¹ On Aretas IV Philopatris, see in general Paul Ewald, “Aretas,” RE 1 (1896) 795-97; Steinmann, Alphons, Aretas IV. König der Nabataer: Eine historisch-exegetische Studie zu 2 Kor ll,32f. (Freiburg: Herder, 1909Google Scholar); Schürer, Emil, The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ (rev. and ed. Vermes, G. et al. ; Edinburgh: Clark, 1973) 1. 581–83Google Scholar;Bowersock, Glen W., Roman Arabia (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1983) 51–69Google Scholar;Graf, David F., “Aretas,” ABD 1 (1992) 373–76Google Scholar.

² The implications of the Aretas datum for the chronology of Paul's life have long been recognized and have been much debated. For example, see Georg Wandel, “Zur Chronologie des Lebens Pauli; I: Paulus in Damaskus,” ZKWKL 8 (1887) 433-43, 489-99; Theodor Zahn, “Zur Lebensgeschichte des Apostels Paulus. 2. Die Flucht aus Damaskus,” NKZ 15 (1904) 23-41, 189-200; Plooij, Daniel, De Chronologie van het Leven van Paulus (Leiden: Brill, 1918) 1–10Google Scholar;Jewett, Robert, A Chronology of Paul's Life (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1979) 30–33Google Scholar, 121-23; Riesner, Rainer, Die Friihzeit des Apostels Paulus: Studien zur Chronologie, Missionsstrategie und Theologie (WUNT 71; Tubingen: Mohr/Siebeck, 1994) 66–79Google Scholar.

³ The parallel has long been recognized. For example, Anger, Rudolf, De temporum in actis apostolorum ratione (Leipzig: Baumgartner, 1833) 173–81Google Scholar; see the discussion in Wellhausen, Julius, Kritische Analyse der Apostelgeschichte (AAG 15.2; Berlin: Weidmann, 1914) 17–18Google Scholar;Burchard, Christoph, Der dreizehnte Zeuge. Traditions- und kompositionsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen zu Lukas Darstellung der Frühzeit des Paulus (FRLANT 103; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1970) 150–60CrossRefGoogle Scholar;Lüdemann, Gerd, Early Christianity According to the Traditions in Acts: A Commentary (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1989) 116–19Google Scholar; Mark Harding, “On the Historicity of Acts: Com-paring Acts 9.23-25 with 2 Corinthians 11.32-33,” NTS 39 (1993) 518-38.

⁴ On the similarity of the narratives, see Windisch, Hans, Der zweite Korintherbrief (KEK 6; Gattingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1924) 363–64Google Scholar;Barrett, Charles K., The Second Epistle to the Corinthians (HNTC; New York: 1973) 304Google Scholar.

⁵ Rightly, , Schlatter, Adolf, Paulus, der Bote Jesu. Eine Deutung seiner Briefe an die Korinther (Stuttgart: Calwer Verlag, 1934) 657Google Scholar;Burchard, , Dreizehnte Zeuge, 150Google Scholar. On the relationship between Acts and the Pauline epistles, see Knox, John, “Acts and the Pauline Letter Corpus,”; in Keck, Leander and Martyn, J. Louis, eds., Studies in Luke-Acts (Nashville: Abingdon, 1966) 270–87Google Scholar.

⁶ On the style of 2 Cor 11:32-33, see the concise but insightful observations of Windisch, , Zweite Korintherbrief, 363–64Google Scholar; and the nuanced analysis of Zmijewski, Josef, Der Stil der paulinischen “Narrenrede”: Analyse der Sprachgestaltung in 2 Kor 11, 1-12, 10 als Beitrag zur Methodik von Stiluntersuchungen neutestamentlicher Texte (BBB 52; Cologne: Hanstein, 1978) 282–89Google Scholar.

⁷ So, Heinrici, Carl F. G., Der zweite Brief an die Korinther (KEK 6; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1900) 383Google Scholar;Strachan, Robert H., The Second Epistle of Paul to the Corinthians (MNTC; New York: Harper, 1935) 29Google Scholar.

⁸ Calvin, John, Commentarius in Epistolam Secundam ad Corinthios, in loannis Calvini Opera Quae Supersunt Omnia (eds, Baum, Guilielmus, Cunitz, Eduardus, and Reuss, Eduardus; Braunschweig: 1893)50. 135Google Scholar.

⁹ Harnack, Adolf von, Die Apostelgeschichte (Leipzig: Hinrich, 1908) 139Google Scholar, who considers the possibility that Luke heard the story from Paul's own lips; Burchard, Der dreizehnte Zeuge, 158, who argues that Acts 9:24b-25 is a piece of oral tradition which rests upon 2 Cor. 11:32-33.

¹⁰ Near the Bab Kaisan where a chapel was dedicated as a memorial of Paul's flight in 1939; see Nasrallah, Joseph, Les souvenirs Chretien de Damas I: Souvenirs de saint Paul (Marissa: Imp. Saint Paul, 1944) 25–29Google Scholar;Sack, Dorothee, Damaskus: Entwicklung und Strucktur einer orientalish-islamischen Stadt (Mainz: Zabern, 1989) 1, 103Google Scholar.

¹¹ Windisch, , Zweite Korintherbrief, 363Google Scholar;Lietzmann, Hans, An die Korinther I, II (rev. Werner Georg Kummel; HNT9; Tubingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1949) 151Google Scholar;Héring, Jean, The Second Epistle of St. Paul to the Corinthians (London: Epworth, 1967) 87Google Scholar;Wendland, Heinz, Die Briefe an die Korinther(NTD 7; GOttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1976) 220Google Scholar; among others.

¹² So, already, J. H. A. Michelsen, “T Verhaal van Paulus vlucht uit Damaskus, 2 Kor. XI:32,33; XII:1, 7a een interpolatie,” Theologisch Tijdschrift 7 (1873) 424-27; Baljon, J. M. S., De tekst der brieven van Paulus aan de Romeinen, de Corinthiërs en de Galatiers als voorwerp van de conjecturalkritiek beschouwd(Utrecht: Boekhoven, 1884) 159–61Google Scholar; Windisch, Zweite Korintherbrief,363-64; Betz, Hans Dieter, Der Apostel Paulus und die sokratische Tradition: Eine exegetische Untersuchung zu seiner “Apologie” 2 Kor 10-13 (BHTh 45; Tubingen: Mohr/Siebeck, 1972) 73Google Scholar n. 201.

¹³ Rightly, , Plummer, Alfred, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Second Epistle of St. Paul to the Corinthians (ICC; Edinburgh: Clark, 1915) 332Google Scholar;Windisch, , Zweite Korintherbrief, 363Google Scholar; Rudolf Bultmann, Der zweite Brief an die Korinther (Gottingen: Vandebhoeck und Ruprecht, 1976), 220.

¹⁴ E. F. F. Bishop, “Does Aretas Belong in 2 Corinthians or Galatians?” ExpTim 64 (1953) 189, cited by Victor Furnish, II Corinthians (AB 32A; Garden City: Doubleday, 1984) 540.

¹⁵ Barrett, , Second Epistle, 303Google Scholar;similarly, , Plummer, , Second Epistle, 332–33Google Scholar;Strachan, , Second Epistle, 28–29Google Scholar;Zmijewski, , Stil derpaulinischen “Narrenrede”, 287Google Scholar, 288-89; Furnish, , II Corinthians,539, 541–42Google Scholar.

¹⁶ Rightly, , Windisch, , Zweite Korintherbrief, 363Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Heinrici, Carl F. G., Das zweite Sendschreiben des Apostels Paulus an die Korinther (Freiburg: Hertz, 1910) 341–42Google Scholar;Bousset, Wilhelm, Der zweite Brief an die Korinther (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1917) 214Google Scholar;Plummer, , Second Epistle, 332–33Google Scholar;Barrett, , Second Epistle, 303Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Noted by Plummer, Second Epistle, 333; Lietzmann, An die Korinther 1/11, 152; Furnish, II Corinthians, 541.

¹⁹ The point is grasped by Windisch, Zweite Korintherbrief, 363, who cites the following texts: Josephus Ant. 5.15; Athenaios Deip. 5.52, 214a; Plutarch Aem. 26.2, 269A; Livy 39.17.5.

²⁰ Text and translation in Josephus (ed. Thackeray, H. St. J. and Marcus, R.; LCL; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1978) 5. 466–69Google Scholar.

²¹ Athenaios Deip. 5.52,214a.Text and translation in Athenaeus: Deipnosophistae (ed. Gulick, Charles B.; LCL; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1978) 466–69Google Scholar.

²² Josephus Bell. 4.62.

²³ Rightly, , Heinrici, , Zweite Brief, 382Google Scholar; contra Scott B. Andrews, “Too Weak Not to Lead: The Form and Function of 2 Cor. 11:32-33,” NTS 41 (1995) 263-76, esp. 272-76, who sees Paul's account of his flight from King Aretas as a reversal of the upper-class virtue of courage (άνδρεία, fortitudo).

²⁴ Judge, Edwin A., “The Conflict of Educational Aims in New Testament Thought,” Journal of Christian Education 9 (1966) 44–45Google Scholar; idem, “Paul's Boasting in Relation to Contemporary Professional Practice,” AusBR 16 (1968) 47; followed by Stephen H. Travis, “Paul's Boasting in 2 Corinthians 10-12,” StEv 6 (1973) 530; Furnish, II Corinthians, 542; among others.

²⁵ See Polybius 6.39.5, Livy 6.20.8; 10.46.3; 26.48.5. See in general, Maxfield, Valerie A., The Military Decorations of the Roman Army (Berkeley, 1981) 76–77Google Scholar.

²⁶ Aulus Gellius Nodes Atticae 5.6.16. Text and translation in Gellius (ed. John Carew Rolfe; LCL; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1984) 395; cited by Furnish, II Corinthians, 542.

²⁷ Judge, “The Conflict of Educational Aims,” 45. A head of Tyche (Roman: Fortuna), dating to the late first or early second century CE, has been found in Corinth, adorned with a corona muralis; photo in Furnish, II Corinthians, Plate viii; compare Charles M. Edwards, “Tyche at Corinth,” Hesperia 59 (1990) 529-42.

²⁸ Judge, , “The Conflict of Educational Aims,” 45; idem, “Paul's Boasting,” 47Google Scholar.

²⁹ 2 Cor 10:3-6; see Abraham J. Malherbe, “Antisthenes and Odysseus, and Paul at War,” HTR 76 (1983) 143-73; repr. in idem, Paul and the Popular Philosophers (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1989) 91-119.

³⁰ Furnish, II Corinthians, 542.

³¹ Judge, “The Conflict of Educational Aims,” 45: “But if it is realized that everyone in antiquity would have known that the finest military award for valour was the corona muralis, for the man who was first up the wall in the face of the enemy, Paul's point is devastatingly plain: he was the first down.”

³² See Windisch, Zweite Korintherbrief, 363: “Der Nachdruck liegt einzig und allein auf dem Kontrast zwischen der schweren Gefahr, in der Paulus schwebte, und der glücklichen Rettung, die einer List seiner Freunde zu danken war.” (“The emphasis lies singly and alone upon the contrast between the grave danger in which Paul found himself and the happy rescue, which was due to the cunning of his friends”)

³³ Plummer, , Second Epistle, 332–33Google Scholar.

³⁴ See Windisch, , Zweite Korintherbrief, 363, 365Google Scholar.

³⁵ Josh 2:15 LXX. The LXX omits the explanation found in the Hebrew, “for her house was on the outer side of the city wall and she resided within the wall itself” (Josh. 2:15).

³⁶ I Sam 19:11.

³⁷ For example, Athenaios Deip. 5.214a. See also Aristophanes Vesp. 378; Josephus Vita 11.53; Livy 39.17.5. Plutarch, Aem. 26.1-10, makes it clear that the ignomy of Perseus was not owing to his attempted flight or its circumstances, but to his avarice and his ignoble conduct once he had been apprehended: κατακλαύσας τήν τύχην καί τήν άνάγκην Περισκεψάμενος

τόν έλεον, άΠεστέρηστέρσν έαυτού (“After bewailing his misfortune and carefully weighing the necessity under which he lay, he gave himself into the power of Gnaeus, thus making it most abundantly clear that his avarice was a less ignoble evil than the love of life that was in him, on account of which he deprived himself of the only thing which fortune cannot take away from the fallen, namely, pity”) 26.7.

³⁸ Lietzmann, An die Korinther I/II, 151; Randolph V. G. Tasker, The Second Epistle of Paul to the Corinthians (London: Tyndale, 1958) 167; Hering, Second Epistle of Paul to the Corinthians, 87; Wendland, Briefe an die Korinther, 243.

³⁹ Rightly, , Windisch, , Zweite Korintherbrief, 363Google Scholar; Furnish, II Corinthians, 540. In this respect, Paul's account of his escape contrasts with Plutarch's description of Perseus, who “suffered pitifully in letting himself down through a narrow window in the fortress” (Aem. 26.4.269A).

⁴⁰ Plummer, , Second Epistle, 335Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Osiander, Johann E., Commentar iiber den zweiten Brief Pauli an die Korinther (Stuttgart: Belser, 1858) 497Google Scholar.

⁴² Rightly, , Heinrici, , Zweite Brief 382Google Scholar.

⁴³ Hughes, , Paul's Second Epistle, 422Google Scholar;Zmijewski, , DerStil derpaulinischen “Narrenrede,” 289Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ So, Furnish II Corinthians, 540.

⁴⁵ This interpretation goes back to Heinrici, Das zweite Sendschreiben, 481-83; idem, Zweite Brief, 341-42; similarly, Bousset, Zweite Brief, 214; Menzies, Allan, The Second Epistle of the Apostle Paul to the Corinthians (London: Macmillan, 1912) 88Google Scholar;Strachan, , The Second Epistle, 28Google Scholar; among others.

⁴⁶ Heinrici (Zweite Sendschreiben, 482) attributes the reproach to the Jews in retaliation for the failure of their attack upon Paul (Acts 9:23-25). Bousset (Zweite Brief, 214) suggests that Paul's opponents told the story to make him look ridiculous, flying in this ignominious way, when there was no real danger.

⁴⁷ Menzies, , Second Epistle, 88Google Scholar;Plummer, , Second Epistle, 333Google Scholar;Strachan, , Second Epistle, 28Google Scholar; see also Martin, , 2 Corinthians, 384Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ Ernst Käsemann, “Die Legitimität des Apostels. Eine Untersuchung zu II Korinther 10-13,” ZNW 41 (1942) 33-71.

⁴⁹ Correctly, , Windisch, , Zweite Korintherbrief 363Google Scholar;Furnish, , II Corinthians, 541Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ So, already, Bultmann, , Zweite Brief, 220Google Scholar.

⁵¹ This much must be conceded to Heinrici; the point has been lost in current scholarship, under the influence of Windisch and Bultmann.

⁵² In addition to the works cited above in n. 12, see Cramer, Jacob, De Philippica van Paulus tegen de gemeente van Korinthe (2. Kor. 10-13) (Utrecht: Breijer, 1893) 56–58Google Scholar;Holsten, Carl, Das Evangelium des Paulus (Berlin: Reimer, 1898) 390–401Google Scholar;Moffatt, James, An Introduction to the Literature of the New Testament (Edinburgh: Clark, 1918) 126Google Scholar;Windisch, , Zweite Korintherbrief, 363–64Google Scholar;Goudge, Henry L., The Second Epistle to the Corinthians (London: Methuen, 1927) 110Google Scholar;Hering, , Second Epistle, 87Google Scholar;Bultmann, , Zweite Brief 220Google Scholar;Betz, , Apostel Paulus, 73 n. 201Google Scholar.

⁵³ Schmiedel, Paul, Hand-Commentar zum Neuen Testament (Freiburg: Mohr/Siebeck, 1892) 291Google Scholar;similarly, , Holsten, , Evangelium des Paulus, 391Google Scholar; Paul-Louis Couchoud, “Reconstitution et classement des lettres de saint Paul,” RHR 87 (1923) 12; Windisch, Zweite Korintherbrief, 364.

⁵⁴ Baljon, , De tekst der brieven van Paulus, 160Google Scholar;Holsten, , Evangelium des Paulus, 392Google Scholar; see also Plummer, , Second Epistle, 332Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ Rightly, Heinrici, Zweite Brief, 382; Barret, Second Epistle, 303.

⁵⁶ So, already, Heinrici, , Zweite Brief, 382Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ Moffatt, , Introduction, 126Google Scholar;Windisch, , Zweite Korintherbrief, 364Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ Windisch, , Zweite Korintherbrief, 364Google Scholar: “Ebenso plausibel scheint mir die Annahme, dass Paulus selbst beim Diktieren die Geschichte, unbekümmert um ihre Stilwidrigkeit, hier nachtrug, vielleicht zu vs. 24f., sonst zu vs. 26, oder besser, dass Paulus sein Diktat unterbrach und seinem Amanuensis diese Geschichte, weil sie ihm besonders gefiel, hier noch einfügte, τού Παύλου μήτε κωλύσαντος, μήτε Προτρεψαμένου” (“The hypothesis seems to me equally plausible that Paul himself added the story in the process of dictation, perhaps as an appendix to vs. 24-25, or else to vs. 26, unconcerned about its stylistic infelicity; or better, that Paul interrupted his dictation, and that his copyist inserted the story at this point, because it especially pleased him, τού Παύλου μήτε κωλύσαντος, μήτε Προτρεψαμέυου”); followed by Héring, The Second Epistle, 87; Betz, Der Apostel Paulus, 73 n. 201.

⁵⁹ Bishop, “Does Aretas Belong,” 189; see also Furnish, II Corinthians, 540.

⁶⁰ Plummer, , Second Epistle, 332Google Scholar.

⁶¹ Barrett, , Second Epistle, 303Google Scholar.

⁶² Windisch, , Zweite Korintherbrief, 316Google Scholar.

⁶³ Ibid., 316 n.2

⁶⁴ Ibid., 316. The suggestion is dismissed by Betz (Apostel Paulus, 80), who thinks it more likely that the fool's speech found its way to Paul over the path of popular philosophy.

⁶⁵ On 2 Cor 11:1-21 a, as prologue to the speech proper, see Windisch, , Zweite Korintherbrief, 317Google Scholar, 344; Bultmann, , Zweite Brief, 200, 214Google Scholar;Zmijewski, , Der Stil derpaulinischen "Narrenrede," 76, 231Google Scholar;Furnish, , II Corinthians, 498, 532Google Scholar. Others divide the speech differently; see the discussion in Heckel, Ulrich, Kraft in Schwachheit. Untersuchungen zum zweiten Korintherbrief 10-13 (WUNT 56; Tubingen: Mohr/Siebeck, 1993) 20–41Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ Windisch, , Der zweite Korintherbrief, 349Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ For example, Betz, , Apostel Paulus, 80Google Scholar;Zmijewski, Der Stil derpaulinischen “Narrenrede,”76, 231Google Scholar;Kleinknecht, Karl, Der leidende Gerechtfertigte (WUNT 13; Tübingen: Mohr, 1984) 284Google Scholar;Furnish, , II Corinthians, 484Google Scholar; see also Christfried Bottrich, “2 Kor 11,1 als Programmwort der ‘Narrenrede1,’ ZNW 88 (1997) 135.

⁶⁸ The absence of an investigation of the genre “fool's speech” is lamented by Betz (Apostel Paulus, 80). Betz is able to cite only Adolf Hauffen (“Zur Litteratur der ironischen Enkomien,” Vierteljahresschrift für Litteraturgeschichte 6 [1893] 161-85) for treatment of the subject in antiquity. Similarly, Georgi, Dieter, The Opponents of Paul in Second Conrinthians (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1986) 337Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ Furnish, II Corinthians, 498; Martin, 2 Corinthians, 357.

⁷⁰ Betz, , Apostel Paulus, 80–82Google Scholar.

⁷¹ The reluctance of scholars to explore Paul's relationship to the mime seems to have two sources. First, there is the fragmentary state of preservation of the literature; on this point, see Ernst Wiist, “Mimos,” RE 15.2 (1932) 1727-29. But one suspects that a more fundamental source of resistance is the difficulty scholars have in imagining that the apostle of Christ would have made constructive use of such a vulgar form of art. In this attitude, contemporary scholars perpetuate the hostility of the Christian church, whose leaders, from the second century onward, fiercely denounced the mime and finally excommunicated the mime artists. Georgi (The Opponents of Paul, 337) calls for “more attention to the genre of ‘fool's speech,’ and to its background in the ancient mimus,” referring scholars to the monumental study by Reich, Hermann, Der Mimus. Ein litterar-entwickelungsgeschichtlicher Versuch (Berlin: Weidmann, 1903)Google Scholar.

⁷² Wilhelm Kroll, “Stupidus,” RE 4 (1931) 422-23.

⁷³ William Beare, “Mimus,” OCD (1970) 688. On the mime in general, see Reich, Mimus, 1-416; E. Wüst, “Mimos,” 1727-64; Helmut Wiemken, Der griechischen Mimus (Ph.D. diss, Universitat Göttingen, 1951); Nicoll, A., Masks, Mimes and Miracles: Studies in the Popular Theatre (New York: Cooper Square, 1963) 17–131Google Scholar;Beare, William, The Roman Stage (London: Methuen, 1977) 149–58Google Scholar;Beacham, Richard, The Roman Theatre and Its Audience (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992) 129–40Google Scholar. The ancient mime was a reproduction in character and language of a typical scene of everyday life in the form of a short monologue or dialogue. See the definition quoted by Diomedes, for which Theophrastus may originally have been responsible, μίμός έστιν μίμησις βίου (Ars grammatica 3, Grammatici latini [ed. Heinrich Keil; 7 vols.; Leipzig: Teubner, 1857-80] 1. 490).

⁷⁴ Reich, Mimus, 82 n. 3, 93-94; Nicoll, Masks, Mimes and Miracles, 87; Beare, The Roman Stage, 153.

⁷⁵ Horace Ep. 1.18.10-14; Beacham, Roman Theatre, 132.

⁷⁶ Seneca Epist. 8.8; Juvenal 8.191; Macrobius 2.1.9; Diomedes Ars grammatica 3 (ed. Keil, 1. 490); Nicoll, Masks, Mimes and Miracles, 83-844; Beare, Roman Stage, 153. The common Latin term for the mimes, planipes, means “with bare feet.”

⁷⁷ Part of the evidence suggests that mimic actors wore no masks. Athenaios (Deip. 10.452) tells of a “maskless” actor named Cleon, who lived about 300 BCE, “of the Italian mimes the best actor who displayed his own features” (’Ιταλικών μίμων άριστος αύτοΠρόσωΠος ύΠοκριτής); see also Quintilian Inst.Orat. 6.3.29. But the early Dorian mimes, the δεικηλίσται, are thought to owe their name to their use of the δείκηλον, or mask; compare Athenaios Deip. 14.621d. The φλύακες, who played low life scenes and burlesques in the towns of southern Italy, are shown with masks, as are the actors in the Atellanae. Furthermore, there are references to the painted faces of mimes, for example, Jerome Ep. 22.29.4. On the whole subject, see Reich, Mimus, 527-28; Beare, Roman Stage, 150.

⁷⁸ See the epitaph of one Vitalis, a virtuoso solo performer of the imperial period, who boasts of his skill in moulding his features and describes the effect upon the audience, in Minor Latin Poets (ed. Duff, J. Wight; LCL; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1934) 637–39Google Scholar. Quintilian (Inst. oral. 6.3.29) warns the orator against using “those distorted grimaces and gestures which we are accustomed to laugh at in the mimes.” See also Beacham, , Roman Theatre, 130Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ Juvenal 5.170-72; Arnobius Adv. nat. 7.33; see the other texts quoted by Reich, Mimus,23, 470, 578, 831; for iconographic evidence, see Nicoll, Masks, Mimes and Miracles, 47-49.

⁸⁰ See the scholiast to Juvenal 6.66: penem, ut habent in mimo; Arnobius Adv. nat. 7.33, on what pagans enjoy most in the mimes: “they love the morons with their shaved heads, the resonant sound of the heads being boxed, the applause, the shameful jokes and gestures, the huge red phalluses.” Beare, , Roman Stage, 153Google Scholar; for iconographic evidence, see Nicoll, , Masks, Mimes and Miracles, 25, 48Google Scholar.

⁸¹ Apuleius, Apol. 13Google Scholar; Festus, 274 M; Varro Ling. 5.132; Nonius 14 (p. 542) 1 M; Arnobius Adv. nat. 6.25; Dieterich, compare Albrecht, Pulcinella. Pompejanische Wandbilder und romische Satyrspiele (Leipzig: Teubner, 1897) 143–45Google Scholar;Reich, , Mimus, 448-49, 578–79Google Scholar;Nicoll, , Masks, Mimes and Miracles, 90–91Google Scholar;Beare, , The Roman Stage, 153Google Scholar.

⁸² Bieber, Margarete, Die Denkmaler zum Theaterwesen im Altertum (Berlin: Vereinigung Wissenschaftlicher Verleger, 1920) 175–78Google Scholar, Tab. 108; Nicoll, , Masks, Mimes and Miracles, 45, 47–49Google Scholar.

⁸³ This terra-cotta lamp is dated to the end of the third century BCE by Carl Watzinger (“Mimologen,” Mittheilungen des deutschen archdologischen Instituts, Athenische Abteilung 26 [1901] 1-8), but it may be more recent; see Reich, Mimus, 553-55. The title, “Εκυρα, is familiar through its use by Apollodorus of Carystus (ca. 258 BCE) and Terence. For detailed description of the figures and the scene represented, see Bieber, , Denkmaler zum Theaterwesen, 176–77Google Scholar; and Nicoll, , Masks, Mimes and Miracles, 46–47Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ Bieber, , Denkmaler zum Theaterwesen, 177Google Scholar no. 188, Tab. 108, 5; Nicoll, , Masks, Mimes and Miracles, 47–48, Fig. 31Google Scholar.

⁸⁵ Grant, Mary, The Ancient Rhetorical Theories of the Laughable (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1924) 19Google Scholar.

₈₆ POxy 413. Originally published in Grenfell, Bernard P. and Hunt, Arthur S., The Oxyrhynchus Papyri (London: Egypt Exploration Fund, 1903) no. 413Google Scholar(3. 41); text and translation in Select Papyri III (ed. Page, D. L.; LCL; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1988) 336–49Google Scholar. For analysis and commentary, see Siegfried Sudhaus, “Der Mimus von Oxyrhynchos,” Hermes 41 (1906) 273-74; M. Winter, De mimis Oxyrhynchos (Ph.D. diss. Leipzig Universität, 1906).

⁸⁷ The plot is based on Euripides' Iphigenia in Tauris; see Winter, De mimis Oxy., 26. Certain thematic elements are reminiscent of the first-century novel Chaereas and Callirhoe by Chariton; see also Nicoll, Masks, Mimes and Miracles, 115-18; Page, Select Papyri HI, 336-39.

⁸⁸ On the decipherment of the symbols, see Winter, De mimis Oxy., 34-35.

⁸⁹ For discussion of the meaning and function of this stage direction, see Winter, , De mimis Oxy., 45Google Scholar;Nicoll, , Masks, Mimes and Miracles, 116Google Scholar.

⁹⁰ On mimic obscenity, see Horace Sat. 1.2.57; Ovid Tr. 2.497; Quintilian Inst. oral. 6.3.8; 6.47; Juvenal 8.187-89; Martial 3.86; Macrobius Sat. 2.1.9; Valerius Maximus 2.10.8; see also Reich, Mimus, 50-53; Nicoll, Masks, Mimes and Miracles, 123-24; Beacham, Roman Theatre, 130-31.

⁹¹ See Beare, , Roman Stage, 153Google Scholar. The principate of Augustus inaugurated a period of theater construction throughout the Roman Empire; by the end of the first century CE, even the smallest cities had acquired a theater; see also Beacham, , Roman Theatre, 166–69Google Scholar. A section of Vitruvius's great work on architecture (De arch. 5.5.7), written at the beginning of this period, provides details on theater construction, in anticipation of the erection of theaters at Rome and elsewhere.

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⁹³ Xenophon Sym. 2.11; 4.54; 9.2-6.

⁹⁴ Polybius 31.25.4; Sallust Jug. 85.39; see also Beacham, Roman Theatre, 129Google Scholar.

⁹⁵ Suetonius, Aug. 74Google Scholar.

⁹⁶ Beacham, , Roman Theatre, 71–72Google Scholar.

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⁹⁸ Pliny, Ep. 1.3b; 9.17, 36Google Scholar.

⁹⁹ Beare, , Roman Stage, 149, 152–53Google Scholar;Beacham, , Roman Theatre, 132Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁰ Evidence for the movement of mimes and mime companies throughout the civilized world is provided by epitaphs, such as that of Protogenes, a slave of Greek origin, found near the town of Amiternum (CIL I.2 1861), or that of the young mime actress Eucharis, slave, and later freedwoman of Licinia, found at Rome (CIL VI.2.10096). See also the farewell poem addressed by Antipater of Sidon to the mime actress Antiodemis on the occasion of her departure for Rome (Anth. Pal. 9.587). See also Reich, , Mimus, 167–68Google Scholar, 558, 561; Beare, , Roman Stage, 151–52Google Scholar.

¹⁰¹ Cicero, Phil. 2.65Google Scholar.

¹⁰² Seneca Dial 9.11.8; Juvenal 8.185; Apuleius Met. 10.29; see also Beare, , Roman Stage, 270–72Google Scholar;Beacham, , Roman Theatre, 132, 172Google Scholar.

¹⁰³ See the scholiast to Juvenal 8.185; see also Cicero, Prov. cons. 14Google Scholar;Beare, , Roman Stage, 149Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁴ Reich, , Mimus, 540Google Scholar;Beare, , Roman Stage, 149Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁵ Martial 6.39.

¹⁰⁶ Text in Herondae Mimiambi (ed. Crusius, Otto; Leipzig: Teubner, 1914) 129Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁷ Athenaios Deip. 15.697b.

¹⁰⁸ AlfredKorte, “Sophron,” RE3 (1930) 1100-3; Samson Eitrem, “Sophron,” 50 12 (1933) 10-13. A papyrus fragment of one of Sophron's mimes depicts a magic ceremony; text and trans, in Select Papyri III, 328-31.

¹⁰⁹ Kaibel, Georg, Comicorum Graecorum Fragmenta I/I (Berlin; Weidmann, 1958) 152–181Google Scholar. Sophron's mimes were divided into “mimes of men” (άνδρείοι) and “mimes of women” (γυναικείοι), with titles such as “The Tunnyfisher” (θυννοθήρας), “The Sempstresses” (‘Ακέστριαι) and “Women at Breakfast” (∑υναριστώσαι).

¹¹⁰ According to Diogenes Laertius 3.18.

¹¹¹ Plato Rep. 451c, 606c. On Plato's admiration of Sophron, see also Douris of Samos in FGH 76 F 72. For Sophron's influence on Plato, see Reich, Mimus, 380-88.

¹¹² Quintilian Inst. orat. 1.10.17; Diogenes Laertius 3.18.

¹¹³ A scholion on Theocritus Id. 2 says that the author “adapted” (μεταφέρει) one of Sophron's mimes; Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Ulrich von, Die Textgeschichte der griechischen Bukoliker (Berlin: Weidmann, 1906) 270Google Scholar; see also Legrand, Philippe E., “Théocrite,” Revue des etudes anciennes 36 (1934) 28Google Scholar.

¹¹⁴ Karl Vretska, “Sophron,” Der Kleine Pauly. Lexikon der Antike 5 (1975) 281.

¹¹⁵ Statius, Silv. 5.3.158Google Scholar.

¹¹⁶ Demetrius De eloc. 3.153. Boulias is introduced by Demetrius as an example of γρίφος, rambling, ambiguous speech. See the note of Roberts, W. Rhys, Demetrius. On Style (LCL; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1973) 398–99Google Scholar: “Boulias was a master in the art of wasting time by cloudy pretentious talk.”

¹¹⁷ Beacham, , Roman Theatre, 137Google Scholar.

¹¹⁸ Ovid Trist. 2.497-514; Suetonius Aug. 99.1.

¹¹⁹ Reich, , Mimus, 307-20, 354–413Google Scholar;Highet, Gilbert, Juvenal the Satirist (London: Oxford University Press, 1954) 274Google Scholar;Hubbard, Margaret, Propertius (London: Duckworth, 1974) 52–53Google Scholar, 151; McKeown, J. C., “Augustan Elegy and Mime,” Cambridge Philological Society Proceedings 25 (1979) 71–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹²⁰ Alan McN. Little, “Plautus and Popular Drama,” HSCP 49 (1938) 205-28; Beare, Roman Stage, 151: “Plautus' very name, ‘Flatfoot’, may perhaps suggest that he had himself acted as a planipes or barefooted mime.”

¹²¹ Ribbeck, Otto, Alazon. Ein Beitrag zur antiken Ethologie (Leipzig: Teubner, 1882) 26–51Google Scholar.

¹²² Frags. 32, 43-44 (ed. Marx). See Fiske, George C., Lucilius and Horace. A Study in the Classical Theory of Imitation (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1920) 143–218Google Scholar;Terazaghi, Nicola, Lucilio (Rome: Bretschneider, 1970) 268, 277–79Google Scholar;Krenkel, Werner, Lucilius: Satiren (Leiden: Brill, 1970) 107, 115, 121, 125Google Scholar.

¹²³ Weinrich, Otto, Senecas Apocolocyntosis. Die Satire auf Tod/Himmel-und Hollenfahrt des Kaisers Claudius (Berlin: Weidmann, 1923Google Scholar) 6-8; Eden, P. T., Seneca Apocolocyntosis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984) 13–17Google Scholar, 64, 95.

¹²⁴ The essential study remains that of Helm, R., Lucian und Menipp (Leipzig: Teubner, 1906Google Scholar) esp. 115-64; also Bompaire, Jacques, Lucian ecrivain: Imitation et creation (Paris: Boccard, 1958) 587–656Google Scholar, B. P. McCarthy, “Lucian and Menippus,” YCS 4 (1934) 3-58.

¹²⁵ See the texts assembled and discussed by Reich, , Mimus, 354–60Google Scholar;Gigon, Olof, Sokrates, sein Bild in Dichtung und Geschichte (Bern: Francke, 1947) 58–62Google Scholar, 209; MagalhaesVilhena, V. de, Le probleme de Socrate (Paris: Presses Universitaires, 1952) 90, 231–35Google Scholar;Friedlander, Paul, Plato. An Introduction (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969) 137–53Google Scholar;Guthrie, William C. K., Socrates (Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press, 1971) 122–29CrossRefGoogle Scholar;Vlastos, Gregory, Socrates, Ironist and Moral Philosopher (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991) 1–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar; more recently, Nightingale, Andrea, Genres in Dialogue: Plato and the Construct of Philosophy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995) 93–132CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹²⁶ Aristotle Poetica 1447b8-10. See the discussion in Reich, Mimus, 354-60, 380-88.

¹²⁷ Note the way in which Trimalchio is described when he makes his appearance at the banquet (Satyr. 32.1): his shaven head pokes out of a scarlet shawl; around his neck he has tucked a napkin with a purple stripe. The shaven head denotes his role as a stupidus; the purple napkin reveals his pretentious claim to senatorial status. Compare Petronius. Satyricon (ed. and trans. Branham, R. Bracht and Kinney, D.; Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996) 28 n. 32.1Google Scholar.

¹²⁸ Two anecdotes in Suetonius indicate how widespread was the perception of Claudius as a fool. A Greek litigator, in hot debate with Claudius as a judge, let slip the remark, “You are both an old man and a fool (μωρός)” (Claud. 15.4). After Claudius' death, Nero “vented on him every kind of cruelty; for it was a favorite joke of his to say that Claudius had ceased to ‘play the fool’ among mortals, lengthening the first syllable of the word morari” (Nero 33.1), thus producing a pun on morari, “to linger, remain” and morari = μωραίνειν, “to play the fool.”

¹²⁹ Suetonius, Claud. 38.3Google Scholar.

¹³⁰ On the existence of stock characters and their types, see Ribbeck, , Alazon, 1–51Google Scholar;Reich, , Mimus, 42, 66, 563–66Google Scholar;Cornford, Francis, The Origin of Attic Comedy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1934) 134–62Google Scholar;Nicoll, , Masks, Mimes and Miracles, 25–30Google Scholar, 47-63, 69-74, 87-90; Bieber, Margarete, The History of the Greek and Roman Theatre (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961) 159–61;Google ScholarBeare, , Roman Stage, 139–40Google Scholar, 143-46. No effort is made here to give a complete list of stock characters, only those which are relevant to Paul's foolish discourse. Thus, little mention is made of the drunken fool, the rustic, the jealous person, the adulteress, the parasite, etc., though these characters were established types, and are frequently attested in the titles and fragments of mimes, and in related literature.

¹³¹ Ribbeck, (Alazon, 16–39Google Scholar) demonstrates the antiquity and persistence of the characters of the quack doctor and the braggart warrior: originating in Dorian mime, these figures descended through Greek comedy to Roman comedy, farce and mime. Dieterich, (Pulcinella, 20–118Google Scholar) traces the connections and similarities between figures of Greek comedy, especially the slaves, and the stock masks of Atellan farce: Maccus, Bucco, Pappus, and Dossenus.

¹³² For the iconographic evidence, see Bieber, , Denkmaler zum Theaterwesen, Tab. 72.1, 75.5-7, 76–87Google Scholar, 89, 90, 104.1-2, 108.1-5; Nicoll, , Masks, Mimes and Miracles, Fig. 14, 16, 28–30Google Scholar, 32, 34-36, 41, 46, 49-54, 59, 60, 63, 68, 69, 74, 80-82. The titles are often revealing of character type, even when the plays are no longer extant. From the principal exponents of the fabulae Atellanae, Pomponius and Novius, we have such titles as “Maccus the Soldier,” “Bucco the Gladiator,” and “Pappus the Farmer.” Other titles indicate subjects taken from ordinary life, such as “The Slave in Prison,” “The Fishermen,” and “The Doctor.” The Roman knight, Decimus Laberius, who first gave written form to the mime in Latin, has left us forty-two titles, some in Greek, and one hundred and forty lines of text. The titles illustrate an interest in the subjects and characters in which Greek mime and the Atellan farce delighted: “The Soothsayer,” “The Courtesan,” “The Fisherman,” “The Prison.” For the titles and fragments, see Ribbeck, Otto, Scaenicae Romanorum Poesis Fragmenta II, Comicorum Romanorum Fragmenta(Hildeshtim: O1ms, 1962). For discussion of the character types indicated, see Beare, The Roman Stage, 139-48, 154-58Google Scholar.

¹³³ See the discussion of costumes and appearance in Dieterich, Pulcinella, 143-81. Graphic literary portraits of the mannerisms of two of the principal types are provided by Plautus Miles gloriosus andLucian Rhetorumpraeceptor; see also Cicero De oral. 2.61.251. A fine example of a pretentious fool is sketched by the author of Rhet. ad. Her. 4.50-51.

¹³⁴ Aristotle, Eth. Nic. 4.7.10-8.12Google Scholar.

¹³⁵ The prologues of Plautus's comedies assume knowledge of the stock characters. In the Truculentus, the soldier reminds the audience of the behavior expected from his comic type: “Do not expect, spectators, an account from me of my battles” (482). The prologue of the Captivi promises a play of high moral tone, “no mendacious pimp, or wicked courtesan, or braggart soldier.” A fine example is provided by an incident at the beginning of the brief reign of the Emperor Galba, who was a provincial commander before claiming the throne. Suetonius records (Galba 13) that an Atellan farce was performed at the first show he attended in the theater: “when the actors began the familiar lines ‘Here comes Onesimus, down from the farm,’ all the spectators at once finished the song in chorus and repeated it several times with appropriate gestures, beginning with that verse.” The audience had recognized in Galba the type of the rustic fool (αуροικοσ, rusticus). On this stock character, see the superb short study of Ribbeck, Otto, Agroikos, eine ethologische Studie (Leipzig: Hirzel, 1885Google Scholar). It was upon the familiarity of the stock characters that the oft-noted topical quality of mime and farce de-pended.

¹³⁶ On this character type, see Bieber, History of the Greek and Roman Theatre, 159-60; Nicoll, Masks, Mimes and Miracles, 28-30.

¹³⁷ Athenaios Deip. 14.659a. Ribbeck, Alazon, 18-24; Arthur Wallace Pickard-Cambridge, ithyramb, Tragedy and Comedy (Oxford: Clarendon, 1927) 275–79Google Scholar.

¹³⁸ Pollux, Onom. 4.150Google Scholar;Robert, compare Carl, Die Masken der neueren attischen Komodie (Halle: Niemeyer, 1911) 108–109Google Scholar.

¹³⁹ Robert, , Masken der Komodie, 76Google Scholar;Bieber, , Denkmaler zum Theaterwesen, 135Google Scholar no. 89, Tab. 73.1, 2, 4; 57 no. 30, Tab. 89; 162 no. 138, Tab. 94.1; 169 no. 168, Tab. 105.3; Nicoll, , Masks, Mimes and Miracles, fig. 13–15Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁰ Plautus, Pseudolus 1218–19Google Scholar.

¹⁴¹ Ibid. 458-61.

¹⁴² Ibid. 38–81.

¹⁴³ Ibid. 383. See Beacham (Roman Theatre, 35-38) for additional examples of the type.

¹⁴⁴ Seneca, Apocol. 7.4–5; 8.3Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁵ Ibid. 15.2.

¹⁴⁶ Petronius, Satyr. 26–78Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁷ Ribbeck, , Alazon, 26–51Google Scholar; see also Cornford, , Origin of Attic Comedy, 135Google Scholar, 141, 151, 155, 158.

¹⁴⁸ Ribbeck, , Alazon, 26–27Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁹ Dieterich, , Pulcinella, 239Google Scholar. See also the statue of the braggart warrior in Bieber, Denkmdler zum Theaterwesen, 164-65 no. 147, Tab. 98.1.; and the portrait of the same figure on a wall painting from Pompeii, ibid., 159 no. 134, Abb. 136.

¹⁵⁰ Cornford, , Origin of Attic Comedy, 135–36Google Scholar.

¹⁵¹ Aristotle, Eth. Nic. 3.7.8Google Scholar.

¹⁵² The Greek original of Plautus's Miles Gloriosus is called Alazon in line 86; text and notes in T. Macci Plauti Miles Gloriosus (ed. Hammond, Mason; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997Google Scholar). The other plays in which the miles appear are Bacchides, Curculio, Epidicus, Poenulus, Pseudolous, and Truculentus.

¹⁵³ See the excellent study by Hanson, John A., “The Glorious Military,” in Dorey, Thomas A. and Dudley, Donald R., eds., Roman Drama (New York: Basic Books, 1965) 51–67Google Scholar.

¹⁵⁴ Plautus, Bacchides 925–75Google Scholar. See the equally effective speech of the slave Pseudolus in Pseud. 579-92. On these slave generalissimos, who assume the mask of military glory in Plautus, see the comments of Hanson, “Glorious Military,” 66: “Boaster of his talents, he is clearly one of Plautus' most popular creations, on whom the playwright lavished his verbal imagination to a higher degree. He appears in nine plays, and it is significant that all but one of the plays in which a miles gloriosus appears also boasts a servus gloriosus.”

¹⁵⁵ Seneca, Apocol. 5.2-3; 7.2–5Google Scholar.

¹⁵⁶ Ovid, Tr. 2.497–500Google Scholar.Nicoll, , Masks, Mimes and Miracles, 29–30Google Scholar;Cornford, , Origin of Attic Comedy, 147–59Google Scholar;Oeri, Hans Georg, Der Typ des komischen Alten in der griechischen Komodie (Basel: Schwabe, 1948Google Scholar). In the fabula Atellana, Pappus is beyond doubt the old fool; see also Varro, Ling. 7.29Google Scholar;Dieterich, , Pulcinella, 86Google Scholar; and the comments of Beare, , The Roman Stage, 145Google Scholar: “In Pappus, the disadvantages of old age were satirized with true Roman vigor. His defeat at the election was the theme of plays by both Pomponius and Novius. In Novius' play, some young man informs him with brutal candor that his electioneering will bring him not to the chair of office but to the coffin. Pappus is no doubt the ‘worthless old fellow’ of Pomponius' Praeco Posterior, whose young wife is to be induced by her stepson to leave him; in spite of his early sacrifices at the temple of Venus (presumably for success in love), a clown brings him news of disaster. Pappus is naturally unfortunate as a husband; his activities as a farmer are interrupted by the vivid account of his wife's misconduct (in Pomponius’ Pappus Agricola).”

¹⁵⁷ Pollux, Onom. 4Google Scholar.

¹⁵⁸ Robert, , Masken der Komodie, 108–9;Google ScholarNicoll, , Masks, Mimes and Miracles, Fig. 16, 28, 32–34Google Scholar;Bieber, , Denkmdler zum Theaterwesen, 132Google Scholar no. 79, Tab. 69; 176-78, no. 187–89, Tab. 108.45, Fig. 142.

¹⁵⁹ Reich, , Mimus, 23Google Scholar, 470, 578; Nicoll, , Masks, Mimes and Miracles, 47–48Google Scholar, 87-88, 114.

¹⁶⁰ Quoted by Reich, , Mimus, 831Google Scholar; see also Chrysostom, John, Poenit. 4.3 (PG 59, col. 760) describing how the fool “cuts his hair off with a razor” (ξυρώ τάς τρίχας Περιαιρών)Google Scholar.

¹⁶¹ Marcellus, NoniusDe compendiosa doctrina (ed. Lindsay, Wallace M.; 2 vols.; Leipzig: Teubner, 1902) 1. 10Google Scholar.

¹⁶² Martial 5.61.

¹⁶³ Juvenal 5.156-58.

¹⁶⁴ Ibid. 5.170-72.

¹⁶⁵ POxy. 413. See the discussion of date, provenance, characters and scenes by Page, Select Papyri III, 350-53.

¹⁶⁶ POxy 413 II 40 44-45, 49, 58, 65.

¹⁶⁷ Ribbeck, , Alazon, 10–18Google Scholar, distinguishes several types: the rhetor, the philosopher, the prophet, the doctor. Ribbeck's rich collection of materials illustrates each type. Note especially Eupolis's description of Protagoras in the Flatterers: ός άλαζονεύεται μέν άλιτήριος Περί τών μετεώρων, τά δέ χαμάθίει (Frag. 146, in Comicorum Atticorum Fragmenta [3 vols.; ed. Theodor Kock; Berlin: Teubner, 1888] 1. 258), and Aristophanes' colorful list of characters in the Clouds: Πλείστους αύται βόοκουσι σοφιστάς, θουριοάντεις, ίατήχνας σφραγιδουμχαργοκομήγτας, κυκlambda;ίων τε χορών άσματοκάμΠτας, άνδρας μετεωροθευάκας (331-33). See also the learned fool called σχολαοτικός in the fourth-century jokebook, the Philogelos, some of whose material goes back as far as the first century CE; Thierfelder, Andreas, ed., Philogelos der Lachfreund von Hierokles und Philagrios (Munich: Heimeran, 1968)Google Scholar.

¹⁶⁸ Athenaios Deip. 14.621d-622b. See the discussion of this reference by Pickard-Cambridge, Dithyramb, Tragedy and Comedy, 228-30.

¹⁶⁹ For the titles and fragments of Epicharmus's works, see Kaibel, , Comicorum Fragmenta, 91–133Google Scholar. The fragment in which a learned impostor appears is best consulted in Diels, Hermann, Fragmente der Vorsokratiker (Berlin: Weidmann, 1934) 113–14Google Scholar. See the observations of Pickard-Cambridge, Dithyramb, Tragedy and Comedy, 376: “We have a quack-philosopher using subtleties of argument to justify him in playing tricks on his neighbors—a character very like Socrates in the Clouds of Aristophanes, and still more like what Socrates makes of Strepsiades; and there is reason to think that such a character-type persisted from the time of the old Peloponnesian buffoonery, which contributed much both to Attic and to Syracusan comedy, down to the Middle Comedy, when the philosopher was frequently presented in this guise.”

¹⁷⁰ See Wilhelm Suss, De personarum antiquae comoediae atticae usu atque origine (Ph.D. diss., University of Bonn, 1905) 28; Cornford, Origin of Attic Comedy, 137.

¹⁷¹ See the scholion on Aristophanes Nu. 363, where the chorus praises Socrates, όγι βρενθύει τ‘ένταίσιν όδοίς καί τώφθαλμώ Παραβάλμώ Παραβάλλεις (“for you hold your head high, haughtily, and cast your eyes sideways as you go”), the scholiast observes: ίδιόν έστι τών άλαζόνων το νν εξειμ αει το βλεννα επι τανοøαλνω και κατω κιμειμ, και μνμ νεμ εμτανøα, μνμ σ άλλοσε μεταφέρειν. (“It is characteristic of the boastful impostors not to have their gaze fixed on the same object, but to move their eyes up and down, and to shift their gaze now hither, now thither”) See also Nu. 102-3, where Pheidippides provides a characterization of the philosophers, αίβοί Πονηροί γ’, οΙδα. τούς άλαζόνας τούς ώχριώντας τούς άνυΠοδήτονς λέγις, ών ό κακοδαίμων ∑ωκράτης καί χαιρεφών (“Out on the rogues! I know them. Those rank pedants, those palefaced, barefoot vagabonds you mean: that Socrates, poor wretch, and Chaerephon”), the scholiast adds the explanation: άλαζόνας ίδίως τούς άνυΠοδήτους ἐκάλουν (“Charlatans: properly they are called liars; but he reasonably calls the philosophers impostors since they profess to speak about what they do not understand.”) See also Suss, De person-arum antiquae, 10-28; Ribbeck, Alazon, 10-12; Cornford, Origin of Attic Comedy, 136-40.

¹⁷² Eth. Nic. 4.7.13:

οί ούν δόΖης χάριν άλαζονευόμενοι τά τοιαύτα ΠροσΠοιούνται έφ’

άλαζονται έστι γάρέν αύτοίς τά είρημέυα. (“Those then who boast for the sake of reputation pretend to possess such qualities as are praised and admired; those who do so for profit pretend to accomplishments that are useful to their fellows and also can be counterfeited without detection; for instance, proficiency in prophecy, philosophy, or medicine. Because these arts have the two qualities specified, they are the commonest fields of pretence and bragging.”)

¹⁷³ Lucian Dial. mart. 1.2. Ribbeck, Alazon, 12; Helm, Lucian und Menipp, 81-84.

¹⁷⁴ Herodas, Mime 3Google Scholar.

¹⁷⁵ Laberius Frags. 17, 36, 72 in Ribbeck, Comicorum Rom. Fragmenta; one fragment mentions Democritus, while others make scoffing reference to the Cynics and Pythagoreans. See also Beare, , Roman Stage, 156–57Google Scholar;Beacham, , Roman Theatre, 133–34Google Scholar.

¹⁷⁶ Cicero, Pro Gall. frag. 2Google Scholar.

¹⁷⁷ Lucian Dial. mort. 10; Pise. 44; Somn. 4; Dial, meret. 10; Fug. 7; Icaromenipp. 6.

¹⁷⁸ See the comments of Weinrich, , Senecas Apocolocyntosis, 6–8Google Scholar;Eden, , Seneca Apocolocyntosis, 13–17Google Scholar, 64, 95.

¹⁷⁹ 2 Cor 11:21b, 23b, 30; 12:1a, 5-6, 1 la. Zmijewski (Stilder paulinischen “Narrenrede,” 276-77) calls attention to the “reflexive Bemerkungen” which punctuate and structure Paul's speech; see further, Kleinknecht, Leidende Gerechtfertigte, 286-87.

¹⁸⁰ For discussion of the length of Herodas's pieces and the method of presentation, see Ian C. Cunningham, review of Giuseppe Mastromarco, II Pubblico di Eronda (1979) in JHS 101 (1981) 161.

¹⁸¹ The terms άφροσύνη and άφρων are taken by Paul from Jewish wisdom literature, above all Proverbs and Ecclesiastes, but also Sirach and the Wisdom of Solomon, where they have the status of termini technici; see also Windisch, Zweite Korintherbrief, 318. Greek is rich in the vocabulary of “foolishness”; usage varies from author to author. Thus, Socrates is termed άτοπος (Euthd. 305a) and καταγέλαστος (Grg. 485d); Claudius is called μωρός (Seneca Apoc. 7.3; 8.3). Lucian employs a variety of terms—άνόητος, άσύνετος, γελοίος. With lower class fools, the emphasis falls upon the “wretchedness” of their condition: thus the drunkard of an anonymous mime, preserved on an ostrakon of 2-1 BCE, is termed τλήμων “poor fellow” (Page, Select Papyri III, no. 74, 1.1); the buffoon of the mime Charition (POxy. 413) is addressed as ταλαίπωοος, “poor fool” (Page, Select Papyri III, no. 76, 1.20). Paul himself uses μωρία in 1 Cor 1:18, 21, 23; 2:14; 3:19, μωρόν in 1 Cor 1:25, and μωρός in 1 Cor 4:10. Paul's preference for άφροσύνη in the present context may be dictated by the contrast that he wishes to draw between himself and his opponents who are “without understanding” and thus “boast beyond limit” (2 Cor 10:12-13). Paul's own conduct exhibits σωφροσύνη, “moderation”; his opponents are άφρονοι, “immoderate fools” (2 Cor 11:19); see also Bultmann, Zweite Brief, 202; Furnish, II Corinthians, 485.

¹⁸² Dover, Kenneth, Plato. Symposium (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980) 160–63Google Scholar; David Sider, “Plato's Symposium as Dionysian Festival,” Quaderni Urbinati di Cultura Classica 33 (1980) 41-56.

¹⁸³ Windisch, , Zweite Korintherbrief, 345Google Scholar; followed by Betz, , Apostel Paulus, 81 n. 252Google Scholar.

¹⁸⁴ Seneca Apocolocyntosis 1.1.

¹⁸⁵ Ibid. 7.3; 8.3.

¹⁸⁶ At Apoc. 7.3 the author comments on Hercules' tirade: nihilo minus mentis suae non est et times μωρού πληγήν. The phrase μωρού πληγή, “a blow from a fool,” is a parody of θɛού πληγέ, a “blow of a god,” as found in Greek tragedy, for example, Sophocles Aj. 278f., δέδοικα μέ κ θεού πληγέ τις έκει “I am afraid some blow is going to come from a god”; Sophocles fr. 961, θεού δέ πληγέν ούκ ύπɛρπηδαί βροτός, “a mortal cannot escape a god's blow.” Mωρού is substituted for θɛού again at Apoc. 8.3 in the phrase μωρού ɛύιλάτον τνξɛίν, a parody of a traditional Greek prayer, for example, as found in an inscription from Corcyra: μέ γένοιτι ɛύειλάτον τνξɛίν Δάματρος. “May an encounter with a gracious Demeter not occur”; see Curtius Wachsmuth, “Senecas Apocolocyntosis,” Rh.M. 18 (1863) 370-73.

¹⁸⁷ Jup. Trag. 1, 13.

¹⁸⁸ Ibid. 6, 31.

¹⁸⁹ Rom 1:1; Phil 1:1.

¹⁹⁰ Beacham, , Roman Theatre, 37–38Google Scholar.

¹⁹¹ Plautus, Asinaria 546–51Google Scholar. See also Segal, Erich, Roman Laughter: The Comedy of Plautus (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1968) 145Google Scholar.

¹⁹² POxy. 413.37-45.

¹⁹³ Ibid. 51-58.

¹⁹⁴ Ibid. 64-65. Following the distribution of parts in the text of Crusius, Herodae Mimiambi, 110.

¹⁹⁵ Isocrates Bus. 10, with the qualifications of Aristotle Rhet. 1367b31-34. On the origin of the topos, see Fraustadt, Georg, Encomiorum in Litteris Graecis usque ad Romanum Aetatem Historia (Leipzig: Noske, 1909) 42–45Google Scholar. On the systematization of the topos in encomiastic rhetoric, see Buchheit, Vinzenz, Untersuchungen zur Theorie des Genos Epideiktikon von Gorgias bis Aristoteles (Munich: Huber, 1960) 12–17Google Scholar. For proximate examples of the topos, see the sepulchral epigram of Meleagar of Gadara, no. 417 in The Greek Anthology (ed. Paton, W. R.; LCL; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993) 224–25Google Scholar; and the inscription dedicated by Tiberius Claudius Zopas to his father, text in Robert, Louis, Les gladiateurs dans I'orient grec (Paris: Champion, 1940) 168Google Scholar, no. 152, cited by Edwin A. Judge, “St. Paul and Classical Society,” JAC 15 (1972) 36 n. 85.

¹⁹⁶ For example, Bion's reply to Antigonus, who had inquired about his origins (Diogenes Laertius 4.46-47): “My father was a freedman, who wiped his nose on his sleeve, a native of Borysthenes, with no face to show, but only the writing on his face, a token of his master's severity. My mother was such as a man like my father would marry, from a brothel. After-wards, my father, who had cheated the revenue in some way, was sold with all his family. And I, then a not ungraceful youngster, was bought by a certain rhetorician, who on his death left me all he had. And I burnt his books, scraped everything together, came to Athens and turned philosopher. This is the stock and the blood from which I boast to have sprung. Such is my story. It is high time, then, that Persaeus and Philonides left off recounting it. Judge me by myself.”

¹⁹⁷ 2 Cor 11:22. On the rhetorical qualities of verse 22, see Windisch, , Zweite Korintherbrief, 350Google Scholar;Zmijewski, , Stil der paulinischen “Narrenrede”, 236–43Google Scholar.

¹⁹⁸ On the history of the terms, see the excurses in Windisch, , Zweite Korintherbrief, 350–52Google Scholar. On the use of the terms by Paul's opponents, see Georgi, , Opponents of Paul, 40–82Google Scholar.

¹⁹⁹ See esp. Phil 3:5; W. Gutbrod, “Έβραίος,” in TDNT3. 388-91; BAG 213 s.v. Έβραίος, 1. Note esp. the appearance of the term in Jewish grave inscriptions from Rome and the provinces, nos. 291, 317, 354, 379, 502, 505,510, 535 in Cll. The term need not imply mastery of the Hebrew or Aramaic language; rightly, Lietzmann, An die Korinther, 150. Nor does the term necessarily suggest Palestinian origin; Georgi, Opponents of Paul, 41-46.

²⁰⁰ Like ‘Εβραίος, the term ‘Ισραηλίτης, has an ethnic aspect, denoting descent from Abraham: thus Rom 11:1 (καί γάρ ήγώ ‘Ισραηλίτης είμί, ‘Аβαραάμ φυλής Вενιαμίν “and I am an Israelite of the lineage of Abraham, of the tribe of Benjamin”); 4 Mace. 18:1. But as Rom 9:4-5 makes clear, the “Israelite” is the heir of divine blessings, one who has a share in a religious heritage; see also Windisch, Zweite Korintherbrief, 351: Georgi, Opponents of Paul, 46-49.

²⁰¹ Although σπέρμα ‘Аβραάμ is sometimes synonymous with ‘Ισραηλίτης (for example, Rom 11:1; 4 Mace. 18:1), Paul's use of the expression in Gal 3:16-18 and Rom 4:13-18; 9:7-8 places the emphasis upon participation in the “promises” given to Abraham; see also Windisch, Zweite Korintherbrief, 351; Georgi, Opponents of Paul, 49-60.

²⁰² See the commentary of Eden, Seneca. Apocolocyntosis, 85-87.

²⁰³ Seneca Apoc. 6.

²⁰⁴ Eden, , Seneca. Apocolocyntosis, 89–90Google Scholar.

²⁰⁵ Seneca, Apoc. 6.1Google Scholar.

²⁰⁶ Dio Cassius 54.21.2-8.

²⁰⁷ Seneca, Ep. 119.9; 120.19; Perseus 2.36; Juvenal 1.109; 14.306; Martial 83.36; with the commentary of Eden, Seneca. Apocolocyntosis, 90.

²⁰⁸ Petronius Satyr. 29.

²⁰⁹ Ibid. 71.

²¹⁰ On διάκονοι χριστού, as a self-designation of Paul's opponents, see Windisch, Zweite Korintherbrief, 352; for what is entailed in the concept διάκονος and the title διάκονος χριστού, see Georgi, , Opponents of Paul, 27–32.Google Scholar

²¹¹ On the adverbial use of ύπέρ and its implications, see BDF '230. In this instance, ύπέρ is used in a manner analogous to μάλλον in Phil 3:4, “to a higher degree” or “better”; see Furnish, II Corinthians, 514. The expression thus represents a rhetorical heightening of κάγώs in vv. 21b-22; rightly, Bultmann, Rudolf, Exegetische Probleme des zweiten Korintherbriefes (Uppsala: Wretmans, 1947) 26Google Scholar. The negative connotation of ύπέρ in this instance (as in 2 Cor 10:14, 16; 11;15; 12:7) is detected by Betz, AposteiPaulus, 78 n. 237; see also Gerhard Delling, “Zum steigernden Gebrauch von Komposita mit ύπέρ bei Paulus,” NovT 11 (1969) 127-53.

²¹² Seneca Apocolocyntosis 8.3. Weinrich, , Senecas Apolocolocyntosis, 82–83Google Scholar;Eden, , Seneca, Apocolocyntosis, 99Google Scholar.

²¹³ West, Allen B., Corinth, vol. 8, pt. 2: Latin Inscriptions, 1896-1926 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1931) nos. 2, 3, 98–101Google Scholar, 132; Kent, Harvery, Corinth, vol. 8, pt. 3: The Inscriptions, 1926-1950 (Princeton: American School of Classical Studies, 1966) no. 155Google Scholar.

²¹⁴ West, , Corinth: Latin Inscriptions, no. 71Google Scholar;Meritt, B. D., Corinth, vol. 8, pt. 1, Greek Inscriptions, 1896-1927 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1931) nos. 76, 80–83Google Scholar;Kent, , Corinth: The Inscriptions, nos. 138–43Google Scholar. See in general, Mary L. Gordon, “The Freedman's Son in Municipal Life,” JRomS 21 (1931) 65-77.

²¹⁵ Petronius, Satyr. 71Google Scholar. The translation is that of Sullivan, John Patrick, Petronius. The Satyricon (London: Faber, 1986) 85Google Scholar; see also the note of Heseltine, Michael, ed., Petronius (LCL; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987) 165 n. 3Google Scholar: “Trimalchio boasts that if he had chosen to go to Rome as a freedman he could have become a member of the decuries, the orders or guilds which supplied the lower branches of the public service, e.g. lictors, scribes, criers, and street officers.”

²¹⁶ Windisch, , Zweite Korintherbrief, 353Google Scholar: “παραφρονών ist = έν άφροσύνη, doch vielleicht (dem klassischen Sprachgebrauch entsprechend) noch etwas stärker: ‘in Wahnsinn’.” (“παραφρονών is equal to έν άφροσύνη, but perhaps [corresponding to the classical linguistic usage] even somewhat stronger: ‘in madness’.”)

²¹⁷ On the trope of μνμκριμισ in encomiastic literature, see Isocrates Bus. 7-8; Aristotle Rhet. 1368a 19-26; Rhet. ad Alex. 1441a 27-32; Theon Prog.; Spengel, Leonard, Rhetores Graeci(3 vols.; Leipzig: Tübner, 1894) 2. 112–15Google Scholar; Hermogenes Prog., Spengel, Rhetores Graeci, 2. 14-15. See also Christopher Forbes, “Comparison, Self-Praise and Irony: Paul's Boasting and the Conventions of Hellenistic Rhetoric,” NTS 32 (1986) 2-8.

²¹⁸ Plato Symp. 221c-d. Nightingale, Genres in Dialogue, 119 n. 73.

²¹⁹ Lucian, Rhet. praec. 21Google Scholar.

²²⁰ Fiske, , Lucilius and Horace, 143–56Google Scholar, 186-201; Helm, , Lucian und Menipp, 17–20Google Scholar, 80ff.; Hellfried Dahlmann, “M. Terentius Varro,” RE Suppl. 6 (1935) 1273-74.

²²¹ Similarly, Windisch, , Zweite Korintherbrief, 350Google Scholar.

²²² In the history of research, this passage is treated as an example of a “peristasis catalogue,” such as one finds in Rom 8:35; 1 Cor 4:9-13; 2 Cor 4:8-9; 6:4b-5; 12:10; see Furnish, , II Corinthians, 533–35Google Scholar;Martin, , 2 Corinthians, 368–72Google Scholar;Fitzgerald, John T., Cracks in an Earthen Vessel: An Examination of the Catalogues of Hardships in the Corinthian Correspondence (SBLDS 99; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1988) 7–31Google Scholar. Anton Fridrichsen sought the origin of Paul's catalogue of hardships in ll:23b-27 in paradoxical imitation of the lists of achievements and services compiled by notable public figures, such as the res gestae of the emperor Augustus (“Zum Stil des paulinischen Peristasenkatalogs 2 Cor. ll:23ff,” SO 8 [1929] 78-82. Betz(Apostel Paulus, 98-99) argues that Paul's appropriation of the “peristasis catalogue” in 2 Cor 11:23-28 corresponds to the use of this form by Cynic and Stoic philosophers, as known, above all, from a fragment of Teles' diatribe περι περιμταμεωμ. While these suggestions illuminate features of the style and content of 2 Cor 11:24-27, the relevant context for understanding Paul's list of hardships is the fool's speech, with its boast in labors and exploits.

²²³ Ribbeck, , Alazon, 26–51Google Scholar.

²²⁴ Plautus, Cure. 442–48Google Scholar. Hanson, “The Glorious Military,” 56-57.

²²⁵ Hanson, “The Glorious Military,” 57-58.

²²⁶ Such as the Columna Rostrata, where Gaius Duilius in about 260 BCE records his feats (ILS 1.65, a copy of imperial times; see also the briefer elogium, ILS 55), and the Res Gestae Divi Augusti. The long announcement of victory, delivered by the cowardly slave Sosia in Plautus' Amphitruo (186-262), is also a parody of the official res gestae.

²²⁷ On the relation of Plautus' miles gloriosus to social reality, see the observation of Hanson (“Glorious Military,” 61): “The impact of the returning hero, whether general, centurion, or common soldier, on Roman society is clearly revealed in Plautus. There is no reason to doubt the realism of his description in the Epidicus (208-15) of the streets full of soldiers carrying their weapons and leading their pack-animals, and being met by fathers looking for their own sons and by crowds of prostitutes, all dressed for the occasion. Plautus miles gloriosus, then, is relevant to his own society.” Residents of Roman Corinth would have been all too familiar with the professional soldier: veterans of Caesar's campaigns were among Corinth's first colonists; see Plutarch, Caes. 57.5; Dio Cassius 43.50.3-5; Strabo 8.6.23Google Scholar.

²²⁸ Livy 42.34.

²²⁹ 2 Cor 11:24-27.

²³⁰ Plato Symp. 219e-21b. See the commentary on this section of the speech by Dover, Plato. Symposium, 172-75; Nightingale, Genres in Dialogue, 119-20.

²³¹ Michael Gagarin, “Socrates' Hybris and Alcibiades' Failure,” Phoenix 31 (1977) 30; Dover, Plato. Symposium, 173: “Πόνοι‘hardships’, the usual term for the soldier's efforts and privations.”

²³² Plato, Symp. 219eGoogle Scholar.

²³³ lbid. 221a.

²³⁴ Ibid. 220b-c. Gagarin, “Socrates' Hybris,” 30-31.

²³⁵ Seneca Apoc. 7.2. Eden, Seneca. Apocolocyntosis, 84: “Hercules appears in one of his comic guises: the much traveled, monster-slaying Greekling, shockable, gullible, blustering, cowardly and ridiculously prone to believe in his own tragic image. He has much in common with the Herakles of Aristophanes “Ranae.” The buffoonish Herakles was already a well-known figure in Megarean mime; see the allusion in Aristophanes Vesp. 56-60. Several of Epicharmus's mimes have Herakles as their subject: ‘Аλκυονεύς, Вούσιρις, “Нβας Гάμος, ‘Нρακλής ό ήΠί τόν ζωστήρα, ‘Нρακλής ό Πάρ Φόλω. The Phlyax vases portray many scenes in which Herakles is a comic hero: see Bieber, Denkmdler zum Theaterwesen, Tab. 77, 79; Heinrich Heydemann, “Die Phlyakendarstellungen auf bemalten Vasen,” Jahrbuch das klassischen deutschen archdologischen lnstituts 1 (1886) 280, 283, 293; Nicoll, Masks, Mimes and Miracles, 51-54.

²³⁶ See the notes to Apoc. 7.2 in Eden, Seneca. Apocolocyntosis, 94-95; Sullivan, Seneca. The Apocolocyntosis, 237 n. 26.

²³⁷ Seneca, Apoc. 7.5Google Scholar.

²³⁸ Apoc. 8.3 “Is it not enough that he has a temple in Britain?” (“parum est quod templum in Britannia habet”); 8.2 “convicted of incest” (“damnauit incesti”). Weinrich, Senecas Apocolocyntosis, 80-83; Eden, Seneca. Apocolocyntosis, 99.

²³⁹ Ribbeck, , Alazon, 31-32Google Scholar.

²⁴⁰ Rightly, Windisch, , Zweite Korintherbrief, 351Google Scholar.

²⁴¹ Windisch, , Zweite Korintherbrief, 350, 354Google Scholar.

²⁴² As noted by Bury, R. G., The Symposium of Plato (Cambridge: Heffer, 1909Google Scholar) lii, lxivlxv; Dover, Plato. Symposium, 164-65.

²⁴³ Reich, , Mimus, 374–75Google Scholar;Nicoll, , Masks, Mimes and Miracles, 87-88, 114Google Scholar.

²⁴⁴ On the authorship of this idyll, and the likelihood that the traditional ascription to Theocritus is mistaken, see Gow, Andrew S. F., Theocritus (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1952)Google Scholar.

²⁴⁵ Reich, , Mimus, 374Google Scholar.

²⁴⁶ Ibid. 375.

²⁴⁷ The translation follows Edmonds, J. M., ed., The Greek Bucolic Poets (LCL; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1996) 247Google Scholar.

²⁴⁸ Theocritus 'αλιεισ 21.58-60.

²⁴⁹ Ibid. 21.61-62.

²⁵⁰ Ibid. 21.66-67.

²⁵¹ Reich (Mimus, 374) points to the similarity of Theophrastus's character 16, the Δειμισαιωμ who visits the dream interpreter whenever he has a dream (16.11).

²⁵² Reich, , Mimus, 23Google Scholar. 448, 470, 578-9; Nicoll, , Masks, Mimes and Miracles, 87–88Google Scholar.

²⁵³ Reich, , (.Mimus, 448Google Scholar) observes that the mimic fool is called alopus, “one who receives blows as his proper portion” (qui propter mercedem alapas patitur) in the Latin glosses.

²⁵⁴ On the persistent ailments that afflicted Claudius's boyhood and adolescence, leaving him physically handicapped, see Suetonius Claud. 2.1 and the discussion in Levick, Barbara, Claudius (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990) 13–15Google Scholar.

²⁵⁵ Seneca, Apoc. 5.2Google Scholar.

²⁵⁶ Ibid. 6.1-2. See Suetonius Claud. 4.6, 21.6, 30; Dio Cassius 60.2.1-2; Eden, Seneca Apocolocyntosis, 66, 83, 92.

²⁵⁷ Seneca, Apoc. 3.1Google Scholar.

²⁵⁸ Ibid. 4.2.

²⁵⁹ Lucian Jup. trag. 1.

²⁶⁰ Ibid. 14.

²⁶¹ Ibid.

²⁶² Ibid. 25, 32, 34.

²⁶³ Ibid. 3, 4. See the commentary of Jürgen Coenen, Lukian Zeus tragodos: Überlieferungsgeschichte, Text und Kommentar. Beiträge zur klassischen Philologie 88 (Meisenheim am Glan: Hain, 1977) 38-39, 63-65. Zeus was already a figure of burlesque in Phlyax comedy and mime (see Nicoll, Masks, Mimes and Miracles, 54-58). On a vase found at Ruvo, Zeus on his throne is shaking with impotent rage, while an impudent Herakles puts a bit of food into his mouth. A vase found at Bari shows the god seated on his throne, with an eagle, symbol of his power, in his left hand; he looks with perturbation at a man wearing a pilos, or peaked hat, who is approaching him by a flight of steps; Bieber, Denkmaler zum Theaterwesen, Tab. 77, 78. Tertullian's attack upon the mime (Apologeticus 15) provides evidence of the popularity of the theme in a later period: as a theme of farce, Tertullian mentions “the last testament of dead Jove.”

²⁶⁴ See the reconstruction of the action in scenes 1-4 and 8 by Page, Select Papyri 111, 351-52.

²⁶⁵ 2 Cor 11:29. Windisch, Zweite Korintherbrief, 361.

²⁶⁶ 2 Cor 12:2-4. Hans Dieter Betz, “Eine Christus-Aretalogie bei Paulus,” ZTI1K66 (1969) 288-305; idem, Apostel Paulus, 84-85, 89-92.

²⁶⁷ On the ascension to heaven in comedy and satire, see Johannes Geffcken, “Studien zur griechischen Satire,” Neue Jahrbücher für das klassische Altertum 27 (1911) 474-76; Helm, , Lucian und Menipp, 103–109Google Scholar.

²⁶⁸ Seneca Apoc. 5.1-2. Eden, Seneca. Apocolocyntosis, 13-17, who argues that Seneca adopts a theme of Menippean satire.

²⁶⁹ Lucian Jup. Trag. 33-34. Coenen, Lukian Zeus tragodos, 106-8.

²⁷⁰ Plato Symp. 220c-d. Guthrie, Socrates, 84-85.

²⁷¹ Rightly, Betz, Apostel Paulus, 85, citing the dictum of the poet Alcman (fr. 16.1, Anthologia Lyrica Graeca [ed. Ernst Diehl; Leipzig: Teubner, 1949] II, 9): μή τις άνθρώπων ές ώρανόν ποτέσθω.

²⁷² Pindar 1.7.44; Euripides Better.; Horace Carm. 4.11.26; Socratic Ep.l.11-12; see also Kurt Latte, “Schuld und Sünde in der griechischen Religion,” ARW20 (1920) 268-70; Rose, Herbert J., Handbook of Greek Mythology (London: Methuen, 1958) 270–71Google Scholar. Note the connection of Bellerophon with Corinth; Homer II. 6.155. Bellerophon on the winged horse Pegasus is found on Corinthian vases from the seventh century BCE onward, and remained popular as a subject in various arts in later centuries; see Brommer, Frank, Vasenlisten zur griechischen Heldensage (Marburg: Elwert, 1960) 220–24Google Scholar.

²⁷³ Ribbeck, , Alazon, 10–12Google Scholar;Cornford, , The Origin of Attic Comedy, 136–40Google Scholar.

²⁷⁴ Ribbeck, , Alazon, 12Google Scholar;Helm, , Lucian andMenipp, 81–84Google Scholar; Geffcken, “Studien zur griechischen Satire” 474; Betz, Hans Dieter, Lukian von Samosata und das Neue Testament (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1961) 38-39, 84–86Google Scholar.

²⁷⁵ Lucian, Icar. 4–5Google Scholar.

²⁷⁶ Ibid. 5.

²⁷⁷ Ibid. 6. See Alciphron Ep. 3.14.

²⁷⁸ Icar. 10. Note the use of a cognate form of the term found in 2 Cor 12:2, άρπάζω, to describe Menippus's ascent to heaven in Icaromenipp. 2, άνάρπαστος.

²⁷⁹ Icar. 11-19.

²⁸⁰ Ibid. 20-21.

²⁸¹ Ibid. 22.

²⁸² Ibid. 29-33.

²⁸³ See Ribbeck, , Alazon, 14–15Google Scholar. on the μάντɛις as άλαζόνɛς. On the Pythagoreans, exponents of secret wisdom, as objects of ridicule by mime writers, such as Decimus Laberius, see Beare, , Roman Stage, 156–57Google Scholar.

²⁸⁴ See Mackie, E. C.(Menippus [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1904Google Scholar ]) and the discussion in Helm, , Lucian und Menipp, 15–18Google Scholar.

²⁸⁵ Lucian Menip. 2 (compare 3): ύπουργητέον καί ταύτά σοί τί γάρ άν καί πάθοι τις όπότε θίλος άνέρ βιάζοιτο; In a fragment of Laberius's mime Necyomantia, a number of characters come forward to tell what strange portents and wonders they have witnessed in the Underworld (Frag. 17 in Ribbeck, Comicorum Rom. Fragmenta).

²⁸⁶ 2 Cor 12:7-9. See the detailed commentary of Windisch, Zweite Korintherbrief, 382-93.

²⁸⁷ Compare Betz, “Eine Christus-Aretalogie bei Paulus,” 290-303; idem, Apostel Paulus, 85-86, 92-93.

²⁸⁸ See Ribbeck, , Alazon, 15–18Google Scholar, on the ίατρός άλαζών. Hippocrates (Morb. Sacr. 1) ridiculed the charlatans of his time who pretended to cure epilepsy: έμοί δέ δοκέουσιν οί πρώτοι τούτο τό νόσημα άθιɛρώσατɛς τοιούτοι ɛίναι άνθρωποι οίοι καί νύν ɛίσί μάγοι τɛ καί καθάρταί καί άγύρταί καί άλαζόνɛς, όκόσοι δέ προσποιέονται σθόδρα θɛοσɛβέɛς ɛίναι καί πλέον τι ɛίδέναι, κ.τ.λ. See the satire on the practice of incubation in the temple of Asklepios in Aristophanes Plut. 665-748. The most interesting figure of this type in anitiquity was Menekrates of Syracuse; see the account of his wondrous healings in Athenaios Deip. 7.289; see also Weinreich, Otto, Menekrates Zeus und Salmoneus (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1933)Google Scholar.

²⁸⁹ See Bompaire, , Lucian ecrivain, 457–60Google Scholar;Betz, , Lukian von Samosata, 144–45Google Scholar; idem, Apostel Paulus, 85-86.

²⁹⁰ Lucian, Philops. 6Google Scholar.

²⁹¹ Ibid. 5.

²⁹² Ibid. 6.

²⁹³ Ibid. 7.

²⁹⁴ Ibid. 8.

²⁹⁵ Ibid. 10.

²⁹⁶ Ibid. 11.

²⁹⁷ Ibid. 25.

²⁹⁸ R. W. Reynolds, “The Adultery Mime,” CQ (1946) 77-84. Athenaios (Deip. 14.621c) gives as the possible subjects of a mime troupe, “sometimes women who are adulteresses and procuresses, sometimes a man drunk and going on a revel to his lover.”

²⁹⁹ See Herondas, Mime 1., Herondas. Mimes (ed. Cunningham, I. C.; LCL; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993) 208, 218–29Google Scholar.

³⁰⁰ Nicoll, , Masks, Mimes and Miracles, 87–88Google Scholar.

³⁰¹ Gregory of Nazianzus Carm. 2.2 (PG, 37, col. 1582) describing the theater, calls them “wanton workshop of deformity” (άσɛλγές αίσξρότητος έργαστέριον).

³⁰² John Chrysostom Poenit. 4.3 (PG col. 760) referring to mimic fools as “slapping one another”.

³⁰³ See the comments on 2 Cor 11:19-21 in Windisch, , Zweite Korintherbrief, 346–49Google Scholar.

³⁰⁴ Alfred Körte, “Archaologische Studien zur alten Komodie,” Archdologisches Institut des deutschen Reichs (Berlin, 1894) 61-93; G. Loschke, “Korinthische Vasen mit der Rückführung des Hephaistos,” Mittheilungen des kaiserlichen deutschen archäologischen Instituts, Athenische Abteitung 19 (1894) 510-25; Schnabel, Heinz, Kordax: Archaologische Studien zur Geschichte eines antiken Tames und zum Ursprung der griechischen Komödie (Munich: Beck, 1910)Google Scholar.

³⁰⁵ Körte, , “Archäologische Studien,” 91–92Google Scholar.

³⁰⁶ One of the slaves is labeled ‘Oθέλανδρος, another Eύνους, and the master ‘Oμρικός. Ophelandros and Eunous appear elsewhere as the names of attendants of Dionysus. Omrikos is a form of a name given to Dionysus himself. For these identifications, see Loschke, “Korinthische Vasen,” 521; Georg Thiele, “Die Anfänge der griechischen Komödie,” Neue Jahrbücher für das klassische Altertum 5 (1902) 413-16.

³⁰⁷ Reich, , Der Mimus, 497–98Google Scholar;Nicoll, , Masks, Mimes and Miracles, 21Google Scholar.

³⁰⁸ Athenaios Deip. 14.621d-22b. See the discussion of this passage by Pickard-Cambridge, Dithyramb, Tragedy and Comedy, 229; Nicoll, Masks, Mimes and Miracles, 25-26.

³⁰⁹ Aristophanes Wasps 56-60. A scholiast explains the allusion by referring to a “dull and wanton Megarean jest” (τό σκώμμ’ άσɛλγές καί Mɛγαρικόν καί σθόδρα ψνξόν); cited in Nicoll, Masks, Mimes and Miracles, 27.

³¹⁰ Nicoll, , Masks, Mimes and Miracles, 54Google Scholar, Fig. 41.

³¹¹ By a careful examination of scattered evidence, Dieterich (Pulcinella, 153-81) demonstrated that the pilos is the hat of the mimic fool. For another example of Odysseus wearing the peaked hat, see Bieber, Denkmdler zum Theaterwesen, 131 no. 77. Tab. 67.3.

³¹² For the title and fragments, see Kaibel, Comicorum Fragmenta, 108–10Google Scholar.

³¹³ Frag. 99 in ibid.; see the, interpretation of Pickard-Cambridge, Dithyramb, Tragedy and Comedy, 380-81.

³¹⁴ The play is mentioned by Athenaios Deip. 14.619ab. Compare Pickard-Cambridge, Dithyramb, Tragedy and Comedy, 381.

³¹⁵ Plato, Symp. 215e, 219eGoogle Scholar.

³¹⁶ Ibid. 216b, 217a, 218a.

³¹⁷ Ibid. 216b. Dover, Plato. Symposium, 167: “δραπɛτɛύω: a harsh word; δραπέτης is ‘runaway,’ ‘deserter.’ See also Gagarin, ‘Socrates’ Hybris and Alcibiades Failure,” 22-37.

³¹⁸ Plato, Symp. 219eGoogle Scholar.

³¹⁹ Text and translation in Cunningham, , Herodas. Mimes, 242–53Google Scholar.

³²⁰ Ibid. 11. 5-6.

³²¹ Ibid. 8-13.

³²² Ibid. 36-41.

³²³ Ibid. 50-51.

³²⁴ Ibid. 58-88.

³²⁵ Ibid. 96-97.

³²⁶ On the Phlyax as a form of mimic drama which formed a bridge between Megara and Rome, see Nicoll (Masks, Mimes and Miracles, 50-65), who emphasizes common characters, such as Odysseus.

³²⁷ Plautus, Cure. 288–95Google Scholar.

³²⁸ Bieber, , Denkmaler zum Theaterwesen, 134Google Scholar no. 88, Tab. 73.3.

³²⁹ Fragments in Ribbeck, Comicorum Rom. Fragmenta, 254.

³³⁰ Aristophanes Eq. 396 uses μακκοά in the sense “be stupid”; see also Dieterich, , Pulcinella, 85–86Google Scholar, 235-36; Nicoll, , Masks, Mimes and Miracles, 72Google Scholar.

³³¹ Frag. 2 in Ribbeck, , Comicorum Rom. Fragmenta, 254Google Scholar; see also Beare, , Roman Stage, 144Google Scholar.

³³² Frag. 1, 3, 4 in Ribbeck, , Comicorum Rom. Fragmenta, 254Google Scholar.

³³³ Velleius 2.9.5.

³³⁴ Fragments in Ribbeck, , Comicorum Rom. Fragmenta, 225Google Scholar.

³³⁵ Nicoll, , Masks, Mimes and Miracles, 110–11Google Scholar;Beacham, , Roman Theatre, 136Google Scholar.

³³⁶ Martial De sped. 7; Juvenal 8.187-88; Josephus Ant. 19.94; and Suetonius Calig. 57.

³³⁷ For this reconstruction of the plot, see Reich, Mimus, 564-66.

³³⁸ Juvenal 13.110-11. Scholion to Juvenal 13.110 in Mayor, John, Juvenal (Cambridge: Macmillan, 1853) 361Google Scholar.

³³⁹ Suetonius Nero 46.3.

³⁴⁰ Ibid. 48.1. See also Seneca Ep. 114.6, describing the appearance of a person with a cloak covering his head and wrapped around both his ears, “just like fugitive gods in a mime.”

³⁴¹ Suetonius, Nero 48.2Google Scholar.

³⁴² See the note in Suetonius (ed. Rolfe, John; LCL; 2 vols.; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1979) 2. 176Google Scholar: “cella implies a small room, for the use of slaves.”

³⁴³ Suetonius, Nero 48.3–4Google Scholar. See the description of Nero's life and death according to a theatrical paradigm by Bartsch, Shadi, Actors in the Audience: Theatricality and Doublespeak from nero to Julian (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994) 12-31, 56–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁴⁴ Text and translation in Harmon, A. M., Lucian, (LCL; 8 vols.; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1972) 5. 53–99Google Scholar. See Branham, Robert, Unruly Eloquence: Lucian and the Comedy of Traditions (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1989) 86–89CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁴⁵ Lucian Fug. 27. As a Cynic, Cantharus should wear his hair long. The “close-cropped” hair identifies him as a mimic fool. Compare John Winkler, J., Auctor and Actor (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985) 226Google Scholar.

³⁴⁶ Lucian, Fug. 27Google Scholar.

³⁴⁷ Ibid. 30.

³⁴⁸ Lucian, Fug. 33Google Scholar.

³⁴⁹ That the narrative of Paul's flight from Damascus is the center of the foolish discourse has gone largely unnoticed; exceptions are Allo, , Seconde epitre aux Corinthiens, 300–1Google Scholar, and Zmijewski, , Stil der paulinischen “Narrenrede,” 288–89Google Scholar.

³⁵⁰ On stylistic and rhetorical features of the fool's speech, see Johannes Weiss, “Beitrage zur paulinischen Rhetorik” in Gregory, Casper, ed., Theologische Studien, B. Weiss zu seinem 70. Geburtstag dargebracht (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1897) 177–78Google Scholar, 185-87; Windisch, , Zweite Korintherbrief, 349Google Scholar ff.; Zmijewski, , Stil der paulinischen “Narrenrede”, 231–306Google Scholar.

³⁵¹ Allo, , Seconde epitre aux Corinthiens, 300–1Google Scholar.

³⁵² Heinrici, , Zweite Brief, 383Google Scholar;Plummer, , Second Epistle, 332Google Scholar;Allo, , Seconde epitre aux Corinthiens, 300Google Scholar;Zmijewski, , Stil der paulinischen “Narrenrede”, 282–83Google Scholar.

³⁵³ Beacham, , Roman Theatre, 76–78Google Scholar.

³⁵⁴ See esp. the paintings in the “Room of the Masks” at Rome in Beacham, Roman Theatre, Fig. 4, 7.

³⁵⁵ Beacham, , Roman Theatre, 61, 74, 171Google Scholar.

³⁵⁶ Plautus Asin. 741-43; Persa 444-46; Pseud. 1234-35.

³⁵⁷ Beacham, , Roman Theatre, 61Google Scholar.

³⁵⁸ Rather than cmupis (as in Acts 9:25) or κόθινος. On the difference in form and function of these types of baskets, see F. J. A. Hort, “A Note on κόθινος, σπνρίς, σαργάνη” JTS 10 (1909) 567-71.

³⁵⁹ Aeneas Tacitus Poliorc. 29; see also Priimm, Karl, Diakonia Pneumatos: Der zweite Korintherbrief als Zugang zur apostolischen Botschaft (2 vols.; Freiburg and Vienna: Herder, 1960) 1. 646Google Scholar.

³⁶⁰ Hoffman, Gustav, Schimpfworter der Griechen und Römer (Berlin: Gaertner, 1892) 30Google Scholar.

³⁶¹ Kaibel, , Comicorum Fragmenta, 152–53Google Scholar;Reich, , Der Mimus, 380–81Google Scholar;Nicoll, , Masks, Mimes and Miracles, 111–12Google Scholar.

³⁶² Luke 5:4-5; Zmijewski, , Stil der paulinischen “Narrenrede”, 288Google Scholar.

³⁶³ Beare, , Roman Stage, 153Google Scholar.

³⁶⁴ Cicero, Pro Cael. 27.65Google Scholar.

³⁶⁵ Zmijewski, , Stil der paulinischen “Narrenrede”, 284Google Scholar.

³⁶⁶ Windisch, , Zweite Korintherbrief, 316Google Scholar.

³⁶⁷ On Paul‘s compliance with the opponents' demand that he “boast” as a consistent act, which does not involve a compromise of his principles, see Windisch, , Zweite Korintherbrief, 316Google Scholar; and Betz, , Der Apostel Paulus, 72–75Google Scholar, 96, esp. 74: “Hier liegt der Grund, warum Paulus der gegnerischen Forderung des “κανξάσθαι δεί” zustimmen kann; er tut dies ironisch, d.h. er meint es auch, freilich in einem anderen Sinn als die Gegner.” (“Here is the reason why Paul can agree to the demand of his opponents “κανξάσθαι δεί”; he does it ironically, that is to say, he means it, to be sure in a different sense than the opponents.”)

³⁶⁸ For Paul's paradoxical treatment of the material, see Betz, Apostel Paulus, 69-100.

³⁶⁹ As Nightingale (Genres in Dialogue 110-32) has demonstrated, Plato transgresses the boundaries of genre in his critique of encomiastic discourse in the Symposium—by parody, irony, and reversal. Such generic transgressions, whether by Paul or Plato, ought to be regarded as “attempts to achieve originality within determinate boundaries” (11).

³⁷⁰ Rightly, Windisch, , Zweite Korintherbrief, 316Google Scholar: “Er trifft mit dieser Uberraschenden Einkleidung seiner Auseinandersetzung und seiner Selbstverteidigung den Gegner vielleicht noch vernichtender als mit der vorangehenden korrekten Darstellung des Sachverhalts und der Gegensatze. Auf den folgenden Seiten steht das Grossartigste und Schlagendste, was Paulus in ‘ironischer’ Fiihrung der Polemik geleistet hat. Die vernichtende Kraft der ‘Verstellung’ liegt darin, dass unter der ‘Maske’ schliesslich keine einzige Unwahrheit, keine einzige Ubertreibung, keine einzige ‘Masslosigkeit’ ausgesprochen wird, sondern die reine, voile Wahrheit, und dass der Gegner eben durch die Aufzeigung der vollen Wirklichkeit erdriickt wird.” (“With his argument and his self-defense costumed in this surprising manner, he strikes the opponents perhaps a more deadly blow than with the preceding, correct presentation of the facts of the case and the points of disagreement. On the following pages stands the sublimest and most devastating thing which Paul achieved in the ‘ironic’ art of polemic. The destructive power of the ‘play-acting’ consists in this: that under the ‘mask’ not one single untruth, not one exaggeration, not one ‘extravagance’ is uttered, but on the contrary, the pure, complete truth, and that the opponents are crushed by the presentation of the complete reality.”)

³⁷¹ Aristotle, Eth. Nic. 1108a21, 1127a21; Rhet. 3.18; Tractatus Coislinianus 6; see also Otto Ribbeck, “Über den Begriff des είρων,” Rheinisches Museum 31 (1876) 381-400.

³⁷² Rightly, Windisch, (Zweite Korintherbrief, 316, 344, 349Google Scholar), for whom the note of pathos is still audible; see also Zmijewski, , Stil der paulinischen “Narrenrede,” 305–6Google Scholar.

³⁷³ 2Cor 10:12; 12:11; see also Forbes, “Comparison, Self-Praise and Irony,” 1-2, 8, 18-20.

³⁷⁴ Windisch, , Zweite Korintherbrief, 317, 344Google Scholar.

³⁷⁵ Compare 2 Cor 11:1; Windisch, , Zweite Korintherbrief, 344Google Scholar: “Der erste Gedanke, ‘dass mich niemand für einen Narren halte,’ besagt das gerade Gegenteil und zeigt, wie peinlich und unnaturlich das nun folgende Auftreten dem Apostel ist (vgl. 12:11), dass der ‘Narr’ für Paulus nur eine ‘Rolle’ ist, und dass die Worte, die der Narr nun sprechen wird, doch ernst genommen werden miissen.” (“The first thought, ‘that no one may take me for a fool,’ says exactly the opposite, and shows how painful and unnatural the following performance is for the apostle (compare 12:11), that the ‘fool’ is only a ‘role’ for Paul, and that the words which the fool now speaks must nevertheless be taken in earnest.”)

³⁷⁶ See 2 Cor 11:17; Windisch, , Zweite Korintherbrief, 350: “Die entschuldigende Parenthese έν άθροσύνη λέγω deutet noch einmal an, dass er nun eine ‘Rolle’ aufnimmt, die ihm nicht genehm ist.” (“The apologetic parenthesis εμ αøρομνμν λεуω indicates once again that he is taking up a ‘role’ which is not agreeable to him.”)Google Scholar

³⁷⁷ Breaking the pattern of response (κάλώ) in 2 Cor 11:22; see Windisch, , Zweite Korintherbrief, 353Google Scholar.

³⁷⁸ Windisch (Zweite Korintherbrief, 395) cites Plutarch De se ipsum laud. 539d, 540c, 542e, and Livy 38; 49.6, to show that Paul's feeling that the Corinthians are to blame is justified according to the principles of ancient rhetoric.

³⁷⁹ Windisch, , Zweite Korintherbrief, 349–50Google Scholar, 361-62; Bultmann, , Zweite Brief, 228–30Google Scholar;Betz, , Apostel Paulus, 86-89,97–100Google Scholar; Jacob Jervell, “Der schwache Charismatiker” in Johannes Friedrich, Wolfgang Pohlmann, and Peter Stuhlmacher, eds., Rechtfertigung (Tübingen: Mohr/Siebeck, 1976) 185-98; Eric Fuchs, “La Faiblesse, gloire de l'apostolat selon Paul. Etude sur 2 Corinthiens 10-13” ttudes theologiques 55 (1980) 231-53, esp. 245-49.

³⁸⁰ Horace, Epist. 1.18.10–14Google Scholar.

³⁸¹ 2 Cor 12:9-10.

³⁸² Rightly, Heinrici, , Zweite Brief, 382Google Scholar.