¹ A word about the use of “pagan” religion in this paper. I am aware that this word and what it implies has a problematic history both from and within Christian literature and scholarship. Frankfurter, David (Religion in Roman Egypt [Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998] 33–36Google Scholar) has carefully elaborated the problems inherent in this word. These include pejorative connotations and the erasure of local, unique custom and rituals for the purpose of establishing a generic, monolithic pagan religion of the Mediterranean basin. This invented “paganism” has served as a base category for scholars, although it never existed as a religion. I have chosen to use the term “pagan” in the sense of Chuvin, Pierre (A Chronicle of the Last Pagans [trans. Archer, B. A.; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1990])Google Scholar: “paganism as a religion of the homeland in its narrowest sense: the city and its outlying countryside. Through out antiquity, ‘paganism’ was a mosaic of established religious traditions linked to the political order.” To this definition, I would add that the variations in pagan religions are not only geographical, but also intellectual and sociological. This holds true for Christianity as well. See the discussion of personal religion, civic religion, and philosophical religion in Limberis, Vasiliki, Divine Heiress, The Virgin Mary and the Creation of Christian Constantinople (London: Routledge, 1994) 1–10Google Scholar.

² Drake, H. A., “Lambs into Lions,” Past and Present 153 (1996) 27–29.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁴ Ibid., as quoted by , Asad, Genealogies, 29–30Google Scholar.

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⁶ Ibid., 205.

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²³ Ibid.

²⁴ , Bhabha, Location, 172.Google Scholar

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³⁷ , Limberis, Heiress, 1–10Google Scholar , , Chuvin, Chronicle, 10Google Scholar . Although one must exercise caution in generalizing about Greco-Roman religions, Chuvin's assessments are nevertheless quite reasonable.

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⁴⁰ , Smith, Julian's Gods, 105–109Google Scholar ; , Lim, Disputation, 62Google Scholar.

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⁵⁴ , HomerOdyssey 14. 56 (ET 2. 41).Google Scholar

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⁵⁶ Nicholson, Oliver, “The ‘Pagan Churches’ of Maximinus Daia and Julian the Apostate,” JEH 45 (1994) 2.Google Scholar

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⁵⁹ , JulianLetter to Arsacius, in Julian 3. 73.Google Scholar

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⁹⁶ , LibaniusOr. 13. 13.Google Scholar

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⁹⁸ , LibaniusOr. 14. 3 (emphasis added).Google Scholar

⁹⁹ , LibaniusFuneral Or. 18. 121.Google Scholar

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¹⁰² Nazianzus, GregoryOrations 4Google Scholar and 5, “Two Invectives Against Julian,” in King, C. W., trans., Julian, First Invective, 1–85Google Scholar ; Second Invective, 86-121.

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¹⁰⁴ Demoen, Kristoeffel, “The Attitude towards Greek Poetry in the Verse of Gregory Nazianzus,” in Boeft, J. den and Hilhorst, A., eds., Early Christian Poetry: A Collection of Essays (Leiden: Brill, 1993) 238.Google Scholar

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¹⁰⁸ Ibid., 183.

¹⁰⁹ PG 35.897 A, B, “παπα øΕον το ταλαι πωπειν εκεινοισ εκεινοισ παπα øεον το το εν ππαττειν πνειν”

¹¹⁰ PG 35.1200-1201 C.

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¹¹³ See , Drake, “Lambs,” 27–29Google Scholar , for an excellent discussion of how pagans and Christians coexisted quite well in the fourth-century, and how heretics were the “real” enemies.

¹¹⁴ , Kurmann, “τιν εενον,” 190Google Scholar.

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¹²⁴ Nazianzus, GregoryCarm. 2.1. 39Google Scholar ; PG 37.1329-38.

¹²⁵ Ibid., 240.

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¹³¹ Ibid., “First Invective,” 21-22; “Second Invective,” 2.

¹³² Ibid., “Second Invective,” 17, under the newly elected Jovinian.

¹³³ Ibid., “First Invective,” 76.

¹³⁴ , Bhabha, Location, 172Google Scholar.

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¹³⁷ , Williams, Sociology, 191.Google Scholar

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¹⁴² , Williams, Sociology, 204.Google Scholar

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¹⁴⁵ Ibid.

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