¹ For a general background on the life and work of Vincent Ferrer consult, Fages, Pierre-Henri, Histoire de Saint Vincent Ferrier (2 vols.; Louvain: Maison de la Bonne, 1901)Google Scholar; idem, Proces de la canonisation:Saint Vincent Ferrier (Paris: Maison de la Bonne, 1904); Gorce, Matthieu-Maxime, Les bases de l'étude historique de Saint Vincent Ferrier (Paris: Plon-Nourret, 1923)Google Scholar; idem, St. Vincent Ferrier (1350-1419) (Paris: Plon-Nourret, 1935); Garganta, Jose M. de and Forcada, Vicente, Biografia y escritos de San Vicente Ferrer (Cristianos, Biblioteca de Autores 153; Madrid: Editora Católica, 1956)Google Scholar; and Garganta, Juan M. de, “Vicente Ferrer,” Diccionario de Historia Eclesiástica de España 2 (1972) 927–28.Google Scholar For his impact on Vannes see, Estasen, José Rico de, “Las huellas de San Vicente Ferrer en Vannes,” Anales del Centro de Cultura Valenciana 35 (1955) 33–37Google Scholar.

² On Vincent's preaching in different languages see the extensive discussion in Fages, , Histoire de Saint Vincent, 1. 159–69Google Scholar; idem, Proces de la canonisation, 410, 420, 422, 425, 429, and 431; Gorce, , Vincent Ferrier, 182–83Google Scholar; and Gaganta, and Forcada, , Biografia y escritos, 120, 137Google Scholar; and for Latin preaching, 198. For Castilian preaching and sermons, García, Pedro M. Cátedra, Sermon, Sociedady Literaturas en la Edad Media, San Vicente Ferrer en Castilla (1411-1412) (Valladolid: Castilla-León, 1994).Google Scholar A discussion of Vincent's Latin and Catalan letters is in Sierra, Adolfo Robles, “Correspondencia de San Vicente Ferrer,” Escritos del Vedat 17 (1987) 173–216Google Scholar.

³ On the Catalan manuscripts of the sermons, see the authoritative edition by Sivera, Joseph Sanchis, ed., Sant Vicent Ferrer, Sermons (2 vols.; Els Nostres Clàssics, Collecció B, 3–5; Barcelona: Barcino, 1932-1934)Google Scholar; and Schib, Gret, ed., Sant Vicent Ferrer, Sermons (4 vols; Els Nostres Clàssics, Collecció B, 6–9; Barcelona: Barcino, 1975-1988Google Scholar). Several studies have been done on the Catalan manuscripts; see Chabas, R., “Estudio sobre los sermones Valencianos de San Vicente Ferrer que se conservan en la biblioteca de la basilica metropolitana de Valencia,” Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas, y Museos 6 (1902) 1-6 and 155–68Google Scholar; 7 (1902) 131-42 and 419-39; 8 (1903) 38-57, 111-26, 291-95; 9 (1903) 85-102; and Llopis, F. Mateu y, “Observaciones paleográficas sobre los manuscritos de los sermones de San Vicente Ferrer de la Biblioteca de la Catedral de Valencia,” Anales del Centro de Cultura Valenciana 35 (1955) 38–51Google Scholar.

⁴ Especially useful are the studies by Viera, David J., “A repeated image of light in the Sermons of Vincenc Ferrer,” Catalan Review 2 (1987) 171–76Google Scholar; idem, “St. Vincent Ferrer's Catalan Sermon on St. Augustine,” Augustiniana 38 (1988) 54–66Google Scholar; idem, “Vincent Ferrer's Sermon on Mary Magdalene: A Technique for Hagiographic Sermons,” Hispanofila 101 (1991) 61–66Google Scholar; and idem, “El sermbn de San Vicente Ferrer en la fiesta de Santo Domingo,” Escritos del Vedat 23 (1993) 323–30.Google Scholar For a recent Congress dedicated to Vincent Ferrer, see Saint Vincent Ferrer et le monde de son temps 1352-1469. Histoire et spiritualite. June 10—12, 1994Google Scholar, Abbaye Saint Michel de Frigolet.

⁵ For the apocryphal legends of Peter see, “Actus Petri cum Simone,” in Lipsius, Richard A. and Bonnet, Maximillian, eds., Ada Apostolorum Apocrypha (Leipzig: 1891) 1.1. 45–103Google Scholar; and “Passio sanctorum apostolorum Petri et Pauli,” ibid., 118-77.

⁶ See the discussion in Forcada, Garganta y, Biografia y escritos, 359–63 and 383—99Google Scholar.

⁷ See the studies that have appeared up to now in the journal Apocrypha (Brepols), the official journal of the “Association pour l'Étude de la Littérature Apocryphe Chrétienne,” based at the University of Lausanne.

⁸ The early acceptance of Christian apocrypha by some Church Fathers confirms this point. The apocryphal encounters between Simon Magus and Simon Peter are uncritically joined together by Irenaeus Adv. haer. 1.23.2-4; Eusebius Hist. eccl. 2.1.10-12; 2.12.1; and 2.14.1; and Augustine De haer. 1, to name but a few.

⁹ One must set aside modern views regarding the authorship of 2 Timothy and 2 Peter, since such questions were not an issue for Vincent and the church of the fourteenth century. They understood 2 Tim 4:6–8, 9-13, 21 to attest to Paul's impending execution at Rome. Similarly, 2 Pet 1:13-15 testified to Peter's imminent execution, presumably at Rome. These are the last references about Peter and Paul in the canonical New Testament. I wish to thank my friend and colleague, New Testament Professor William L. Lane (Seattle Pacific University) for crucial insights on this matter.

¹⁰ This sermon is in Sanchis Sivera, Sermons, 2. 45-54. For a discussion of Peter as a model of conversion in Vincent's sermons see Jares, José Anat, La predicacion cristiana en la doctrina de San Vicente Ferrer (1350-1419) (Astorga, 1963) 83-87, esp. 83–84Google Scholar.

¹¹ The Latin version is in Forcada, Garganta y, Biografia y escritos, 603–10Google Scholar.

¹² There are only two references to this matter in Vincent's Vita. The first reports that he was understood by people in Castille, Normandy, Brittany, Piedmont, and Genoa even though he preached solely in Catalan (120). The second citation added that even some Greeks claimed that they heard him in their own tongue (137); in Garganta y Forcada, Biografia y escritos. See also Fages, , Proces de la canonisation, 410, 420, 422, 425, 429, and 431.Google Scholar For a broader discussion of the languages of preaching see Constable, Giles, “The Language of Preaching in the Twelfth Century,” Viator 25 (1994) 131–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹³ Such is the case with the remarks by Sanchis Sivera, Sermons, 1. 13-14.

¹⁴ The hagiographer even noted that there existed little difference between the Catalan and Valencian languages (120). The Vita identified the various languages as Romance ones, and strongly implied that this probably explains why so many people understood Vincent in their own “languages.”

¹⁵ Acts 2:3-4, 6. Other references in the New Testament to speaking in tongues are in Mark 16:17 (biblical scholars believe this verse to be an addendum); Acts 10:46, 19:6; and 1 Cor 12:10; 14:5.

¹⁶ See, for example, Vita 137, which still insists on this matter, even after pointing out the inconsistency of the testimony.

¹⁷ The reference to Jews and Muslims in the Vita are at 144 and 146, for Castilla-Aragdn; 171-72, for Salamanca-Zamora; 198-99, for Italy; and 205, for Catalonia (in Garganta y Forcada, Biografla y escritos). See further references in Fages, , Proces de la canonisation, 421, 424–25, and 431.Google Scholar For Jews and Muslims, Rael, Joaquin Espin, “Predicacidn de San Vicente Ferrer en Lorca,” Anales del Centro de Cultura Valenciana 35 (1955) 16–19.Google Scholar For conversion of Jews specifically, consult Prats, Luis Battle y, “San Vicente Ferrer en Gerona,” Analecta sacra tarraconensia 26 (1953) 145–50Google Scholar; and Vendrell, Francisca, “La Actividad Proselitista de San Vicente Ferrer durante el reinado de Fernando I de Aragdn,” Sefarad 13 (1953) 87–104Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Consult Sivera, Sanchis, Sermons, 2. 45–54Google Scholar for the Catalan text and, in general, Llopis, Mateu y, “Observaciones paleograficas,” 38–51Google Scholar.

¹⁹ “Aquesta Festa present és appellada la festa de sent Pere e de sent Pau, per ço com abduys moriren en tal dia com huy, en la ciutat de Roma, per l'emperador Neró” (Sanchis Sivera, Sermons, 2. 45).

²⁰ For select sermons that combine both apostles see Maximus of Turin, who includes apocryphal material, PL 57. 391-408; Maur, Raban in Homilia 27Google Scholar(PL 110: 52-54) integrates the fall of Simon Magus at 53; Aelfric's, Passio apostolorum Petri et Pauli (in Thorpe, Benjamin, ed., The Homilies of the Anglo-Saxon Church, [2 vols.; London: Aelfric Society, 1844] 1. 364–85)Google Scholar integrates the apocryphal stories; the Blickling Homily 15, “Spel be Petrus and Paulus,” (in Morris, R., ed., The Blickling Homilies of the Tenth Century [London: Trübner, 1880] 170–93)Google Scholar contains abundant apocryphal material; Hildebert of Tours, in Sermons de Sanctis—In Festo SS. Petri et Pauli (PL 171. 658-71) wrote three sermons wherein Simon Magus is not mentioned. Peter Blenesis wrote two sermons to the apostles. In the first, he does not use apocrypha, while in the second there is a specific reference to the fall of Simon Magus, respectively in Sermo 28 and Sermo 29 (PL 207. 644-48, 648-50). Radulphus Ardentis appends to the end of his sermon on Peter the inverted crucifixion of the apostle (Sermo 23, PL 155. 1392). The Irish Leabhar Breac includes detailed canonical and apocryphal material (in Atkinson, Robert, ed., The Passions and the Homilies from Leabhar Breac [Dublin: Royal Irish Academy, 1887] 86–95; ET, 329-39).Google Scholar Undoubtedly the source most responsible for disseminating the canonical and apocryphal stories of Peter and Paul is the Golden Legend of Jacobus of Voragine. For the Latin text consult, Graesse, Theodor, ed., Jacobi a Voragine Legenda Aurea (1850; reprinted Osnabriick: Zeller, 1965) 368–79.Google Scholar For a recent translation, see Ryan, William Granger, The Golden Legend: Reading on the Saints. (2 vols.; Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992) 1. 340–50Google Scholar.

²¹ “Aquesta paraula proposada ha dos enteniments: lo primer és literal, e serà quasi per introducció de la matèria; lo segon serà moral, per prosecuciò del sermó” (Sanchis Sivera, Sermons, 2. 45).

²² “Mas, quan Jesuchrist lo volgue’ fer vicari, appella ‘l Pere, dient: “Eg o dico tibi Symoni, que axi te appelles ara, mas d'aci avant te appellaras Pere” (ibid).

²³ “E per ço, de aquest test isqué la costuma en christiandat, que quan volen elegir papa, per bon nom que haja, li muden lo nom” (ibid., 45—46).

²⁴ Matt 4:18-20.

²⁵ “E en la mar ha molts pexos, grans e pochs” (Sanchis Sivera, Sermons, 2. 46).

²⁶ “Quan hun hom rich de vosaltres se converteix… ‘Oo, hun peix havem pres, hun delfi… se converteix una gran dona, que vol lexar les vanitats…’ Oo, una anguila, o una tonyina havem presa!’” (ibid).

²⁷ “E quan en lo sermó se converteix hun llaurador, ‘Oo, hun sparrelló havem pres! Oo, una sardineta havem presa!” (ibid.z, 46—47).

²⁸ “Senyor Jesuchrist, bé-us plau a vós aquest peix; e de aquests pexos demanará Jesuchrist als preycadors al dia del juhi” (ibid., 47).

²⁹ “Qui són en peccat se convertexen, o volen fer penitencia, que De'us los toque al cor… Senyor tu nos has appellats; nosaltres so m prests a vostre manament” (ibid).

³⁰ “Sapiau que aquest món és appellat ‘mare magnum’; axi com en la mar van las naus, axi en la mar de aquest món navegue una molt bella de tres cubertes” (ibid).

³¹ A full linguistic explanation is in Alcover, Antoni Ma. and Moll, Francesc de B., eds., Diccionari Catalá-Valenciá-Balear (Mallorca: Alcover, 1930-1969) 3. 223Google Scholar.

³² “E no deuen exir del monestir sinb per gran necessitat. E ells, què fan? E per ciutat, e per camins, ça e lla vagabunts” (Sanchis Sivera, Sermons, 2. 47).

³³ “És alií on estan les mercaderies, e són los preveres qui han les mercaderies precioses ço és, los sants sagraments de la Església” (ibid).

³⁴ “És alií on estan aquells qui naveguen et corren, e són los llauradors, e.ls altres que treballen” (ibid).

³⁵ “E ara, aquell qui porte llenya, negociant temporalment en lo dia de la festa, no trenque notoriament la festa?… ‘Al lop! Al lop!’” (ibid., 48). New Testament references to wolves are in Matt 7:15; 10:16; John 10:12; and Acts 20:29.

³⁶ “E per ço lo appelle: ‘Simon ponens tristiciam"’ (Sanchis Sivera, Sermons, 2. 49).

³⁷ “E tan gran penitència era a ell necessària per aquells peccats?” (ibid., 49-50).

³⁸ “E veus com: ell anav e preyqua n per lo món, de regne en regne, de ciutat en ciutat, de vila en vila, de castell en castell, procurant la honor de Déu” (ibid., 50-51).

³⁹ Acts 8:20, 22.

⁴⁰ See the medieval sources cited in note 20 above.

⁴¹ There is a second reprobate image of Simon Magus in Vincent Ferrer: “Some who begin the good life later leave it. That is how it was with Simon Magus, who began the apostolic life and, when the fulfillment of time came, he left it.” (“Aprés, alguns deffallen algunes vegades per malicia, qui comencen bona vida, aprés lexenla, axi com féu, Simon Magusx, qui començá’ vida apostolical, e quan vench a cap de temps lexá—la,” Sermon 34); “Feria VI (Post dominicam II Post Trinitatem)” (Sanchis Sivera, Sermons, 2. 80).

⁴² “E veus que sent Pere, vehent lo gran pecat” (Sanchis Sivera, Sermons, 2. 51).

⁴³ “In the city [Rome] was the enchanter Simon Magus, they told him [Peter] while he was in Antioch; so finally Simon Peter preached against him.” (“anà a la ciutat on ere aquell encantador Simon Magus, e dehyen-li Anthiochia, e, finalment, sent Pere preycave contra ell” (ibid).

⁴⁴ “E sent Pere preycave contra aquell, e finalment, per la vida que vehyen e los miracles que fahye, lo poble conexie que aquell ere encantador” (ibid).

⁴⁵ “Tu preyques contra mi; ara yo vull mostrar que só fill de Déu” (ibid).

⁴⁶ “…e axí fón, e los dimonis, invisibles, portaven-lo per l'ayre. E sent Pere vehye los dimonis” (ibid).

⁴⁷ “E los dimonis, forçats, tantost lo lexaren, e caygué en terra, e parti-li's lo cap per mig e morí, e l'ànima anà ab.C[cent] M[mil], dimonis” (ibid). This story became the most widely portrayed in medieval art. There are many examples of this image across the centuries. See the preliminary remarks in Ferreiro, Alberto, “Simon Magus: The Patristic-Medieval Traditions and Historiography,” Apocrypha 7 (1996) 146–65.CrossRefGoogle Scholar In the summer of 1992, after consulting the Princeton Index of Christian Art at UCLA, along with other sources elsewhere, I have located about fifty images.

⁴⁸ “He, Senyor! E mostrat.hi miracle per honor vostra, per tal que.s convertesque lo poble” (ibid).

⁴⁹ “Que la vullau colre e tenir e demanar a Déu vostres necessitats, e nou vullau anar a adevins” (ibid., 51-52).

⁵⁰ See Alcover and Moll, Diccionari, 3. 266.

⁵¹ “E antigament la coloma era sacrifici molt plaent, ‘sacrificium suauissimum’” (Sanchis Sivera, Sermons, 2. 52).

⁵² At the “Colloque international sur la litterature apocryphe chretienne,” which convened March 22-25, 1995, at the Universities of Lausanne and Geneva, Russian scholar Constantine I. Logachev told how, in the facade of a building constructed under the orders of Peter the Great, the scene of Simon Magus falling from heaven is dramatically captured. In the relief, Peter the Great is in the place of the apostle Peter, and the king of Sweden is Simon Magus. Professor Logachev went on to describe how tour guides present the scene as if it were right out of the pages of the New Testament. I would add that in numerous altar pieces in chapels and churches dedicated to St. Peter across Europe, the canonical and apocryphal scenes of Peter's life often appear side by side.

⁵³ “Sapiats que sent Pere preycave contra hun pecat de luxiiria, specialment contra peccat de fornicació” (Sanchis Sivera, Sermons, 2. 52).

⁵⁴ “Oo! E açó ha fet a mi? Yo li'n faré altra; yo li tolré la vida” (ibid).

⁵⁵ “Mon senyor Jesuchrist, qua vench en la nit de la Passió no volgué fogir” (ibid).

⁵⁶ “Co m romandre m nosaltres sens cap, si vós moriu?” (ibid).

⁵⁷ ibid. For the Passio text see, Lipsius and Bonnet, Acta Apostolorum, 1.1. 169. The Golden Legend reads, “Cui dixit: tune es ille, qui in plebibus et mulierculis, quas a toro vovorum separas, gloriaris?” (“Agrippa said to him: ‘So you are the one who glories amon g the commo n people and the little wome n who m you wean from their husbands’ beds!’”). For the Latin, see Graesse, , Legenda Aurea, 374Google Scholar; and for the English translation, see Ryan, , Golden Legend, 345Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ “Adoramus te, Christe, et benedicimus tibi, quia per sanctam crucem tuam redimisti mundum” (Sanchis Sivera, Sermons, 2. 53).

⁵⁹ “Yo fuy crucificat en Jerusalem, e vull esser crucificat altre vegada en Roma, e desapparech” (ibid).

⁶⁰ “Finalment, ell donà sentencia que fos crucificat, e portaren.lo al loch on devie ésser crucificat” (ibid).

⁶¹ “Ara yo vos prech que no-m crucifiqueu ab lo cap alt, mas de cap avail” (ibid).

⁶² “E sent Pere recomana-li sos fills que havie engendrat de la sua sposa en la font del babtisme, e que-ls volgués conservar en la fe Christiana e bona vida” (ibid).

⁶³ “E prengué-la en les sues mans santes, e axi pujaren alt al eel” (ibid).

⁶⁴ “E veus com sent Pere fo fill de coloma, e fo sacrifici molt odoriferant a Jesuchrist” (ibid).

⁶⁵ “Car no ha virtut, mas aquella de Jesuchrist” (ibid).