¹ The antithetical structure of Mark 10:45 and its meaning are strikingly similar to a saying that Dio Cassius attributed to Otho: “I shall free myself [that is, take my own life], that all may learn from the deed that you chose for your emperor one who would not give you up to save himself, but rather himself to save you” (ὅστις ούχ ύμ⋯ς έατοû ⋯λλ’ έατòν ύπ⋯ρ ύμ⋯ν δέδωκε) Dio Cassius 63.13 (ed. and trans. Earnest Cary; LCL; 9 vols.; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1925) 8. 214–17. I am grateful to Dieter Georgi for calling this passage to my attention. An important difference between it and Mark 10:45, however, is the use of the term λ⋯τρον (“ransom”) in Mark. As I will show below, this term has cultic and expiatory connotations. Although some of the exempta cited by Otho have cultic connotations, his own death is portrayed as a noble and honorable death with no such connotations.

² See the discussion in Kraus, Wolfgang, Der Tod Jesu als Heiligtumsweihe: Eine Untersuchung zum Umfeld der Sühnevorstellung in Römer 3,25–26a (WMANT 66; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1991) 194–97.Google Scholar Max Wilcox goes so far as to argue that the entire saying originates with the historical Jesus; see idem, “On the Ransom-Saying in Mark 10:45c, Matt 20:28c,” in Cancik, Hubert, Lichtenberger, Hermann, and Schäfer, Peter, eds., Geschichte—Tradition—Reflexion: Festschrift für Martin Hengel zum 70. Geburtstag, vol. 3: Frühes Christentum (Tübingen: Mohr/Siebeck, 1996) 173–86.Google Scholar

³ Isa 53:10 MT.

⁴ The noun λ⋯τρον occurs in the singular in Lev 27:31; Prov 6:35; and 13:8. The plural occurs in Exod 21:30 (twice); Exod 30:12; Lev 19:20; 25:24, 26, 51, 52; Num 3:12, 46, 48, 49, 51; 18:15; 35:31, 32; and Isa 45:13. For a discussion of those passages in the Jewish scriptures in which the ransom is for a forfeited life and is paid to God, see Jeremias, Joachim, “Das Lösegeld für viele (Mk. 10,45),” Judaica 3 (1947–48) 249–64.Google Scholar

⁵ In addressing this topic I am taking up a suggestion made by Hans-Josef Klauck in “Die kleinasiatischen Beichtinschriften und das Neue Testament,” in Cancik et al., Geschichte—Tradition—Reflexion, 63–87. I am grateful to him for giving me a pre-publication copy of his article. On p. 80 of the published version he states that the non-Jewish sources in which words related to λ⋯τρον occur are possible indicators of the way Mark 10:45 and 1 Peter 1:18 were understood in the history of the reception of these texts. See also idem, “Heil ohne Heilung? Zu Metaphorik und Hermeneutik der Rede von Sünde und Vergebung im Neuen Testament,” in Frankemölle, Hubert, ed., Sünde und Erlösung im Neuen Testament (Freiburg: Herder, 1996) 18–52.Google Scholar I am grateful also to Hendrik Versnel for calling these inscriptions to my attention in a personal conversation.

⁶ Buresch, Karl, Aus Lydien. Epigraphisch-geographische Reisefrüchte (ed. Ribbeck, Otto; Leipzig: Teubner, 1898) 86–89.Google Scholar The drawing and transcription are given on p. 87. The stele is no. 90 in Lane, Eugene N., Corpus Monumentorum Religionis Dei Menis, vol. 1: The Monuments and Inscriptions (EPRO 19; Leiden: Brill, 1971) 59.CrossRefGoogle Scholar See also Horsley, G. H. R., ed., New Documents Illustrating Early Christianity: A Review of the Greek Inscriptions and Papyri published in 1977 (North Ryde, Australia: Macquarie University Press, 1982) 2.Google Scholar 90 no. 58.

⁷ Deissmann, Adolf, Light From the Ancient East (rev. ed.; trans. Strachan, Lionel R. M.; New York: Harper & Brothers, 1927) 328Google Scholar n. 1. The photograph is on the facing page (fig. 60). According to Buckler, William H. (“Some Lydian Propitiatory Inscriptions,” Annual of the British School at Athens 21 [1914–16] 169–83)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, this translation was already given in the 1910 English edition of the book; the reference to Deissmann is on p. 182.

⁸ Buckler, “Some Lydian Propitiatory Inscriptions,” 182.

⁹ Lane, Eugene N., Corpus Monumentorum Religionis Dei Menis, vol. 3: Interpretations and Testimonia (EPRO 19; Leiden: Brill, 1976) 73.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁰ The god Men had many epithets, some of which denote location. He appears on coins from Galatia; one of these, which dates to Trajan's reign, may depict a cult statue of Men in a temple in the Galatian capital, Ankyra. See Vollkommer, Rainer, “Men,” Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae (8 vols, in 16; Zürich: Artemis, 1992) 6. 1.462–73Google Scholar, esp. 462, 466–67, and 472. As far as I have been able to discover, however, the epithet “Gallikos” is not attested. I am grateful to Annewies van den Hoek for calling this important lexicon to my attention.

¹¹ See Cameron, Avery, “Inscriptions Relating to Sacral Manumission and Confession,” HTR 32 (1939) 143–79CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. 154.

¹² Buckler, “Some Lydian Propitiatory Inscriptions,” 182.

¹³ Buresch, Aus Lydien, 88.

¹⁴ Buckler, “Some Lydian Propitiatory Inscriptions,” 183.

¹⁵ Petzl, Georg, ed., Die Beichtinschriften Westkleinasiens (Epigraphica Anatolica: Zeitschrift für Epigraphik und historische Geographie Anatoliens 22; Bonn: Rudolf Habelt, 1994)Google Scholar xi n. 16.

¹⁶ Buresch, Aus Lydien, 87. This inscription is no. 61 in Lane, Corpus Monumentorum Religionis, 1. 41–42.

¹⁷ Transcription and translation are from Horsley, New Documents 1977, 90 no. 58.

¹⁸ Lane, Corpus Monumentorum Religionis, 1. 44 no. 66. See the discussion in ibid., 3. 22–23.

¹⁹ Transcription and translation are from Horsley, New Documents Illustrating Early Christianity: A Review of the Greek Inscriptions and Papyri Published in 1978 (North Ryde, Australia: Macquarie University Press,1983) 3Google Scholar. 72 no. 46.

²⁰ Lane, Corpus Monumentum Religionis, 3. 22–23.

²¹ Compare the discussion by Klauck (“Die kleinasiatischen Beichtinschriften,” 79–82), in which he shows that normally the words λύω, λύτρον and λυτρόοεαι represent the act of atonement (that is, the removal of the problem), whereas the terms ίλάσĸοεαι and έξιλάσĸοεαι are used to express the result of the process. Terms from the two word groups seem to be synonymous in two inscriptions in Petzl's collection (Beichtinschriften, 54.16 and 65.27–32 [pp. 63, 89]).

²² Note the title of Klauck's article, in which he follows Steinleitner, Franz Seraph, Die Beicht im Zusammenhange mil der sakralen Rechtspflege in der Antike (Munich: Wild, 1913)Google Scholar; and Petzl, Beichtinschriften.

²³ See the examples cited and the discussion in Lane, Corpus Monumentorum Religionis, 3. 30.

²⁴ See Horsley, New Documents 1978, 3. 74.

²⁵ So Deissmann, Light from the Ancient East, 327–28; so also Klauck (“Die kleinasiatischen Beichtinschriften,” 80), who mentions Steinleitner and Franz Bömer, Untersuchungen über die Religion der Sklaven in Griechenland und Rom, vol. 2: Die sogenannte sakrale Freilassung in Griechenland und die δοûλοι ίεροί (Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur in Mainz, Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Klasse 1960/61; Mainz: Steiner, 1960), as well as Deissmann and Cameron. Klauck also mentions Llewelyn, S. R. and Kearsley, R. A., eds., New Documents Illustrating Early Christianity 1980–81 (North Ryde, Australia: Macquarie University Press, 1992) 6. 70–81Google Scholar. I was, however, unable to find the word group λύτρον in the documents cited and discussed there. The word group έλενθερία is very common in them; άφίηεμι and τιµή also occur.

²⁶ Cameron, “Sacral Manumission and Confession,” 154.

²⁷ Deissmann, Light from the Ancient East, 327–28.

²⁸ See Grenfell, Bernard P. and Hunt, Arthur S., eds., The Oxyrhynchus Papyri (63 vols.; London: Egypt Exploration Fund, 1898–1996) 1Google Scholar. 105–7.

²⁹ Grenfell and Hunt, Oxyrhynchus Papyri, 4. 199–203.

³⁰ This is the interpretation proposed by Steinleitner, which is summarized by Lane, Corpus Monumentorum Religionis, 3. 22 n. 20.

³¹ Wilcox (“On the RansomsssSaying,” 178) argues that the term λύτρον in Mark 10:45 should be interpreted in relation to payment for release of prisoners or hostages. He supports this conclusion with reference to the usage of the term by Josephus.

³² SIG ³ 588. 68–69, cited in Horsley, New Documents 1978, 3. 74.

³³ SIG ² 863. 4, cited in Horsley, New Documents 1978, 3. 74.

³⁴ Lane (Corpus Monumentorum Religionis, 3. 22) has proposed an explanation of this type.

³⁵ Petzl, Beichtinschriften, 5.24 (p. 8).

³⁶ Ibid., 33.2–3 (p. 39).

³⁷ Ibid., pp. 10–11,39.

³⁸ Thompson, Dorothy J., Memphis under the Ptolemies (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988) 212–65Google Scholar. I am grateful to Janet H. Johnson for referring me to Thompson's work on this subject.

³⁹ This shrine dedicated to Astarte was part of the Sarapieion complex. See Thompson, Memphis, 214,215–18.

⁴⁰ Ibid., 217; Wilcken, Ulrich, ed., Urkunden der Ptolemäerzeit (ältere Funde), vol. 1: Papyri aus Unterägypten (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1927)Google Scholar. Lienhard Delekat and Willy Clarysse have reassessed some of the evidence; see Thompson, Memphis, 217.

⁴¹ K. Sethe (1913); F. von Woess (1923) and others; see Thompson, Memphis, 217 and n. 26. According to this interpretation, the detention is related to the right of asylum.

⁴² See Ulrich Wilcken (Urkunden der Ptolemaerzeit) and earlier scholars whom he cites; for full bibliographical information see Thompson, Memphis, 217–18 and n. 27.

⁴³ See Thompson, Memphis, 217 n. 27.

⁴⁴ Thompson, Memphis, 218 and n. 32.

⁴⁵ Osiek, Carolyn, “The Ransom of Captives: Evolution of a Tradition,” HTR 74 (1981) 365–86.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴⁶ Did. 4.5–7.

⁴⁷ PGM IV. 296–466. The Greek title is φιλτροκατάζεσµος θαυεαστός (line 296). The English translation is by O'Neil, Edward N. in Betz, Hans Dieter, ed., The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation including the Demotic Spells (2d ed.; Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992) 44–47Google Scholar. The Greek text is from Preisendanz, Karl, ed., Papyri Graecae Magicae. Die griechischen Zauberpapyri (Leipzig: Teubner, 1928) 1. 83–88.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ PGM III. 275–81. The Greek term is άπόλυ(σιν) (line 279). Trans, by Edward N. O'Neil in Betz, Greek Magical Papyri, 26. Text in Preisendanz, Papyri Graecae Magicae, 1.

⁴⁹ PGM IV. 52–85. The citation is from lines 82–83. Trans, by Hubert Martin, Jr., and Marvin W. Meyer in Betz, Greek Magical Papyri, 38. Text in Preisendanz, Papyri Graecae Magicae, 1. 70.

⁵⁰ PGM XIII. 1–343. The citation is from lines 253–54. Trans, by Morton Smith in Betz, The Greek Magical Papyri, 172–82. Text in Preisendanz, Karl and Henrichs, Albert, eds., Papyri Graecae Magicae: Die griechischen Zauberpapyri (2d rev. ed.; Stuttgart: Teubner, 1974) 2. 87–105Google Scholar. See also PGM XXXVI. 178–87 (“a charm to break spells” [Λυσιφάρεακον]); and PGM LXX. 26–51, esp. line 26 (“against fear and to dissolve spells” [πρòς φόβον καί άναλύων])

⁵¹ PGM XXXVI. 256–64. Trans, by Morton Smith in Betz, Greek Magical Papyri, 275. Text in Preisendanz and Henrichs, Papyri Graecae Magicae, 2. 171. The text of an exorcistic phylactery from Xanthos (dating from the fourth to the sixth century CE), adjures the demon to release (άλλάσσω and άπαλλάσσω) the living one (perhaps the one who wears the phylactery) from him who (or that which) holds him (συνέλοντος); see Jordan, David R. and Kotansky, Roy D., “Two Phylacteries from Xanthos,” Rev. Arch. (1996) 161–74Google Scholar, esp. 168, 171.

⁵² The gold leaves were published by Tsantsanoglou, K. and Parássoglou, George M., “Two Gold Lamellae from Thessaly,” Hellenica 38 (1987) 3–16.Google Scholar

⁵³ See the discussion by Merkelbach, Reinhold, “Zwei neue orphisch-dionysische Totenpässe,” ZPE 76 (1989) 15–16Google Scholar. I am grateful to Hans Dieter Betz for this reference.

⁵⁴ Tsantsanoglou and Parássoglou, “Two Gold Lamellae from Thessaly,” 12.

⁵⁵ Ibid.

⁵⁶ See Klauck, “Die kleinasiatischen Beichtinschriften,” 79–82.

⁵⁷ Note the complementary use of ⋯πολύτρωσις and ίλαστήριον in Rom 3:24–25 and of ⋯ξιλασμός and ⋯πολύω in 2 Mace 12:45.

⁵⁸ Тῷ ⋯γαπ⋯ντι ήμ⋯ντι ήμ⋯ς κα⋯ λύσαντι ήμ⋯ς έκ τ⋯ν άμαρτι⋯ν ήμ⋯ν έν τῷ αἴματι αύτο⋯ … αύτῷ ⋯ δόξα κα⋯ τ⋯ κράτος είς τοὐς αί⋯νας. άμήν.