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Renaissance and Modern Views on Hell
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 23 August 2011
Extract
“To help your conception,” Jonathan Edwards counselled his congregation, “imagine yourself to be cast into a fiery oven, all of a glowing heat, or into the midst of a glowing brick-kiln, or of a great furnace, where your pain would be as much greater than that occasioned by accidentally touching a coal of fire, as the heat is greater. Imagine also that your body were to lie there for a quarter of an hour, full of fire, as full within and without as a bright coal of fire, all the while full of quick sense; what horror would you feel at the entrance of such a furnace!” “But your torment,” warned Edwards by way of conclusion, “your torment in hell will be immensely greater than this illustration represents.”
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References
1 “The Future Punishment of the Wicked Unavoidable and Intolerable,” Works (New York and London, 1844), IV, 260–61Google Scholar. The ulterior motives underlying this stress on the fires of Hell are discussed by Boleman, Babette A., “Success: The Puritan Highroad to Hell,” Journal of Religion 23 (1943), 206–13CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See further Trefz, Edward K., “Satan in Puritan Preaching,” Boston Public Library Quarterly 8 (1956), 71–84, 148–59Google Scholar.
2 The Hierarchie of the Blessed Angells (London, 1635), p. 347Google Scholar. For other Protestant writers stressing the physical pains of Hell, see Otto Werdmueller, The Hope of the Faythful, trans. Miles Coverdale (Antwerp? 1554?), Ch. XXVII; Adams, Thomas, Workes (London, 1629), p. 242Google Scholar; and Mill, Humphrey, Poems (London, 1639)Google Scholar, sigs. L7v ff. For a similar Catholic view, see Richard Crashaw, Sospetto d'Herode, St. V ff., freely adapted from Marino's La Strage de gli Innocenti.
3 The Way of all Flesh (London, 1619), pp. 14–15Google Scholar. In a similarly violent passage, John Hull also held that the torments we know are mere “flea-bites” compared to the torments of Hell (Saint Peters Prophesie [London, 1611], pp. 410–11Google Scholar). The metaphor, I have found, was extremely popular.
4 Image du Monde, trans. Caxton, William, Mirrour of the World (1480)Google Scholar, ed. Prior, Oliver H., Early English Text Society: Extra Series, CX (1913), 107–108Google Scholar. See also the lengthy exposition of Innocent III, The Mirror of Mans Lyfe, trans. Kerton, H. (London, 1576)Google Scholar, Bk. Ill, Chs. IV–XI. Among the pertinent studies of this viewpoint, see Patch, Howard R., The Other World (Cambridge, Mass., 1950)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and further: Spencer, Theodore, “Chaucer's Hell: A Study in Mediaeval Convention,” Speculum 2 (1927), 177–200CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Pace, George B., “Adam's Hell,” PMLA 78 (1963), 25–35CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Cf. Mew, James, Traditional Aspects of Hell (London, 1903), pp. 204–367Google Scholar, and Kohler, Kaufmann, Heaven and Hell in Comparative Religion (New York, 1923)Google Scholar.
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6 Dialogicall Discourses of Spirits and Divels (London, 1601), p. 15Google Scholar. Cf. William Jemmatt's protest that many consider Satan “to be a grim black fellow, with homes, and staring eyes, and clouen feet” (A Spirituall Trumpet [London, 1624], p. 220Google Scholar).
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8 Chrysostom, Homiliae XC in Matthaeum, XXIII, 8 (in part quoted at the outset, above); Gregory, Moralia, VI, 47, and IX, 97; Thomas, Summa Theologica, I, Ixiv, 4 — and cf. Theologia Germanica, XI (trans. Winkworth, Susanna, London, 1950, pp. 131ff.)Google Scholar. The “primitive” Christian view, stressing capitally if not exclusively the tortures of “everlasting fire,” may be observed in Lactantius, Divinae Institutiones, VII, 21.
9 On this popular “exemplum” of the idea of despair, see Bacon, Nathaniel, A Relation of the Fearful Estate of Francis Spira (London, 1548; with upwards of ten editions in the 17th century)Google Scholar.
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12 See particularly Bellarmine, Cardinal, De geminv colvmbæ, siue de bono lacrymarum, libri tres (Antwerp, 1617), pp. 97–116Google Scholar (trans. Everard, Thomas, Of the Eternall Felicity of the Saints [St. Omer, 1638], pp. 410–11Google Scholar); Luis de la Puente, Meditations, trans. Heigham, John (St. Omer, 1619), I, 135–47Google Scholar; Camus, Jean Pierre, A Dravght of Eternitie, trans. Carr, Miles (Douai, 1632)Google Scholar, Chs. XXIV–XXX; Caussin, Nicolas, The Holy Court, trans. SirHawkins, Thomas et al. (London, 1650), III, 430ffGoogle Scholar.; and Southwell, Robert, A Foure-fould Meditation of the Foure Last Things (London, 1606)Google Scholar, St. LII–LXXXVI. For modern Catholic affirmations of the traditional viewpoint, see Farrell, Walter, “The Devil Himself,” in: Satan, ed. Jesus-Marie, Père Bruno de (New York, 1951), pp. 15–16Google Scholar, and esp. Arendzen, J. P., “Eternal Punishment,” in: The Teaching of the Catholic Church, ed. Smith, George D. (London, 1948), II, 1178–90Google Scholar. But the finest modern restatement is the celebrated sermon in Joyce, James, A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man (New York, 1957), pp. 119–34Google Scholar, where the “primary” source, it has been asserted, was the popular treatise of Pinamonti, Giovanni Pietro, S.J., , L'Inferno Aperto al Cristiano (Bologna, 1688)Google Scholar, translated into English in 1715. See Thrane, James R., “Joyce's Sermon on Hell: its Sources and its Backgrounds,” Modern Philology 57 (1960), 172–98CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
13 Divine Poemes (London, 1625), p. 290Google Scholar.
14 A Conference of the Catholike and Protestante Doctrine (Douai, 1631), pp. 509fGoogle Scholar. By way of documentation Bishop Smith quoted Luther and Calvin, though both out of context. The view of William Perkins he quotes (“We must not imagin, that hell is anie certaine definite and corporall place”) is in fact balanced by Perkins' The Foundation of Christian Religion (London, 1591)Google Scholar, sig. C4T. See further Luther's Table Talk, trans. Hazlitt, William (London, 1911), p. 324Google Scholar.
15 A Discovrse of Death (London, 1613), p. 102Google Scholar.
16 The Foot-Path of Faith (London, 1619), p. 125Google Scholar. These “flames” were traditionally thought to shed no light; see the host of references collected by Steadman, John M., “Milton and Patristic Tradition: The Quality of Hell-Fire,” Anglia 76 (1958), 116–28Google Scholar. For a broader study of the controverted nature of hell-fire, see Bautz, Joseph, Die Hölle (Mainz, 1882), pp. 99–110Google Scholar.
17 Medicus Medicatus (London, 1645), p. 57Google Scholar. Ross was protesting against Sir Thomas Browne's excessive stress on Heaven and Hell as states of mind (Religio Medici, I, §§49 and 51; ed. Denonain, J.-J. [Cambridge, 1955], pp. 64, 67Google Scholar). Browne, however, also regarded them as specific places (ibid., I, §52; pp. 67–68).
18 Institutes, III. xxv. 12; trans. Beveridge, Henry (London, 1957), II, 275–76Google Scholar. Calvin's position is discussed by Quistorp, Heinrich, Calvin's Doctrine of the Last Things, trans. Knight, Harold (London, 1955), pp. 187ffGoogle Scholar. On Augustine, see Baillie, John, And the Life Everlasting (London, 1934), pp. 242fGoogle Scholar. We can be certain that Calvin would not have welcomed the support of his views by Hobbes (Leviathan, III, 38).
19 The Effect of Certain Sermons (London, 1599), p. 52Google Scholar. The observation is hardly original; I have encountered it a number of times, as in Richard Clerke's Sermons (London, 1637), p. 549Google Scholar: “they shall find [the fire] no figure, that shall feele it.” As always, it is not possible to say precisely where Shakespeare stood; in all probability he was “sceptical” of the literal expositions of Hell. Claudio's well-known exclamation in Measure for Measure (III, i, 119–127) has been discussed with suitable caution by Pope, Elizabeth M., “Shakespeare on Hell,” Shakespeare Quarterly 1 (1950), 162–64CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
20 Unlike Marlowe, one analogue is decidedly partial: in The Historie of the Damnable Life and Deserued Death of Doctor Iohn Faustus, trans. P. F. (London, 1592)Google Scholar, Chs. XV, XX, LXI, Hell is said to have only the usual “horrible torments, trembling, gnashing of teeth …” etc. (ed. Logeman, H., the English Faust-Book [Gand and Amsterdam, 1900]Google Scholar, and Palmer, P. M. and More, R. P., The Sources of the Faust Tradition [New York, 1936], Ch. IVGoogle Scholar). I have quoted Marlowe's play from the edition of John D. Jump (London, 1962).
21 In his De Doctrina Christiana there is a summary statement of the poena damni and the poena sensus (Works [New York, 1934], XVI, 371Google Scholar).
22 Lost, Paradise, I, “Argument”; ed. Darbishire, Helen (Oxford, 1952)Google Scholar. In Milton's theological treatise, Hell is again regarded as a specific place (Works, XV, 108, and XVI, 372).
23 Sermons (above, Note 7), IV, 86.
24 Hebrews 10:31.
25 Op. cit., V, 266. For parallel statements see also I, 186, and VII, 366.
26 The Bitter Waters of Babylon (London, 1615), p. 17Google Scholar.
27 Christ Dying and Drawing Sinners to Himselfe (London, 1647), p. 20Google Scholar. The author is the “Rotherford” mentioned in Milton's poem, On the New Forcers of Conscience under the Long Parliament (1646?), 1. 8.
28 The Sanctvarie of a Troubled Soule (London, 1616), I, 129Google Scholar.
29 Contemplations of the State of Man (London, 1684), p. 221Google Scholar. Cf. Baxter, Richard, in: Anglicanism, ed. More, P. E. and Cross, F. L. (London, 1951), p. 331Google Scholar.
30 Beames of Divine Light (London, 1639), I, 323Google Scholar.
31 Enchiridion, CXII, trans. Outler, A. C., The Library of Christian Classics (Philadelphia, 1955), VII, 407Google Scholar: “to be lost out of the Kingdom of God … would be a punishment so great that, if it be eternal, no torments that we know could be compared to it, no matter how many ages they continued.” On the adaptation of this idea in pre-Renaissance poetry, see Kennedy, Charles W., Early English Christian Poetry (London, 1952), pp. 39, 41–42Google Scholar.
32 1 Thes. 1:9. Conversely, to “see” God is regarded as the supreme joy (e.g., Mt. 5:8, 18:10, 1 Cor. 13:12, 1 Jn. 3:2, etc.).
33 Cf. “solamen miseris socios habuisse doloris” — quoted in Marlowe's Doctor Faustus, V, 42. Precedents are cited by J. D. Jump (above, Note 20).
34 Among others: the inquisitors Jakob Sprenger and Heinrich Institor in their Malleus Maleficarum (1486?), the Italian humanists Cristoforo Landino and Coluccio Salutati, Calvin, Valentin Weigel, Johannes Benz, Noel Taillepied, Thomas Milles, Robert Burton, Sir Thomas Browne, et al. These and many others are cited by Jones, Rufus M., Spiritual Reformers in the 16th and 17th Centuries (1914; repr., Boston, 1959), pp. 147Google Scholar, 186–88, 301f., 312f., 3341.; Bailey, Margaret L., Milton and Jakob Boehme (New York, 1914), p. 158Google Scholar; Palmer, Frederic, “Angelus Silesius: A Seventeenth-Century Mystic,” HTR 11 (1918), 171–202CrossRefGoogle Scholar passim; Briggs, William D., “Marlowe's Faustus, 305, 548–70,” Modern Language Notes 38 (1923), 385–93CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Inge, W. R., The Platonic Tradition in English Religious Thought (London, 1926), pp. 48, 51Google Scholar; Cassirer, Ernst, The Platonic Renaissance in England, trans. Pettegrove, J. P. (Austin, 1953), pp. 321.Google Scholar; McColley, Grant, “Paradise Lost,” HTR 32 (1939), 206CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Lost, Paradise: An Account of its Growth and Major Origins (Chicago, 1940), pp. 140–41Google Scholar; West, Robert H., The Invisible World (Athens, Ga., 1939), pp. 82, 238Google Scholar; Ryan, John K., “John Smith: Platonist and Mystic,” New Scholasticism 20 (1946), 1–25CrossRefGoogle Scholar passim; Allen, D. C., “Paradise Lost, I, 254–5,” Modern Language Notes 71 (1956), 324–26CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hughes, Merritt Y., “‘Myself Am Hell’,” Modern Philology 54 (1956), 80–94CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Milton, John: Complete Poems and Major Prose (New York, 1957), p. 278Google Scholarn; Frye, Roland M., “The Teachings of Classical Puritanism on Conjugal Love,” Studies in the Renaissance 2 (1955), 156–58CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Broadbent, J. B., Some Graver Subject (London, 1960), pp. 80–82Google Scholar; and cf. Kristeller, Paul O., The Philosophy of Marsilio Ficino, trans. Conant, Virginia (New York, 1943), pp. 360–62Google Scholar. See further the parallels in other traditions cited by Coomaraswamy, Ananda K., “Who is ‘Satan’ and Where is ‘Hell’?” Review of Religion 12 (1947), 36–47Google Scholar. Two studies of Milton are pertinent: Duncan, Joseph E., “Milton's Four-in-One Hell,” Huntington Library Quarterly 20 (1957), 127–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Schanzer, Ernest, “Milton's Hell Revisited,” University of Toronto Quarterly 24 (1955), 136–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
35 For example, Meriton, George, A Sermon Preached … at Glascoe (London, 1611)Google Scholar, sig. A2T; Rowlands, Samuel, A Most Excellent Treatise, 3rd ed. (London, 1639), p. 84Google Scholar; Rogers, Timothy, A Faithfvll Friend (London, 1653), p. 33Google Scholar; Bilson, Thomas, The Svrvey of Christs Svfferings (London, 1604), pp. 633f.Google Scholar; Holdsworth, Richard, A Sermon Preached in St. Maries in Cambridge (Cambridge, 1642), p. 34Google Scholar. Since Joseph Hall's Heaven vpon Earth (London, 1606)Google Scholar has been noted by others, I may mention two other works in which he uses the concept of “inner Hell”: Meditations and Vovves (London, 1606), I, 43f.Google Scholar, and The Invisible World (London, 1659), p. 195Google Scholar. The reverse — the concept of “inner Heaven” — was also, of course, dwelt upon. Cf. Wall, John, Alæ Seraphicae (London, 1627), p. 62Google Scholar: “the soule of euery Christian may be likened vnto heauen.” Donne has a similar statement (above, Note 7), VII, 71.
36 A Sermon Preached before the Honourable House of Commons, at Westminster, March 31. 1647 (Cambridge, 1647), pp. 72fGoogle Scholar. (the sermon has been reproduced in facsimile [New York, 1930]). See further More, Henry, Divine Dialogues: The Two Last Dialogues, treating of the Kingdome of God Within Us and Without Us (London, 1668)Google Scholar, Dial. IV, §§ V-XV. On Sterry, consult Vivian de Sola Pinto, ed., Sterry, Peter (Cambridge, 1934), pp. 192, 193, 195, etcGoogle Scholar. On Whichcote and Smith, see above (Note 34), esp. R. M. Jones, J. K. Ryan, and M. Y. Hughes. Whichcote's position was adopted by Ray, John, Three Physico-Theological Discourses (London, 1693), p. 372Google Scholar: “A wicked Man carries Hell in his Breast.”
37 Cf. Henry More (previous Note), p. 26, where Philopolis insists, “I desire, Phtiotheus, to understand what that Kingdome of God is that is amongst Men, being less curious touching that part of his Dominion that he exercises over Angels, whether lapsed or unlapsed.”
38 Purchas his Pilgrim (London, 1619), p. 222Google Scholar.
39 Seriatim: Bernard, Richard, The Isle of Man, 12th ed. (London, 1648), p. 94Google Scholar; Fletcher, Joseph, The Historie of the Perfect-Cursed-Blessed Man (London, 1629), p. 12Google Scholar; Robinson, James, Essayes, 2nd ed. (London, 1638), p. 423Google Scholar.
40 Christiana, Ethice, or the School of Wisdom, trans. J. A., (London, 1664), pp. 11fGoogle Scholar. Cf. Wall and Donne (above, Note 35), and see further Rawlinson, John, Qvadriga Salvtis (Oxford, 1625), II, 1–2Google Scholar; Bodenham, John and Ling, Nicholas, Politeuphuia (London, 1641), pp. 17, 390Google Scholar; Dod, John, Seven … Sermons (London, 1614), p. 85Google Scholar; Hall, Joseph, Select Thoughts (London, 1648), pp. 218fGoogle Scholar.; etc. Luther's view is set forth with a series of quotations by Rupp, Gordon, The Righteousness of God (New York, 1953), pp. 110ffGoogle Scholar.
41 John Webster, The Duchess of Malfi, IV, ii, 382–87; ed. F. L. Lucas (London, 1958). Broadbent (above, Note 34) also cites this play, though he does not quote this particular passage.
42 Epistolae, XLV, 3; in: A Library of the Fathers: The Letters of S. Ambrose (Oxford, 1881), p. 303Google Scholar. A pertinent treatment of this idea, published in 1640, has been discussed by Taylor, George, “Did Milton read Robert Crofts' A Paradice Within Us or the Happie Mind?” Philological Quarterly 28 (1949), 207–10Google Scholar. Having had the misfortune to read Crofts' dull little book, I can only hope that Milton had better sense. Crofts himself points out that his book is a series of “divers notes” collected “out of many good Authors.” May we not reasonably assume that Milton chose to read the “good Authors” rather than Crofts?
43 Luke 17:21. Various considerations touching this verse are discussed by Colin Roberts, H., “The Kingdom of Heaven (Lk. XVII.21),” HTR 41 (1948), 1–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Luke's dual attitude is also present in a Gnostic work discovered in 1946, The Gospel according to Thomas: “the Kingdom is within you and it is without you” (ed. Guillaumont, A. et al. [Leiden and New York, 1959], p. 3Google Scholar). Henry More's treatise (above, Note 36) is obviously relevant.
44 Angelographia (Boston, 1696), p. 114Google Scholar.
45 De Principiis, II, x, 4; trans. Butterworth, G. W. (London, 1936)Google Scholar. St. Jerome, it should be noted, attacked Origen's view of the torments of Hell in no uncertain terms (Letter CXXIV, 7; Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, 2nd Series [New York, 1893], VI, 24of.)Google Scholar.
46 Ibid., II, x, 5.
47 The Destiny of Man, trans. Duddington, Natalie (London, 1937)Google Scholar, Pt. Ill, Ch. II, “Hell.”
48 Ibid., p. 351.
49 Ibid., p. 355. Berdyaev's viewpoint has also appeared in fiction, in Kazantzakis', Nikos, Saint Francis (trans. Bien, P. A. [New York, 1962], p. 232)Google Scholar.
50 “Hell: An Apology,” Thought 33 (1958), 165–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar; reprinted in the author's The World to Come (New York, 1958), pp. 107–27Google Scholar.
51 “Les peines de l'enfer,” Nouvelle revue théologique 67 (1940), 397–427Google Scholar.
52 The World to Come, p. 122.
53 Ibid., p. 124.
54 J. P. Arendzen (above, Note 12), p. 1188. Thus also Hontheim, Joseph, in The Catholic Encyclopedia (New York, 1910), VII, 207Google Scholar.
55 Select Sermons (London, 1698), p. 417Google Scholar; see also Whichcote's Moral and Religious Aphorisms, ed. Inge, W. R. (London, 1930), pp. 13, 53. CfGoogle Scholar. Smith, John, Select Discourses (London, 1660), p. 446Google Scholar: “Hell is rather a Nature then a Place.”
56 Doctrine in the Church of England (London, 1938), p. 219Google Scholar.
57 Bicknell, E. J., A Theological Introduction to the Thirty-Nine Articles, 2nd ed. (London, 1925), p. 152n. CfGoogle Scholar. Weatherhead, Leslie D., After Death, 2nd ed. (London, 1930), Ch. IV (ii)Google Scholar; Inge, W. R. and Welldon, J. E. C., in: What is the Real Hell? (London, 1930), pp. 10f., 48ff.Google Scholar; Matthews, W. R., The Hope of Immortality (London, 1936), p. 60Google Scholar; et al. Paul Valery's view is rather extreme: “my entire metaphysical and moral credo [is] that God exists and the Devil, too, but within us” (Lettres à quelques-uns [Paris, 1952], p. 29Google Scholar; quoted by Papini, Giovanni, The Devil, trans. Foulke, Adrienne [New York, 1954], p. 25Google Scholar).
58 Life and Death: A Study of the Christian Hope, ed. Reynolds, A. G. (Toronto, 1959)Google Scholar, Ch. XI and App. I.
59 Ibid., p. 54.
60 Science and Health with Key to the Scriptures (Boston, 1934), p. 330Google Scholar. Cf. Augustine, Confessiones, VII, 18–22, and Enchiridion, XI, but also Athanasius, De Incarnatione, IV; Origen, Commentaria in Evangelium Joannis, II, 7; John of Damascus, De Fide Orthodoxa, II, 4; et al.
61 Ibid., p. 226. Cf. p. 196 (”Sin makes its own hell, and goodness its own heaven”), and see further pp. 291, 587, 588.
62 Seven Godlie and Frvitfvll Sermons (London, 1614), p. 15Google Scholar.
63 Prose Works Other than Science and Health (Boston, 1925), Miscellaneous Writings, p. 237Google Scholar.
64 Ibid., Miscellany, p. 160. At the other end of the spectrum are, I suppose, such “literalists” as the Mormons; see Evans, John Henry, Joseph Smith: An American Prophet (New York, 1933), p. 296Google Scholar.
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