1 See Richard Finn, Almsgiving in the Later Roman Empire: Christian Promotion and Practice 313–450 (OCM; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006); Peter Brown, Poverty and Leadership in the Later Roman Empire (The Menahem Stern Jerusalem Lectures; Hanover: University Press of New England, 2002); idem, Through the Eye of a Needle: Wealth, the Fall of Rome, and the Making of Christianity in the West, 350–550 AD (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2012); Gary A. Anderson, Charity: The Place of the Poor in the Biblical Tradition (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2013); Yael Wilfand, The Wheel That Overtakes Everyone: Poverty and Charity in the Eyes of Sages in the Land of Israel (Tel Aviv: Hakibbutz Hameuchad, 2017) [Hebrew]; Gregg Gardner, The Origins of Organized Charity in Rabbinic Judaism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015).

2 For an excellent survey of the main biblical and postbiblical sources and their reception in Judaism and Christianity, see Anderson, Charity.

3 This is the position of Daniel Schwartz. According to him, 2 Macc 3:1–40 did not belong to the work of Jason of Cyrene abridged by the epitomist (see 2 Macc 2:23). He believes that it forms a unit closed within itself and therefore that the story derives from “a special source” (see Daniel R. Schwartz, 2 Maccabees [CEJL; Berlin: de Gruyter, 2008] 4–6). Schwartz does not say whether he is thinking of a source like the one Jonathan Goldstein suggested: the memoirs of Onias IV (see Jonathan Goldstein, “The Tales of the Tobiads,” in Christianity, Judaism and Other Greco-Roman Cults: Studies for Morton Smith at Sixty [ed. Jacob Neusner; 4 vols.; SJLA 12; Leiden: Brill, 1975] 3:85–123). For a skeptical assessment of this last hypothesis, see Robert Doran, Temple Propaganda: The Purpose and Character of 2 Maccabees (CBQMS 12; Washington, DC: Catholic Biblical Association of America, 1981) 17–18.

4 On this topic, see Niels Stokholm, “Zür Überlieferung von Heliodor (2 Makk. 3), Kturnaḥḥunte, und anderen missglückten Tempelräubern,” ST 22 (1968) 1–28. For a new assessment of the date of composition of the so-called Kedorlaomer Texts, now believed to betray a historiographical style that developed only during the late Persian or early Hellenistic period (late 4th or 3rd century BCE), see Geert de Breucker, “Heroes and Sinners: Babylonian Kings in Cuneiform Historiography of the Persian and Hellenistic Periods,” in Political Memory in and After the Persian Empire (ed. Jason M. Silverman and Caroline Waerzeggers; ANEM 13; Atlanta: SBL Press, 2015) 75–94; Michael Jursa, “A Babylonian Priestly Martyr, a King-like Priest, and the Nature of Late Babylonian Priestly Literature,” WZKM 107 (2017) 77–98.

5 The recent publication of a stele that was discovered in Maresha (Idumea) has brought new data to the issue of the historicity of the episode related in 2 Macc 3. The stele contains a decree by Seleucus IV concerning the reorganization of the administration of the temples in Coele-Syria and Phoenike, dated from 178 BCE. In the three letters that form the corpus of the stele, and by which the decree quoted in the third is to be enforced, appear both the Seleucid king recalled in 2 Macc 3 and his chief minister, Heliodorus. This “happy coincidence” allowed the researchers to propose new understandings for the controversy between Onias and the Seleucid authorities, who had decided to name someone to take care of the temples. The original publication: Hannah M. Cotton and Michael Wörrle, “Seleukos IV to Heliodoros: A New Dossier of Royal Correspondence from Israel,” ZPE 159 (2007) 191–205. For a recent attempt to read the episode of Heliodorus in the light of the epigraphic evidence, see Uriel Rappaport, “Did Heliodoros Try to Rob the Treasures of the Jerusalem Temple? Date and Probability of the Story of II Maccabees, 3,” REJ 170 (2011) 3–19.

6 Elias J. Bickerman, Studies in Jewish and Christian History (ed. Amram Tropper; 2 vols.; 3rd ed.; AGJU 68/1; Leiden: Brill, 2007) 1:436. According to him, this term should not be confounded with θησαυρός, a room where all other sorts of goods could also be stored. Yet, as he also recognizes, the evidence derived from the LXX seems to suggest that the Jewish translators and authors may have used the term without full awareness of its more precise meaning: see 4 Kgdms 23:11; Neh 10:38–39, 13:4–9; 1 Esd 5:44; etc.

7 There is a dispute about the status of Simon as προστάτης τοῦ ἱɛροῦ (overseer of the temple). Bickerman maintains that the use of καθίστημι (to appoint) suggests an official designation by the Seleucid authorities: he worked as a kind of royal representative (see Studies, 1:432; see also Gerassimos G. Aperghis, The Seleukid Royal Economy: The Finances and Financial Administration of the Seleukid Empire [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004] 287; Rappaport, “Did Heliodoros Try to Rob,” 12). Tcherikover questioned this assumption and identified this title with the נְגִד בֵּית הָאֱלֹהִים (chief of the House of God) mentioned in Neh 11:11, assuming he was a member of the temple’s local administration (see Victor A. Tcherikover, Hellenistic Civilization and the Jews [trans. Shimon Applebaum; Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1959] 464–65; see also Cotton and Wörrle, “Seleukos IV to Heliodoros,” 202). The issue must remain unsolved on the absence of other evidence concerning a similar officialdom (can it be assimilated to the strategos of the temple of the later sources?), even if the prompt answer of the Seleucid authorities seems to favor the existence of some institutional link between Simon and the foreign power.

8 Simon refers to the money as τὸ πλῆθος τῶν διαφόρων ἀναρίθμητον (2 Macc 3:6). This expression has been differently interpreted. Bickerman believes that, in this case, the Greek word διάφορον is employed in the sense of “discrepancies” or “surplus” and points to the “difference” between what the Seleucid king gave to the temple to be spent in sacrifices (see 2 Macc 3:3: “Seleucus, king of Asia, defrayed from his own revenues all the expenses of the sacrificial liturgy”) and what was really expended (see Studies, 1:436–37). Goldstein objects to this explanation. In his opinion, the Seleucid officials would know that those funds were inviolable and so irrecoverable: it is the private deposits that Simon (and the Seleucid administration) had in mind, and so the term means simply “money” (see, for example, 2 Macc 1:35; 4:28; see Jonathan Goldstein, II Maccabees: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary [AB 41A; New York: Doubleday, 1983] 204–5). As Schwartz noted, Goldstein’s argument presupposes an anticipation of the story line, since the deposits are only mentioned in 3:10. It is then natural to link the use of the term διάφορον with the money that, in the words of Simon, was kept (and probably used) for purposes other than those assigned to it by the Seleucid rule, namely, the “account of the sacrifices.” That being the case, according to this “first narrative voice,” the apparently symbiotic situation described in 2 Macc 3:1–3 hides, in fact, a mischief perpetuated under the authority of the high priest. The Seleucid officials and the king, trusting in Simon’s words, seem to rally behind this perception of the treasury’s content or, at least, be prepared to act on it (see 3:7: “he [the king] chose Heliodorus, who was in charge of his affairs, and sent him with commands to effect the removal of the aforementioned money”; see Schwartz, 2 Maccabees, 191–92).

9 For the difference between a “bank” sensu stricto (an institution that uses the deposits by individuals to make loans to third parties) and a simple “financial intermediary” (who just keeps them and only lends its own property), see Marty E. Stevens, Temples, Tithes, and Taxes: The Temple and the Economic Life of Ancient Israel (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 2006) 137. On the topic of the Temple as a “financial intermediary,” with references to the ancient sources, both Jewish (Philo, Josephus, etc.) and pagan, see Neill Q. Hamilton, “Temple Cleansing and Temple Bank,” JBL 83 (1964) 365–72.

10 See Bickerman, Studies, 1:442–43: “According to the biblical law, a Jewish woman was incapable of inheriting from her husband, and she was entitled to inherit from her parents only if there was no direct male heir…. In the Hellenistic period, however, the evolution of customary law opened up a loophole to escape from the rigidity of the Mosaic rules. We may recall Judith, the pious and faithful widow to whom her husband bequeathed his entire fortune in gold and silver, livestock, slaves, and land.” For a nuanced perspective on the biblical evidence, see Richard H. Hiers, “Transfer of Property by Inheritance and Bequest in Biblical Law and Tradition,” Journal of Law and Religion 10 (1993) 121–55, at 130–34; Naomi Steinberg, “Romancing the Widow: The Economic Distinctions between the ’almānâ, the ’iššâ-’almānâ and the ’ēšet-hammēt,” in God’s Word for Our World: Theological and Cultural Studies in Honor of Simon John De Vries (ed. Rolf P. Knierim et al.; 2 vols.; LHBOTS 388; London: T&T Clark, 2004) 1:327–46.

11 Among the commentators, Christian Habicht (see 2. Makkabäerbuch [JSHRZ 1/3; Gütersloh: Mohn, 1976] 211), Goldstein (see II Maccabees, 207), and Schwartz (see 2 Maccabees, 194) follow Bickerman’s lead explicitly, while others, such as Thomas Fischer (“Heliodor im Tempel zu Jerusalem. Ein ‘hellenistischer’ Aspekt der ‘frommen Legende,’” in Prophetie und geschichtliche Wirklichkeit im alten Israel. Festschrift für Siegfried Herrmann zum 65. Geburtstag [ed. Siegfried Herrmann, Rüdiger Liwak, and Siegfried Wagner; Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1991] 122–33, at 122) and Jan N. Bremmer (“Close Encounters of the Third Kind: Heliodorus in the Temple and Paul on the Road to Damascus,” in “Empsychoi Logoi”: Religious Innovations in Antiquity; Studies in Honour of Pieter Willem van Der Horst [ed. Alberdina Houtman, Albert Jong, and Magda Misset-Van De Weg; AJEC 73; Leiden: Brill, 2008] 367–84, at 370), simply assume the possessive genitive, without further explanation. Among the recent English translations, for example, both the RSV and the NRSV, as well as the NETS, translate “deposits belonging to widows and orphans,” reading a possessive/subjective genitive (see also the English translation of Tedesche, in Zeitlin’s edition of 2 Maccabees: “deposits entrusted to his care, but that they belonged to widows and orphans”: Solomon Zeitlin, The Second Book of Maccabees [JAL 4; New York: Harper & Brothers, 1954] 121). See also 4 Macc 4:3: πολλὰς ἰδιωτικῶν χρημάτων μυριάδας (many tens of thousands of private funds [NETS]).

12 The reference to the deposit of Hyrcanus, the son of Tobias (2 Macc 3:11a), is difficult to evaluate, first of all, because there is no consensus regarding his historical identity. Traditionally, the commentators read 2 Macc 3 in light of Josephus’s account of the Tobiads’ saga (Josephus, Ant. 12.154–236) and believe that this Hyrcanus is actually the son of Joseph Tobias (see, for example, Bickerman, Studies, 1:442; on the relations between Oniads and Tobiads, see Martin Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism: Studies in Their Encounter in Palestine during the Early Hellenistic Period [2 vols.; London: SCM, 1974] 1:267–77). Recently, however, Doran has questioned this connection. In his opinion, both Hyrcanus and Tobias are fairly common as names, and it would be rather counterintuitive to put a reference to a pro-Ptolemaic rebel on the lips of Onias when he is trying to convince the Seleucid official of the legitimacy of his conduct (see Robert Doran, 2 Maccabees: A Critical Commentary [Hermeneia; Minneapolis: Fortress, 2012] 83). Second, evaluation is difficult because the purpose of the mention is not clear: other than asserting that Hyrcanus of Tobias enjoyed the favor of the high priest Onias, the choice to name this presumed depositor remains indeterminate, and it cannot be excluded that it constitutes a gloss (or part of a secondary layer: see Bickerman, Studies, 1:445–61). Be that as it may, either historically accurate or merely ideologically relevant, the mention of what seems to be a deposit by a rich member of the Jerusalem elite does not preclude the possibility of distinguishing between the first two genitives and this third, putting in parallel the temple function as relief center for the poor and its service as a “bank.”

13 Among the commentators, the “older” ones, such as Gutberlet, Bévenot, and Abel, tended to assume, at least as the best explanation, that this money was intended for widows and orphans, not their possession sensu stricto. So, Constantin Gutberlet (1927): “Die Schätze des Temples werden Deposita der Witwen und Waisen gennant, weil sie für diese bestimmt waren, sozusagen ihr Eigentum, gerade so unantastbar wie wirkliche Deposita” (Das zweite Buch der Machabäer [ATA 10/3–4; Münster: Aschendorff, 1927] 48). Hugh Bévenot (1931) follows the same line: “Zudem bestand die Summe teilweise aus einer Stiftung zum Unterhalt von ‘Witwen und Waisen,’ teilweise aus Geldern des hochangesehenen Hyrkanus” (Die beiden Makkabäerbücher [HSAT 4/4; Bonn: Hanstein, 1931] 182). Félix-Marie Abel (1949) is somehow more prudent but still favors the “providentialistic” view: “Ces dépôts étaient, suivant quelques anciens, des offrandes qui se faisaient au Temple pour l’entretien des veuves et des orphelins, conformément à Dt. 14,25 et 29. On explique aussi ce terme par l’usage que les gens sans défense avaient de placer leurs biens sous la protection du sanctuaire” (Les livres des Maccabées [EBib 38; Paris: Librairie Lecoffre, 1949] 320). See also Werner Dommershausen, 1 Makkabäer. 2 Makkabäer (NEchtB 12; Würzburg: Echter, 1985) 119. The more recent commentators tend to follow Bickerman’s lead, but Doran does not close the door to such an interpretation and actually seems to give preference to it: “Since widows and orphans are frequently portrayed as the neediest in society and most in need of protection, it is surprising that they have deposits in the temple large enough to be noticed. There are at least three possible interpretations. If the genitive is objective, these are deposits on behalf of widows and orphans that the temple authorities can dispense when needed. If the genitive is subjective, this could be either a rhetorical ploy to suggest how heinous taking the money would be and that it will be avenged (Exod 22:22–24; Deut 10:18; Ps 68:5) or evidence of widows inheriting their husband’s wealth as, for example, Judith, who had been left gold and silver, male and female slaves, livestock, and fields (Jdt 8:7; Sir 22:4)” (2 Maccabees, 82). Among the translations, Brenton’s LXX, NEB, NAB, and NJB read an objective genitive. Takamitsu Muraoka, in his Lexicon of the LXX, shares the same understanding: “for widows and orphans” (A Greek-English Lexicon of the Septuagint [Leuven: Peeters, 2009] 528).

14 See Titus Livius, De urbe condita, 24.18.13–14: “cum haec inclinatio animorum plebis ad sustinendam inopiam aerarii fieret, pecuniae quoque pupillares primo, deinde uiduarum coeptae conferri, nusquam eas tutius sanctiusque deponere credentibus qui deferebant quam in publica fide; inde si quid emptum paratumque pupillis ac uiduis foret, a quaestore perscribebatur” (While the plebeians were thus showing their readiness to meet the difficulties of an empty treasury, the money of orphans first and then of widows began to be deposited, those who brought the money believing that their deposits would not be safer or more scrupulously protected anywhere than when they were under the guarantee of the state. Whatever was bought or provided for the orphans and widows was written down by the quaestor. [I have made minor modifications to the translation found in Livy, History of Rome, Books 23–35 (trans. Frank G. Moore; LCL 355; 1940; repr., Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984) 232–33]).

15 See Annette Schellenberg, “Hilfe für Witwen und Waisen. Ein gemein-altorientalisches Motiv in wechselnden alttestamentlichen Diskussionszusammenhängen,” ZAW 124 (2012) 180–200, with earlier bibliography and quotation of the most relevant biblical and ancient Near Eastern sources. On the stereotype of the widow in the ancient Near East, see Karel van der Toorn, “Torn between Vice and Virtue: Stereotypes of the Widow in Israel and Mesopotamia,” in Female Stereotypes in Religious Traditions (ed. Ria Kloppenborg and Wouter J. Hanegraaff; SHR 66; Leiden: Brill, 1995) 1–13 (especially p. 6: “Lack of financial means, then, does not belong to the definition of the widow. Yet it is so commonly associated with her that it was apparently felt to be a redundancy to speak of the ‘poor widow.’ Despite the occurrence of well-to-do widows, the public cherished an image of the widow as a woman in need”).

16 Anderson, Charity, 28. On the tithe in ancient Near Eastern sources and in the Bible, see Weinfeld’s excellent synthesis in the Encyclopedia Judaica: Moshe Weinfeld, “Tithe,” EncJud 19:736–39.

17 God’s commitment to the poor is deeply rooted in Israelite thought and shapes even the oldest legal material found in the Hebrew Bible, the Covenant Code (Exod 21:1–23:33). As Bartor observed, in this legal corpus, the literary technique of combining the “objective” position and style of the lawgiver and the “personal” point of view of another speaker (“combined discourse”) is used solely in the law concerning the lending of money to the poor (see Exod 22:24–26), with the divine lawgiver lending his voice to the poor man’s complaint. This unique feature seems to betray a very specific understanding of God’s character: his proximity to, and solidarity with, the destitute are so embedded in his nature that he cannot help expressing them even when assuming the “objective” stance of the lawgiver (see Assnat Bartor, “The Representation of Speech in the Casuistic Laws of the Pentateuch: The Phenomenon of Combined Discourse,” JBL 126 [2007] 231–49, at 236–38; see also Bradley C. Gregory, Like an Everlasting Signet Ring: Generosity in the Book of Sirach [DCLS 2; Berlin: de Gruyter, 2010] 174–75).

18 The translation is by Robert Littman, in Tobit: The Book of Tobit in Codex Sinaiticus (Septuagint Commentary Series; Leiden: Brill, 2008) 163. The substitution of “resident aliens” by “proselytes” may be explained by the transformation of גר (resident alien) from a sociopolitical to a cultic term in the late Second Temple period. On this issue, see Karl G. Kuhn, “Προσήλυτος,” TDNT 6:728–42; also Joseph A. Fitzmyer, Tobit (CEJL; Berlin: de Gruyter, 2003) 110–11.

19 See Joachim Jeremias, Jerusalem in the Time of Jesus: An Investigation into Economic and Social Conditions during the New Testament Period (London: SCM, 1969) 130. In an article soon to be published, Stephen Long highlights the correspondence between the three-fold structure of the gifts (first-fruits; tithe of the produce and the “third tithe”) and the recipients (priests; Levites; widows, orphans, and proselytes) and the three mentions of Jerusalem in Tob 1:6–8, qualifying the latter as the proper locale of distribution (see also 1 Macc 3:49–50, 10:31; Josephus, Ant. 4.240; Philo, Spec. 1.152–161; y. Soṭah 9:11, 44b–45a). Also noteworthy is the choice to give prominence to the tithe: it is now (re)conceptualized as a form of sacrifice (in light of Lev 27:30 and Deut 26:12–15), without losing its charity-oriented flavor (in Deuteronomy, it serves mainly as a support for [unemployed] Levites and for the poor: see Deut 14:22–23, 28–29). The tithe is then to be brought to the central sanctuary, where the faithful Israelite should not “appear empty-handed” (see Exod 23:14–17; Deut 16:16–17), eventually recasting the temple as a depository or a “relief center” for the needy and (re)asserting God as their true benefactor (see Stephen Long, “‘Because of Commandment’: The Hermeneutical ‘Pressure’ of Deuteronomy on the Configurations of Sacrifice and Generosity in Tobit and Ben Sira” [unpublished paper] 1–28, at 2–18). On the initial stages of this process of “full cultic recentralization” of the tithing (all the tithe!) in the Second Temple period, see Mal 3:10; Neh 10:38–39, 12:44, 13:5, 12; 2 Chr 31:5–7; and 1 Kgdms 1:21 (see Gedalia Alon, Jews, Judaism, and the Classical World: Studies in Jewish History in the Times of the Second Temple and Talmud [trans. Israel Abrahams; Jerusalem: Magnes, 1977] 89–102).

20 See above, n. 17. A counterpart to this text would be the biblical passages that say or imply that the God of Israel does not care for widows and orphans. In Job 24, the protagonist complains about the chaotic situation of the world and names the oppression of widows and orphans among the signs of God’s failure to establish justice. Psalm 82, another plea for justice, also names the orphan among those who wait for divine intervention. Schellenberg concludes: “Die Pointe hier ist, dass es sich bei אלהים um die Götter handelt, denen Gott vorwirft, in ihrer Aufgabe als Götter zu versagen” (“Hilfe für Witwen und Waisen,” 192).

21 In this context, it is worth mentioning the criticism dressed against the “wicked priest” in the Pesher Habakkuk. Being a “robber” of the אביונים (“poor”) is another sign of the defiled nature of his priesthood: “And as for what he says: [Hab 2:17] ‘Owing to the blood of the city and the violence (done to) the country.’ Its interpretation: the city is Jerusalem in which the /Wicked/ Priest performed repulsive acts and defiled the Sanctuary of God. The violence (done to) the country are the cities of Judah which he plundered of the possessions of the poor” (ואשר אמר מדמי קריה וחמס ארץ פשרו הקריה היא ירושלים אשר פעל בה הכוהן ^הרשע מעשי תועבות ויטמא את מקדש אל וחמס ארץ המה ערי יהודה אשר גזל הון אביונים [1QpHab XII, 6b–10a]; translation drawn from The Dead Sea Scrolls: Study Edition (Translations) [ed. Florentino García Martínez and Eibert J. C. Tigchelaar; 2 vols.; Leiden: Brill, 1997] 1:21). For the technical use of the vocabulary of poverty in Qumran, see Wilfand, The Wheel That Overtakes Everyone, 44–46.

22 See Schellenberg, “Hilfe für Witwen und Waisen,” 185–87.

23 On the contrast between the “pedagogical,” “diplomatic” perspective of 2 Maccabees (an attitude that favors détente and cooperation, reading the missteps of the Seleucids as a result of misunderstanding) and the “rebellious” pro-activity of 1 Maccabees, see the illuminating discussion in Steven Weitzman, Surviving Sacrilege: Cultural Persistence in Jewish Antiquity (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2005) 41–46. Another aspect that is also interesting to consider, even if we step here into more speculative terrain, pertains to the name of the main villain, the Seleucid official, Heliodorus. It means “gift of the Sun.” In a telling coincidence, the two ancient Near Eastern divinities to whom the care of widows and orphans is particularly assigned are Shamash in the Semitic world and Amun in the Egyptian pantheon, a god that was the object of a process of “solarization” in the period of the New Kingdom, by its fusion with Ra (“Amun-Ra”). It is tempting to read the victory of the God of Israel over the Seleucid official as a revindication of the true protector of the poor or even as a parody against these two solar or “solarized” deities. This is a hypothesis that would win further weight if, as Goldstein suggested, the story was composed by the Oniads after their settlement in Egypt in the nomus of Heliopolis (see “Tales of the Tobiads”).

24 I use the edition prepared by Donatien de Bruyne: Les anciennes traductions latines des Machabées (Denée: Abbaye de Maredsous, 1932).

25 De Bruyne believes that it depends on both the text of L and its revision as reflected in X and cannot be earlier than the 5th century (see ibid., xxxi–xxxii). Bickerman, on the contrary, insists that Ambrose, in his Enarrationes in Psalmos, written between 387 and 397, knows the “Vulgate” text of 2 Macc 3:25 (V is the only text that mentions the horseman’s attack here) and concludes that this translation should be dated to the second half of the 4th century at the latest (see Studies, 1:446 n. 97).

26 1 Esd 5:44, 8:18, 44; 2 Esd 10:6; Neh 3:30, 10:38, 39; 12:44, 13:4, 5, 7, 8, 9; Esth 3:9, 28; 1 Macc 3:28, 14:49; 4 Macc 4:3, 6.

27 For a recent survey of the history of the modern interpretation of the gesture of the “generous widow,” with some authors claiming that it is a criticism against the temple for being an instrument of oppression of the poor, see Markus Lau, “Die Witwe, das γαζοφυλάκιον und der Tempel. Beobachtungen zur mk Erzählung vom ‘Scherflein der Witwe’ (Mk 12,41–44),” ZNW 107 (2016) 186–205.

28 Origen, Commentaire sur Saint Jean. Tome IV: Livres XIX–XX (trans. and ed. Cécile Blanc; SC 290; Paris: Cerf, 1982) 72–75. The English translation is mine.

29 See ibid., 74 n. 1.

30 On the quotations, some only implicit, of 1–2 Maccabees in Origen, see Gilles Dorival, “Origène, lecteur du premier et deuxième livres des Maccabées,” in La mémoire des persécutions. Autour des livres des Maccabées (ed. Marie-Françoise Baslez and Olivier Munnich; Collection de la Revue des études juives 56; Leuven: Peeters, 2014) 371–83.

31 For the Latin text, see Cyprian of Carthage, De opere et eleemosynis 15, in idem, La bienfaisance et les aumônes (trans. and ed. Michel Poirier; SC 440; Paris: Cerf, 1999) 120. The translation is drawn from Cyprian of Carthage, Treatise VIII: On Works and Alms (ANF [ed. Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson; 10 vols.; 1885‒1887; repr., Edinburgh: T&T Clark; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1990] 5:480). I updated the translation.

32 For the Greek text, see Chrysostom, Eleem. (PG 60; 747). The translation is mine.

33 See Geoffrey W. H. Lampe, A Patristic Greek Lexicon (1969; repr., Oxford: Clarendon, 2010) 306.

34 See Finn, Almsgiving in the Later Roman Empire, 45.

35 See ibid., 42: “Such evidence as there is for the third century onwards points towards a collection in many places at the weekly synaxis. To this end there was an alms-box in the church variously named the ‘corban’ … ‘gazum’, ‘gazophylacium’, and at least on one occasion the ‘chariot’ or ‘quadriga’. Yet certainty is often precluded by the degree to which almsgiving is couched in biblical terms deriving both from the episode of the widow’s mite thrown into the Temple treasury (Luke 21:1–4 and Mark 12:41–4) and the call of Christ to store up treasure in heaven (Matthew 6:19–20, Luke 12:33–4) [italics added].”

36 On the question of the date, the addressees, and the purpose of Ambrose’s De Officiis, see the introductory chapter of Davidson’s edition: Ambrose of Milan, De Officiis (trans. and ed. Ivor J. Davidson; 2 vols.; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002) 2:1–95. Unless stated otherwise, the quotations of the Latin text and the English translations follow this edition.

37 As asserted recently by McLynn, this highly dramatic gesture by the bishop of Milan could have been motivated by a less “charitable” purpose. Most probably, most of the items had been supplied by his predecessor Auxentius, a member of the Homoean party, and by Emperor Constantius II, so, by destroying them, he was “purifying” his church of this unwanted legacy (see Neil B. McLynn, Ambrose of Milan: Church and Court in a Christian Capital [Transformation of the Classical Heritage 22; Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994] 56; see also the note to no. 136 in Ambrose of Milan, De Officiis, 2:789–91). On the selling of sacred vessels, with both examples and the legislation issued by the ancient Church on the topic, see Thomas Sternberg, “‘Aurum Utile’. Zu einem Topos vom Vorrang der Caritas über Kirchenschätze seit Ambrosius,” JAC 39 (1996) 128–48.

38 Peter Brown reads this process of “pauperization” of the Church property in parallel with what he deems to be the main preoccupation of Ambrose: to build a sense of cohesion and solidarity within the Christian community, by turning them into a populus. In order to achieve this, Ambrose also works hard to elevate the image of the poor, claiming their right to justice and urging the other Christians to treat them like brothers, not “social outsiders.” This shared identity (in Christ) requires a shared participation of the goods, with the Church treasur(i)es also at the service of this all-encompassing purpose (see Brown, Through the Eye of a Needle, 120–34).

39 The translation is mine.

40 For the Latin text, see Ambrose of Milan, Epistola XXVI in Ambrosius, Epistulae et acta, epistularum libri I–VI (ed. Otto Faller; CSEL 82/1; Vienna: Hoelder-Pichler-Tempsky, 1968) 170. The translation is mine.

41 The main sources can be found already in Louis Thomassin, Vetus et Nova Ecclesiae Disciplina circa Beneficia et Beneficiarios (3 vols.; Paris: Joannem Anisson, 1691) 3:554–61 (Liber III, Caput XXVI–XXVII). Sternberg offers a helpful summary of the evidence, analyzing, in particular, the texts from Gaul, in Thomas Sternberg, Orientalium more secutus. Räume und Institionen der Caritas des 5. bis 7. Jahrhunderts in Gallien (JAC Ergänzungsband 16; Münster: Aschendorff, 1991) 33–36. Brown has written extensively on the topic and the conglomerate of notions surrounding it in recent years: see Peter Brown, Power and Persuasion in Late Antiquity: Towards a Christian Empire (Curti Lecture Series; Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1992) 71–117; idem, Poverty and Leadership (esp. 1–73); idem, Through the Eye of a Needle (esp. 79–92, 481–502). For a similar phenomenon within rabbinic Judaism (increasing rabbinic involvement in communal institutions of support of the poor as a way of enhancing their prestige and authority), see Michael L. Satlow, “‘Fruit and the Fruit of Fruit’: Charity and Piety among Jews in Late Antique Palestine,” JQR 100 (2010) 244–77, at 270–74.

42 See Schwartz, 2 Maccabees, 90: “Rabbinic literature and medieval Jewish literature … show next to no interest in our book [2 Maccabees] (as most of the apocryphal literature)…. Josippon, a tenth-century Jewish version of Josephus which quite obviously used some version of 2 Maccabees, is a striking exception.” For the memory of the Maccabees in the rabbinic sources, see Günter Stemberger, “The Maccabees in Rabbinic Tradition,” in The Scriptures and the Scrolls: Studies in Honour of A. S. van der Woude on the Occasion of his 65th Birthday (ed. Florentino García Martínez, A. Hilhorst, and C. J. Labuschagne; VTSup 49; Leiden: Brill, 1992) 193–203. For the medieval Jewish interest in the Maccabees, see David Flusser, “The Memory of the Maccabees among Medieval Jews,” Cathedra 75 (1995) 36–54 (Hebrew).

43 The translation is adapted from the one by Jacob Neusner in The Mishnah: A New Translation (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988) 259–60. See also m. Šeq. 2:5 and the discussion about the destiny of the different “surplus” (מוֹתַר) of money collected at the temple: money was also collected for use of the needy (לָעֲנִיִּים) and other charitable activities, such as redeeming captives and burying the dead.

44 See Wilfand, The Wheel That Overtakes Everyone, 180–81. Gardner contends that the practices surrounding the קופה (originally destined for the poor of good background) may have decisively influenced the understanding of the “chamber of secrets” of the temple manifested by the editors/redactors of the Mishnah (see Origins of Organized Charity, 16–17).

45 On the concept of poor בני טובים and the preoccupation with their dignity reflected in the rabbinic sources from the land of Israel, see Wilfand, The Wheel That Overtakes Everyone, 127–65. See also the traditions in y. Šeq. 5:6, 49a–b, within the discussion of the “chamber of secrets,” praising the practice of giving alms in secret, citing Prov 21:14: (מַתָּן בַּסֵּתֶר יִכְפֶּה־אָף [NRSV: “A gift in secret averts anger”]); and b. B. Bat. 9b; b. Ḥag 5a.

46 The translation is drawn from Numbers and Deuteronomy (trans. and ed. John T. Townsend; vol. 3 of Midrash Tanḥuma; New York: Ktav, 2003) 319–20. On the style and late date (probably 10th century) of the (final) edition of the Tanḥuma, see Mira Balberg, Gateway to Rabbinic Literature (Raanana, Israel: Open University of Israel, 2013) 254 (Hebrew). Nevertheless, the collection is composed by midrashim from very different periods, some earlier (Amoraic period?) and others rather late. In the midrash under analysis, and even though such is not a definitive argument, the sage evoked, R. Judah b. R. Simon, is a famous Amora Eretz Yisraeli from the third or fourth generation (late 3rd–early 4th century). For the arguments in favor of dating the homiletic material compiled in the Tanḥuma to an early period, see Hermann L. Strack and Günter Stemberger, Introduction to the Talmud and Midrash (trans. Markus Bockmuehl; 2nd ed.; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1996) 302–6 (basing themselves on the work of Marc Bregman).

47 See also Exod. Rab. 31.5: “So it is said, If thou lend money to any of my people. When Israel asked God: ‘Who is your people?’ The reply was: ‘The poor,’ for it is said: For the Lord has comforted his people, and will have compassion on his poor [Isa 49:13]. It is human nature that when a man has poor relations, he does not own them if he is wealthy … but the Holy One, blessed be He, is not so, for it is said, Both riches and honor come from You [1 Chr 29:12], yet He protects the poor, as it is said, The Lord has founded Zion, and the poor among his people will take refuge in her” (the translation is drawn from Midrash Rabbah (trans. Harry Freedman; 10 vols.; Hindhead, Surrey, UK: Soncino, 1983) 3:383 [slightly altered; italics in original]).

48 The date of the Josippon is still an object of controversy. Until the 1950s, some authors, following the medieval tradition, dated the book to the first centuries of the common era. Flusser, in his study, claimed that the book was produced in the 10th century, more precisely in 953, in Southern Italia. He used the colophon of one of the manuscripts as proof for his assertion. Recently, Flusser’s dating has been disputed. The book is quoted by Saadia Gaon, who died in 942, and a reference to the dwelling of the Hungarians in the Danube in the first chapter seems to point to a 9th-century date, at least of this part of the text (see Steven Bowman, “Dates in Sepher Yosippon,” in Pursuing the Text: Studies in Honor of Ben Zion Wacholder on the Occasion of His Seventieth Birthday [ed. John C. Reeves and John Kampen; JSOTSup 184; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic, 1994] 349–59).

49 Flusser assumes prima facie that the author of Josippon used the Latin version of the Bible (the “Vulgate”) as his source or as the source for his Hebrew translation of both books of the Maccabees upon which he based his paraphrase (see David Flusser, The “Josippon” [Josephus Gorionides] [2 vols.; Jerusalem: Bialik Institute, 1980] 2:132–33 [Hebrew]). Recently, Dönitz adopted a more prudent stance: in her opinion, “the redactor of Sefer Yosippon used the Greek or the Latin Bible as his source, not a Hebrew ‘original’ of these books [italics added]” (Saskia Dönitz, “Sefer Yosippon and the Greek Bible,” in Jewish Reception of Greek Bible Versions [ed. Nicolas de Lange, Julia G. Krivoruchko, and Cameron Boyd-Taylor; Texts and Studies in Medieval and Early Modern Judaism 23; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2009] 223–34, at 223 n. 2).

50 I use the Hebrew text from Flusser’s eclectic edition (see Flusser, The “Josippon,” 1:61–62). The translation is mine. For a helpful summary of the complex textual history of the Josippon, see Dagmar Börner-Klein and Beat Zuber, Josippon. Jüdische Geschichte vom Anfang der Welt bis zum Ende des ersten Aufstands gegen Rom (Wiesbaden: Marixverlag, 2010) 5–10.

51 I did not include in this survey the so-called 5 Maccabees, a Jewish work preserved in Arabic and included in both the Paris Polyglot Bible (1645, Le Jay) and the London Polyglot Bible (1657, Walton). A critical edition of its text is still lacking and there is no consensus about its date and provenance, with some authors contending that it is a medieval epitome (Graf) or partial translation (Sela) of Josippon, while others point to a much earlier date (Reilly). On the topic, see Søren L. Sørensen, “5 Maccabees 13 and the Missing Ambassador,” EJJS 9 (2015) 121–33, at 124–27. Be that as it may, in its paraphrase of 2 Macc 3, 5 Maccabees betrays an understanding comparable to that expressed in Josippon: at the beginning of the episode (and not as a declaration of the high priest!), it is stated that: “It was ordained by the kings of the Greek Gentiles that large sums of money should be sent to the holy city every year, and should be delivered to the priests, that they might add it to the treasury of the house of God, as money for the receivers of alms and for widows” (5 Macc 1:1); “And the kings added more to the money which they ordered to be given to the priests, that it might be spent on the orphans and widows; also to that which was to be spent on the sacrifices” (5 Macc 1:20). I reproduce here the translation of the Latin version by Henry Cotton: see The Five Books of Maccabees in English with Notes and Illustrations (trans. Henry Cotton; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1832) 278–79, 281.