¹ Mss. variants are not noted since they have no relevancy to our subject.

² See, beside the commentaries and the articles in Biblical Dictionaries, Cadbury, H. J., in The Beginnings of Christianity V (1933), 383–86Google Scholar (who gives additional bibliographical items); Harnack, A. v., Mission und Ausbreitung des Christentums (4th ed. 1924) I, 424–7Google Scholar; Th. Zahn, Introduction to the N. T. II (1909), 191.

³ The theory that the name really began at Rome comes from Bruno Bauer, quoted in Zahn, l.c., while R. Paribeni, suggested the formation of it in the officium of the Roman governor of Syria. See Peterson, E., in Miscellanea Giovanni Mercati I (1946), p. 8Google Scholar.

⁴ E. Peterson, op. cit., p. 3.

⁵ P. Osloenses II, 21 (71 A.D.). Cf. Zucker, F., Gnomon, 1933, p. 655Google Scholar.

⁶ I did not regard it necessary to follow the history of interpretation. I only note that as late as 1828, S. T. Bloomfield, Recensio Synoptica Annotationis Sacrae IV, p. 376, presents the now common explanation as a novelty.

⁷ See, e.g., I.G. I, 57; 63, etc. On the same word in the meaning “give an oracle” cf. Robert, L., Hellenica I (1940), 72Google Scholar and II (1946), 1948.

⁸ Pol. V, 57, 5: διάδημα τɛ πɛριέθɛτo καὶ βασιλɛὺς τότɛ πρῶτον ἐτόλμησɛ χρηματίζɛιν καὶ γράφɛιν πρὸς τὰς πόλɛις.

⁹ See on this ἀνάδɛιξις my note in Mélanges Emile Boisacq (1937), p. 120.

¹⁰ Pol. V, 57, 2.

¹¹ See, e.g. Diod. I, 44, 1: XX, 53, 2; Plut. Anton. 54; Jos. Antt. VIII, 157; XIII, 318; Euseb. V. Const. 18; h.e. I, 7, 12; Philostr. V. Apoll. V, 35: ὥσπɛρ αὐτοκράτωρ χρηματίζων τɛ καὶ πράττων.

¹² Cf., e.g., Philo, Leg. ad Gaium 346: Caligula decided to introduce his cult at the Temple of Jerusalem ἵνα Διὸς Ἐπιφανοῦς Nέου χρηματίζῃ Γάιον.

¹³ Jos. B.J. II, 488: χρηματίζɛιν ἐπέιρɛψαν Mακɛδόνας.

¹⁴ B.G.U. IV, 1132: παρὰ Ἀλɛξάνδρου τοῦ Nικοδίμου Mακɛδό(νος).

¹⁵ Athen. VI, 252: Ποσειδώνιος δ᾽δ Ἀπαμɛύς, ὕστɛρον δὲ ᾽Pόδιος χρηματίσας… φησί κ.τ.λ. Cf. Strabo XIII, 609: Metrodorus of Scepsis made a rich marriage at Chalcedon, καὶ ἐχρημάτιζɛ Xαλκηδόνιος.

¹⁶ Plut. de virt. mulier. 248 d: νόμος ἦν τοῖς Ξανθίοις μὴ πατροθὲν ἀλλ᾽ἀπὸ μητέρων χρηματίζɛιν.

¹⁷ Cf., too, Jos. Antt. XI, 343; C. Apion. II, 30; App. Sicil. 6.: M. Antonius in Crete: οὐ πρᾶξαι καλῶς, χρηματίσαι δ᾽ὅμως διά τὴν πρᾶξιν Kρητικός.

¹⁸ For Papyri cf. W. Schubart, Arch, für Papyrusforschung V, p. 114; Woess, F. v., Untersuchungen über Urkundenwesen (1925), 319Google Scholar; V. Arangio-Ruiz, Bull, de l'Institut d'Egypte XXIX (1948), 105. The usage is the same in inscriptions. For instance, the athletes at the festival of Sebasteia at Naples were required ἀπογράφɛσθαι ὀνό[ματα ὡς ἄν χρη]ματιζἡ ἢ πα[τροθɛν], that is (as the editors observe) either the official (Roman) name or the usual Greek filiation (Inschr. von Olympia, 56.) An (unpublished?) inscription from Sagalassos in Pisidia (quoted M. Lambertz, Glotta, 1914, 150): Aὐρ Mɛιδιανὸς Ἀτταλιανὸς ὁ τάχων (in short) χρηματίσας Ἀτταλιανὸς. Ch. Michel. Recueil d'inscr. grecques (1900), 1342: ἐπέγραψαμɛν ɛἱς στήλην κατὰ τὸν νόμον. Ἐργόφιλον πατρὸς οὑ ἄν χρηματίδζῃ.

¹⁹ P. Oxyr. III, 505. Philo, q. deus sit imruut. 121 refers to the same usage.

²⁰ P. Oxy. II, 271 (56 A.D.).

²¹ B.G.U. V, § 42: οἱ ἀκαταλλήλως χρημτίζοντɛς τɛταρτολογοῦνται καὶ οἱ ɛἰδότɛς καὶ συνχρηματίσαντɛς αὐτοῖς τɛταρτολογοῦνται.

²² Gildersleeve, B. L., Syntax of Classic Greek I (1900), 171Google Scholar; Mayser, E., Grammatik der Griechischen Papyri II, 1 (1926), p. 90Google Scholar.

²³ In some cases the shade of meaning is: “bear name.” See, e.g. Euseb. Laud. Constant. 17, 14 (Eusebius Werke I, p. 258 cd. Heikel): τὴν κυριακὴν χρηματίζουσαν ἡμέραν. Cf., too, Philo de migr. Abrah. 25; Orig. de orat. 15, 4; Orig. Horn. I, 5 in Jer., p. 3, ed. Klostermann: Ἀβράαμ προφήτης ἐχρημάτισɛν ἐν τῷ. προφήτης ɛστι κ.τ.λ. (Gen. 20, 7). Letter of the Constantinople Synod in Theodoret. Eccl. Hist. V, 9, 4: Antioch, ἐν ἦ πρώτῃ τὸ τίμιον τῶν χριστινῶν ἐχρημάτισɛν ὄνομα Orig. Horn. II in Lucam, p. 14 ed. Rauer (cf. in Mth. t. X, 12, p. 13 ed. Klostermann): δυνατὸν δὲ ἐκ τοῦ μηκέτι ἁμαρτάνɛιν χρηματίσαι άναμάρτητον. Appian. B.C. II, 111: Brutus and Cassius ἀɛί παρὰ Kαίσαρος τιμῆς καὶ πίστɛως χρηματίζοντɛς ἄξιοι. J. Schweighaeuser in his edition (1785) Index s.v. suggests the meaning: in rebus agendis versor.

²⁴ Orig. C. Cels. II, 1. Cf. Orig. ad Afric. 6 (P.G. XI, 61).

²⁵ Sometimes the verb is used transitively. E. A. Sophocles, Greek Lexicon s.v. quotes Malalas, and Suicerus, Thesaurus Ecclesiasticus s.v. Basilius in Ps. 7, 1 (P.G. XXIX, 229) for this usage. But Origen already says χρηματίζιν αὐτούς C. Cels. V, 42, p. 46 Koetschau; ad Mth. t. X, 14, p. 17 Klostermann.

²⁶ On πρώτως here see Petersen, l.c. p. 3.

²⁷ Since dictionaries and commentaries rarely quote instances from Patristic works, I bring here some characteristic passages found in the early Church Fathers. The verb in the meaning of “calling” does not occur in the Apostolic Fathers or in the Apologists. The earliest instance seems to be in the Letter of the Church of Vienne (177 A.D.), in Eus. h.e. V, 1, 10. Epagathas intervenes to defend the Christians, he is executed himself: ἀνɛλήφθη … παράκλητος χριστιανῶν χρηματίσας, that is by his act, he did style himself “comforter.” As the aorist form shows, the translation “he was called comforter” (when? during the martyrium?) is grammatically wrong. The verb (avoided by Clement of Alexandria) often occurs in Origen. See, e.g. Hom. X, 4 in Jer.: κἄν μνριάκις χρηματίζωσιν παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς (Jews) σοφοί, οὐκ ἔστιν λόγος κυρίου ἔτι ἐν αὐτοις. Hieronymus (P.G. XIII, 362) renders it as follows: qui sibi sapientiam vindicant. Cf. Orig. op. cit., X, 6; XIV, 2 about the Jews: ἐν τῷ λαῷ τῷ χρηματίζαντι τοῦ θɛοῦ.; XV, 3. Orig. C. Cels. I, 51; II, 1: “Ebion” means “poor,” and those among the Jews who received Jesus as Christ Ἐβιωναῖοι χρηματίζουσιν. ib. III, 18: Egyptian priests who are styled “prophets” (τοῖς χρηματίζουσιν αὐτῶν μροφήταις); V, 42; VI, 27 about the Ophites: τῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ ὂφιως ῶς ἀρχηγοῦ τῶν καλῶν χρηματίσαι βουληθέντων. Orig. Cohort. 14:1 will leave spiritual children ἵνα καὶ παρὰ τῷ θɛῷ … χρηματίσω πατήρ. Orig. in Lucam Horn. X, p. 89 ed. Rauer: ἐπɛὶ ἱɛρɛύς τις έχρημάτισɛν καὶ ἔδοξɛ ὑπɛροχὴν ὀνόματος ἔχɛιν.

The same is the usage of Eusebius. Eusebius in V. Const. 17 says that in the Great Persecution, the Christians could not use their name: οὐδὲ μέχρι ψιλῆς ἐπηγορίας τῶν θɛοσɛβῶν χρηματίζɛιν συνɛχώρɛτο γένος. Eusebius in h.e. I, 2, 10 describing the appearances of angels remarks that they “styled themselves angels” ἀγγέλους χρηματίσαι λέγουσα). In h.e. I, 2, 26 he writes: τὸν ἡμέτɛρον σωτῆρα… υἱὸν άνθρώπου … χρηματίζοντα; in h.e. (cf. VII, 19) III, 7, 8: James τοῦ Κυρίου χρηματίζων ἀδɛιφός that is James who was styled the Lord's brother (Cf. e.g. Acta Philippi p. 75 ed. Tischendorf: μɛτὰ Ἰάκωβον τοῦ χρηματίσαντα ἀδɛλφὸν τοῦ κυρίου). The title of James is given Galat. 1, 19. Eus. h.e. VIII, 13, 15. When Licinius was declared Augustus, that vexed Maximin, μόνον καίσαρα παρὰ πάντας ɛἰς ἔτι τότɛ χρηματίζοντα. In Eus. Dem. ev., e.g. III, 2, 35: ἀπὸ βασιλικῆς φίλης τῆς Ἰούδα τὸ πᾶν Ἰουδαίων ἔθνος ἐχρηματίζɛν, ὡς καὶ ɛἰς σήμɛρον Ἰουδαίους ὀνομάζɛσθαι.

²⁸ See e.g. Vigilius, Contra Arianos I, 64 (P.L. LXII, 194): Tune Apostoli convenientes Antiochiam, sicut eorum Luca narrante, indicant Acta, omnes discipulos novo nomine, id est Christianos appellant. Epiph. Haer. XLII, 12, 3: διὸ καὶ ὄνομα τῆς ἐκκλησίας οἱ πάντɛς ἓν ἐπέθɛντο, οὐ ἑαυτῶν, ὰλλὰ τοῦ κυρίου αύτῶν Ἰησοῦ Xριστοῦ, ἀπὸ Ἀντιοχɛίας ἀρξαμένων χριστιανῶν καγɛῖσθαι.

Cf. Ps. Oecumen. ad Act. XI, 26 (P.G. CXVIII, 192); Niceph. Callist. Eccl. Hist. II, 6 (P.G. CXLV, 769); Theophyl. P.G. CXXV, 953. Tertull. Apol. 3; Euseb. h.e. II, 3, 3; Orig. ad. Mth. XVI, 13 (p. 88 ed. Klostermann) express the same interpretation implicitly.

²⁹ Pitra, I. B., Iuris Ecclesiastici Monumenta I (1864), p. 91Google Scholar: τοὺς ɛἰς αὐτὸν πιστɛύοντας Γαλιλαίους ἐκάλουν οἰ τότɛ ἄνθρωποι. Συνοδɛύσαντɛς οὖν οί ἀπόστολοι ἐν Ἀντιοχɛίᾳ τῆς Συρίας ἐχρημάτισαν τοὺς Γαλιλαίους χριστιάνους ἐν πρώτοις όνομάζɛσθαι. On this forgery, allegedly found in Origen's library, see Harnack, A., Gesch. der altchrist. Literatur I (1893), 774Google Scholar.

³⁰ Chrysost. Horn. XXV, 1 in Acta (P.G. LX, 192); Hom. XVIII (XIX), 3 in Jo. (P.G. LIX, 122) : we οἰ τοῦ χριστοῦ καλούμɛθα. Oὕτω γάρ ἡμᾶσ Παῦλος ὠνόμασɛν. Cf., too, Hom. VII, 7 in Mth. (P.G. LVII, 81) Ps. Ignat. ad Magn. 10 (long recension).

³¹ Malalas, P.G. XCVII, 377, p. 246 ed. Oxon. about Euodius: καὶ ἐπὶ αὐτοῦ χριστιανοὶ ὠνομάσθησαν τοῦ αὐτοῦ ὲπισκόπου Eὐόδιου προσομιλήσαντος αὐτοῖς καὶ ἐπιθήσαντος αὐτοῦς τό ὄνομα τοῦτο.

³² Theodor. Heracl. P.G. XVIII, 1373; Cyrill. Hieros. Catech. X, 16; XVII, 28 (P.G. XXXIII, 681); Cyrill. Alex, ad Is. LXV, 16 (P.G. LXX, 1417). Cf., too Hesychius, Interpretatio Isaiae Prophetae (ed. M. Faulhaber, 1900) ad 1.; Hieron. ad 1. (P.L. XXIV, 643) Chrys., Horn. XXV, 1 in Acta (P.G. LX, 192); οὔτως διὰ τοῦτο ἐν Ἀντιοχɛία ἐχρηματίσθησαν καλɛῖσθαι χριστιανοί. But I suspect that the passive form ἐχρηματίσθησαν (in the meaning: receive revelation) is here an error for the active ἐχρημάτισαν (decided). For Theophylactus, who always copies Chrysostomus, says (P.G. CXXV, 953): in Antioch, πρῶτον ἐχρημάτισαν οί μαθηταὶ καλɛῖσθαι χριστιανοί. Exactly the same wording in Ps. Oecumenius P.G. CXVIII, 192. Yet, one should perhaps recall the fact that in late Greek earlier words do take on queer new senses. See A. D. Nock on word-coinage in the Hermetic writings (Coniectanea Neotestamentica XI, 1947, 163).

³³ A. v. Harnack, Mission und Ausbreitung des Christentums (4th ed. 1924), 413; Cadbury (see above n. 1).

³⁴ Euseb. h.e. V, 1, 20.

³⁵ On religious guilds see now Nock, A. D., HTR, 1936, 39Google Scholar.

³⁶ Act. Ap. 6, 9. Juster, J., Les Juifs dans l'Empire Romain I (1914), 415Google Scholar. On transliteration of the word Augustiani cf. S. Krauss, Griechische Lehnworter im Talmud II (1899).

³⁷ Tert. Apol. 3: Quid novi si aliquid disciplina de magistro cognomentum sectatoribus inducit? Nonne philosophi de auctoribus suis nuncupantur Platonici, Epicurei, P ythagorici?

³⁸ For the following cf. Rev. Bibl., 1938, 10.

³⁹ Cf. Orig. in Math. t. XII, 11, p. 88 ed. Klostermann; ἀλλὰ καὶ χριστοῦ μέλη ὄντɛς παρώνυμοι ἐχρημάτισαν χριστοί (cor. Klostermann: Mss. χριτιανοί. Latin version: secundum Christi nomen omnes qui sunt illius Christi dicuntur). Likewise, Aramaic adjectives denoting sectarians, received endings in -αιος in Greek, as, e.g., Σαδδυκαῖος Jul. Lewy, , Hebrew Union College Annual XIV (1939) 130Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ The later usage comes, probably, from the style of clients and freedmen:

Demetrius Pompeianus (Sen. de tranq. anim. 8, 6) is Demetrius, a freedman of Pompeius. The later use of the same suffix -ianus to form derivatives from common names, for example, magistrianus does not concern us here, although these words were also transcribed in Greek as μαγιστριανός. See, e.g. Palmer, L. R., A Grammar of the Post-Ptolemaic Papyri I, 1 (1946), 46Google Scholar.

⁴¹ See, e.g. M. Lambertz, Glotta, 1914, 149.

⁴² These formations with the Latin suffix -ianus should not be confused with the adjective, ending on -ανος and derived from geographical names, mostly in Asia, like Aσιανοί, Σαρδιανοί. See W. Dittenberger, Hermes, 1907, 231.

⁴³ Ephesos III, p. 117. The inscription, referring to a Roman magistrate M. Nonius Macrinus, gives among his titles that of Ἀντωνɛῖον Oὐριανόν. Cf., too, δῆμος Oὐλπιανῶν Ἁγχιαλέων on inscriptions and coins, etc.

⁴⁴ I.G. XIV, 1082 = Inscr. Gr. Rom. I, 143, where the Latin inscription (C.I.L. VI, 2179) is quoted.

⁴⁵ See M. Rostovtzeff, Gesellschaft und Wirtschaft im Römischen Kaiserreich II, 295. The formula Γɛρμανικιανή οὐσία already appears in a petition written 34 A.D. (P. Rylands I, 134).

⁴⁶ Dio Cassius always uses the form Kαισάρɛοι even when speaking of Caesariani of the Roman Emperors. Even Paul speaks of τοὺς ἐκ τοῦ Nαρκίσσου (Rom. 16, 11) where a Latin writer would have said Narcissiani. Plut. Galb. 17. Cf. Epict. IV, 5, 17. Through kindness of Prof. R. Marcus (Chicago), I could examine the list of derivatives on -ianus in Buck, C. D. and Petersen, W., A Reverse Index of Greek Nouns and Adjectives (Univ. of Chicago Press, no date), p. 264Google Scholar. It confirms the observations I have made on material collected by myself. The Chicago list, unfortunately, is not free from mistakes. Here I note that συνɛπο(ι) κιανός must be read συνɛποικιαός (Ad. Wilhelm, quoted in J. and L. Robert, R.E.G. 1948, 194).

⁴⁷ P. Oxy. II, 259 (A.D. 23): ψελίου χρισοῦ μναιαίων δύο μαγιανοῦ. B.G.U. IV, 1065 (A.D. 97): ψɛλίων μαγιανῶν. Both texts according to the reading of U. Wilcken, Arch, für Papyrusforschung IV, 561. Mαγιανός cannot come from “Magic” as F. Preisigke, Wörterbuch and Palmer, op. cit., p. 46, assume, for the adjective in this case would be μάγος μαγɛυτικός or μαγικός. On the other hand, a note of hand for a gold bracelet will not mention whether the object serves as love-charm or not. Mαγιανός is a derivative from the name Mάγας or Mάγνος and refers to the manufacturer. A slave Mαγιανός is mentioned in an inscription of Samothrace (K. Lehmann-Hartleben, AJA, 1940, 348).

⁴⁸ These are tiles manufactured by Charax who is probably identical with Claudius Charax, the author, and benefactor at Pergamum, who lived under Antoninus Pius. See E. Groag and A. Stein, Prosopogr. Imperii Romani (2nd ed.) II, p. 189, # 831; R. Hepding, Philol. 1933, 93. “Attalianus” garment: P. Giess. 21.

⁴⁹ “Herodians” are mentioned Mc. 3,6 and 12,13 (Mth. 22,15). Cf. Rev. Bibl. 1938,7. The “synagogue of Herodians” (J-B. Frey, Corp. insc. jud. I, 173) has never existed. See Ferrua, A., Epigraphica III (1941), p. 34Google Scholar. On ὁ δῆος ὁ Xαρμιδɛανῶν see Robert, L., Études Anatoliennes (1937), p. 242Google Scholar. A dedication to θɛῷ ἐπηκόῳ ῦψίστῳ ends with the mention of θία[σος?] Σɛβαζιανός. A. B. Cook, Zeus II, 2, p. 879. For astrological terminology see Cod. astr. gr. VIII, 3, 138; VIII, 4, 191. The passages referred to are ascribed in Mss. to an Antiochus and an Harpocration. On these authors cf. F. Cumont, Melanges Bidez (1934) p. 134; Festugière, A-J., La révélation d'Hermès Trismégiste (1944)Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ I.G.R. IV, 915. On Philagrus cf. L. Robert, o.c.p. 375. I am unable to understand Inschr. v. Magnesia, 309: a woman is styled as ὑπότροφος θɛῶν προαστιανῶν. I suspect the reading.

⁵¹ Deissmann, A., Light from the Ancient East (1927), 377Google Scholar has already seen that relationship. The genitive χριστοῦ: I Cor. 1, 12; 3, 23; 15, 23; II Cor. 10, 7; Gal. 3, 29; 5, 24.

⁵² Westermann, W. L., Proceed. Amer. Philosophical Society, XCII (1948) 55Google Scholar.

⁵³ Cf. K. H. Rengstorf, in Theol. Worterbuch II, 269.

⁵⁴ See, e.g., Moore, G. F., Judaism II (1927) 372Google Scholar; Bonsirven, J., Le Judaisme Palestinien I (1935), 83Google Scholar; Schechter, S., Some Aspects of Rabbinic Theology (1909) 85Google Scholar. On God as king of his people and the worshipper as servant see W. R. Smith, Lectures on the Religion of the Semites (3d ed. 1927), 62 ff. Smith, of course, notices that ebed may mean, “courtier.” See also Baudissin, W., Kyrios, III (1929), 555 ffGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁵ Ch. McCown, Tell-en-Nasbeh I (1947) 163. I reproduce the transcription of the editor. Cf. II Reg. 25, 23; Jer. 40, 8.

⁵⁶ Xen., Anab., II, 6, 38. Cf. ib., I, 9, 29.

⁵⁷ Ch. Michel, Recueil d'inscr. grecques, 32: βασιλɛὺς βασιλέων Δαρεῖος ὁ ϓστάσπɛω Γαδάται δούλωι τάδɛ λέγɛι.

⁵⁸ Rom. 14, 10 and II Cor. 5, 10. See A. D. Nock, St. Paul (1938) 79.

⁵⁹ Eph. 6, 6 is another passage where the noun may have the same meaning. I leave out the usage of the verb δονλɛύɛιν which already in classical Greek eventually took on the metaphorical meaning. See e.g. Rom. 16, 18: they who serve (δονλɛύουσιν) not Christ, but their own belly. But in Rom. 14, 18 or Coloss. 3, 23 the verb may express the idea of subjection to the Messiah.

⁶⁰ See Westermann, op. cit. 63.

⁶¹ See, too, Act. Apost. 4, 23; I Pet. 2, 16; Apoc. 1, 1.

⁶² After having written these pages, I found that K. Holl, Gesamm. Aufsätze II (1928) 107 had already pointed out that in Paul the term “slave of Christ” is a title, which a common Christian does not have. I do not recall ever seeing the relationship between this Pauline usage, the Septuagint and the Oriental style clearly put, but I did not read all the modern literature on Paul. I could not learn anything from the latest paper on the subject (G. Sass, Zeitschr. Neutest. Wiss. 1941, 24–32).

⁶³ Apoc. 10, 7; 11, 18; 22, 6. Cf. Act. Ap. 4, 29; 16, 17.

⁶⁴ Rom. 1, 1; Tit. 1, 1; II Pet. 1, 1.

⁶⁵ Phil. 1, 1; Col. 4, 12; II Tim. 2, 24; Juda 1, 1.

⁶⁶ James 1, 1.

⁶⁷ Tit. 1, 1.

⁶⁸ Cf. Act. Ap. 20, 19.

⁶⁹ Cf. Rom. 13, 4: the secular ruler is θɛοῦ διάκονος. Jo. 18, 36: Speaking of his “kingdom” Jesus calls his disciples: οἱ ὑπηρέται … οἱ ἐνοί. Cf. also Lc. 1, 2; Act. Ap. 26, 16: Paul called by Jesus to be ὑπηρέτην καὶ μάρτυρα. Col. I, 25: Paul διάκονος of the Ecclesia which is Christ's body.

⁷⁰ On this concept see, e.g., Dodd, C. H., The Apostolic Preaching (1936), 66 ffGoogle Scholar. C. C. Torrey, in Quantulacumque … presented to K. Lake (1937) p. 317 points out that in the Gospels the term “Christ” is always either the descriptive adjective or the title, but never the proper name.

⁷¹ Jos., Antt. XVII, 45.

⁷² Mth. 20, 20 (Mc. 10, 35); Mth. 18, 1. Cf. Apoc. 5, 10. Cf. P. Volz, Die Eschatalogie der jüdischen Gemeinde (1934) 404.

⁷³ L. Robert, Rev. Arch. 1933, 140.

⁷⁴ If I am not mistaken, I found the expression in Augustine's Enarrationes in Psalmos, but at present I am unable to supply the reference. The idea, however, often occurs in patristic writings. See, e.g. Origen's passage quoted above n. 39; Methodius, Conviv. VIII, 8 or Rufin's rendering of Pamphilus' Apology for Origen, 5 (P.G. XVII, 588): ab uno enim Christo multi fiunt Christi.

⁷⁵ On the meaning and origins of the term tertium genus hominum see L. Baeck, in Jewish Studies in memory G. A. Kohut (1935) 41.