Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-t7fkt Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-26T02:01:08.075Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Justin Martyr's Trypho

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  10 June 2011

Bishop Demetrios Trakatellis
Bishop Demetrios Trakatellis
Affiliation:
Holy Cross Greek Orthodox School of Theology
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

Justin Martyr's Dialogue with Trypho has been considered one of the basic documents for an understanding of the theological contacts and discussions between Christians and Jews in the second century. Several scholars have studied the Dialogue in an attempt to ascertain the main ideas, the fundamental questions, and the principal attitudes involved in such contacts. The inquiry, however, does not appear to have reached definitive conclusions. There has been a diversity of opinion due mainly to the complexity of the problems, to the ambiguity of the pertinent data, and to the theological presuppositions of the researchers. Specific questions like “How well did Justin know and represent his contemporary Judaism?” seem to be more and more, but not completely, settled. Others, however, such as the degree of friendliness or hostility between Jews and Christians displayed in the Dialogue, remain in a condition of fluidity.

Type
Research Article
Information
Harvard Theological Review , Volume 79 , Issue 1-3: Christians Among Jews and Gentiles: Essays in Honor of Krister Stendahl on His Sixty-fifth Birthday , July 1986 , pp. 287 - 297
Copyright
Copyright © President and Fellows of Harvard College 1986

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 One could mention here by way of selection the following works: Goldfahn, A. H., “Justinus Martyr und die Agada,” MGWJ 22 (1873) 49–60Google Scholar, 104–15, 145–53, 193–202, 257–69; Harnack, Adolf von, Judentum und Judenchristentum in Justins Dialog mil Trypho (TU 39; 1913) 47–98Google Scholar; Goodenough, Erwin R., The Theology of Justin Martyr (Jena: Frommansche Buchhandlung, 1923)Google Scholar; Chadwick, Henry, “Justin Martyr's Defense of Christianity,” BJRL 47 (1964–1965) 275–97Google Scholar; Barnard, L. W., “The Old Testament and Judaism in the Writings of Justin Martyr,” VT 14 (1964) 395–406Google Scholar; Shotwell, Willis A., The Biblical Exegesis of Justin Martyr (London: SPCK, 1965)Google Scholar; Hruby, K., “Exégèse Rabbinique et exégèse Patristique,” RevScRel 47 (1973) 341–72Google Scholar; Osborn, Eric Francis, Justin Martyr (Tübingen: Mohr-Siebeck, 1973)Google Scholar; Bokser, Ben Zion, “Justin Martyr and the Jews,” JQR 64 (1973–1974) 97–122CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 204–11; Stylianopoulos, Theodore, Justin Martyr and the Mosaic Law (SBLDS 20; Missoula: Scholars Press, 1975)Google Scholar; Manns, Frédéric, Essais sur le Judéo-Christianisme (Jerusalem: Franciscan Press, 1977) 130–52Google Scholar; Sigal, Phillip, “An Inquiry into Aspects of Judaism in Justin's Dialogue with Trypho,” Abr Nahrain 18 (1978–1979) 74–100Google Scholar; Otranto, Giorgio, Esegesi biblica e storia in Giustino (Dial. 63–84) (Bari: Inst. Letter. Chr. Antica, 1979).Google Scholar

2 Though there are variations in the particulars, the increasing relevant data since Goldfahn corroborate the assumption that Justin knew and presented rather accurately some basic aspects of the Judaism of his day. See Goodenough, Theology, 93–95; Harnack, Judentum, 53–56, 90–92; Barnard, “Old Testament,” 401–3; Hruby, “Exégése,” 343; Manns, Essais, 141–52; Sigal, “Inquiry,” 74, 86–90; Otranto, Esegesi, 237–38.

3 See, e.g., the differing views expressed by Bokser, “Justin,” 98, 101, 209–10; Stylianopoulos, Justin, 33–44; Sigal, “Inquiry,” 79; Joly, Robert, Christianisme et Philosophic (Brussels, 1983) 155–70Google Scholar; Osborn, Justin, 13 — 16; Nilson, Jon, “To whom is Justin's Dialogue with Trypho addressed?” TS 38 (1977) 539, 542.Google Scholar

4 Stylianopoulos’ Justin and the Mosaic Law presents an eloquent example of Justin's theological achievement in Old Testament exegesis.

5 For an extensive presentation of pertinent aspects see Trakatellis, Demetrios, The Pre-existence of Christ in the Writings of Justin Martyr (HDR 6; Missoula: Scholars Press, 1976).Google Scholar

6 See the special works by Andresen, Carl, “Justin und der mittlere Platonismus,” ZNW 44 (1952–1953) 157–95Google Scholar; Hyldahl, Niels, Philosophie und Christentum (Copenhagen: Prostant, 1966)Google Scholar; Winden, J. C. M. van, An Early Christian Philosopher (Leiden: Brill, 1971).Google Scholar

7 This topic has been touched upon by various scholars but not in an exclusive way.

8 The quotations from the Dialogue appear only in English for reasons of space. I am using, with the necessary modifications, the English translation by Williams, A. Lukyn, Justin Martyr: The Dialogue with Trypho (London: SPCK, 1930).Google Scholar

9 For the exact location implied here, see van Winden, Early Christian Philosopher, 25–26. The city could be Ephesus if the information in Eusebius (Hist. Eccl. 4.18.6) is correct.

10 The word μοναρχία employed here by Trypho has a monotheistic ring.

11 Eusebius (Hist. Eccl. 4.18.6) considers Trypho τ⋯ν τότε Ἑβραίων ⋯πισημότατον. The characterization, regardless of its historical value, indicates the authenticity of Trypho's Jewish origin.

12 The phrase στεῖον ὑπομειδιάσας has affinities with phrases occurring in Plato's dialogues (e.g., Tim. 21C, Phaedrus 86D) as Hyldahl has shown (Philosophie, 101). The fact, however, that the same verb occurs in the Dialogliteratur does not mean that it is a mere stylistic feature, especially when, as in Dial 1.6, it is accompanied by the adverb στεῖον. Justin's personal touch is apparent here.

13 Note the contradistinction between ὑπομειδιάσας and νεγελασαν.

14 In fact Trypho's formulations are on target in presenting two major problems to Justin. See Stylianopoulos, Justin, 8–9; van Winden, Early Christian Philosopher, 122.

15 This passage (Dial 9.2) has been considered to have been heavily influenced by Plato's Protagoras (335C-D). The similarities are clear but so are the dissimilarities. The significant point here is that Justin, by using either his own or a borrowed terminology, presents Trypho as a person with strong positive motivations.

16 Trypho's knowledge of the Gospel is noticeable in view of the Jewish practices prevailing then in Palestine. See Williams, Justin, 21; Manns, Essais, 131.

17 “Still a very common objection in the mouth of Jews” (Williams, Justin, 21).

18 It should be noted that the absolute nature of the Law is emphasized in Trypho's answer, whereas the christological question is less pronounced. See Prigent, P., Justin et l'Ancien Testament (Paris: Gabalda, 1964) 235–36.Google Scholar

19 See Goodenough, Theology, 90; Bokser, “Justin Martyr,” 98; Nilson, “To whom,” 541.

20 Prigent has shown (Justin, 20–24) that Dialogue 79 is not out of place.

21 Otranto describes (Esegesi, 239) Trypho characteristically as someone who is neither too intransigent nor too compromising.

22 The charm and nobility which fill the closing scene of the Dialogue have been amply recognized. See Chadwick, “Justin,” 286; Richardson, Peter, Israel in the Apostolic Church (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969) 13CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Stylianopoulos, Justin, 35; Hoffmann, Manfred, Der Dialog bei den christlichen Schriftstellern der ersten vier Jahrhundert (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1966) 13.Google Scholar

23 This seems to be the prevailing scholarly opinion. See Chadwick, “Justin,” 280; Barnard, “Old Testament,” 396; Joly, Christianisme, 159; Osborn, Justin, 12–13; Nilson, “To whom,” 539; Sigal, “Inquiry,” 75; Talmage, Frank, Disputation and Dialogue (New York: KTAV, 1975) 89; Otranto, Esegesi, 235–36.Google Scholar

24 This is more so if the addressees of the Dialogue are not Gentiles but Jews and/or Christians, a thesis strongly defended by Sigal (“Inquiry,” 76–77) and, even more strongly, by Stylianopoulos (Justin, 33–44, 169–95). See also Koester, Helmut, Introduction to the New Testament, vol. 2: History and Literature of Early Christianity (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1982) 344.Google Scholar

25 See Hoffmann, Der Dialog, 25, 28. The argument that Justin's Dialogue has been influenced by the Platonic dialogues and by the genre “dialogue” in general, does not militate against the facticity of the contacts. See Voss, Bernd Reiner, Der Dialog in der frühchristlichen Literatur (Munich: Fink, 1970) 38.Google Scholar

26 It is characteristic that Justin's sharp criticism of the Jews is almost invariably related to his interpretation of relevant scriptural texts.

27 To try to classify this kind of theological contact between Jews and Christians under the modern titles of liberalism or ecumenism would be anachronistic indeed.