, G. A., ‘Anglo-French contacts in the Indian Ocean’, Mariner's Mirror, XIII, 1927)Google Scholar.