² Georgi, Dieter, “Leben Jesu Theologie/Leben Jesu Forschung,” ThRE 20 (1990) 566–76Google Scholar. Further discussion and bibliographies can be found in Pfannmüller, Gustav, Jesus im Urteil der Jahrhunderle (6th ed.; Leipzig/Berlin: Teubner, 1951Google Scholar); Georgi, Dieter, “Leben Jesus Theologie,” RGG 4 (1960) 429Google Scholar; Duling, Dennis, Jesus Christ through History (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1979Google Scholar); Schweizer, Eduard, “Jesus Christus I, Neues Testament,” ThRE 16 (1987) 671–726Google Scholar; Williams, Rowan, “Jesus Christus II. Alte Kirche,” ThRE 16 (1987) 726–45Google Scholar; idem, “Jesus Christus III. Mittelalter,” ThRE 16 (1987) 745–59Google Scholar; Milhlen, Karl-Heinz zur, “Jesus Christus IV. Reformationszeit,” ThRE 16 (1987) 759–72Google Scholar; Spam, Walter, “Jesus Christus V. Vom Tridentinum bis zur Aufklärung,” ThRE 17 (1988) 1–16Google Scholar; Macquarrie, John, “Jesus Christus VI. Neuzeit (1789 bis zur Gegenwart),” ThRE 17 (1988) 16–42Google Scholar; idem, “Jesus Christus VII. Dogmatisch,” ThRE 17 (1988) 42–64Google Scholar. In my article in ThRE I had to refrain from enlarging the aesthetic and artistic dimension of the Jesus theme I had touched upon in my article in RGG. More on this can be found in Pfannmuller, “Jesus im Urteil”; in Kuschel, Karl-Josef, Jesus in der deutschsprachigen Gegenwartsliteratur (Zürich: Benziger and Gutersloh: Mohn, 1978Google Scholar); and in Otto von Simpson, “Das Christusbild in der Kunst,” ThRE 17 (1988) 76–84Google Scholar.

³ Schweitzer, Albert, The Quest of the Historical Jesus: A Critical Study of its Progress from Reimarus to Wrede (New York: Macmillan, 1968Google Scholar).

⁴ Robinson, James, A New Quest of the Historical Jesus (SBT 25; London: SCM, 1959Google Scholar).

⁵ I have dealt with this topic in “The Records of Jesus in the Light of Ancient Accounts of Revered Men,” in McGaughy, Lane C., ed., SBL 1972 Seminar Papers (Missoula, MT: Scholars Press, 1972) 527–42Google Scholar.

⁶ Reimarus, Hermann Samuel, Apologie oder Schutzschrift für die vernünftigen Verehrer Gottes (ed. Alexander, Gerhard; 2 vols.; Frankfurt am Main: Insel, 1972Google Scholar); a collection of an older edition of fragments by D. F. Strauss is found in Reimarus, Hermann Samuel, Fragments (ed. Talbert, Charles H.; trans. Fraser, Ralph S.; Chico, CA: Scholars Press, 1985Google Scholar).

⁷ Georgi, Dieter, The Opponents of Paul in Second Corinthians (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1986Google Scholar).

⁸ Ibid., esp. 358–450; see also Georgi, Dieter, “Socio-economic Reasons for the ‘Divine Man’ as a Propagandists Pattern,” in Fiorenza, Elisabeth Schüssler, ed., Aspects of Religious Propaganda in Judaism and Early Christianity (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1976) 27–42Google Scholar.

⁹ Georgi, Dieter, “Who is the True Prophet?” in Nickelsburg, George W. and MacRae, George W., eds., Christians Among Jews and Gentiles: Essays in Honor of Krister Stendahl on his Sixty-fifth Birthday (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1986) 100–126Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Georgi, Dieter, Theocracy in Paul's Praxis and Theology (trans. Green, David E.; Minneapolis: Fortress, 1991) 61–71Google Scholar.

¹¹ In my forthcoming book, Remembering the Poor: The History of Paul's Collection for Jerusalem (Nashville: Abingdon, 1992Google Scholar), I discuss further the economic dimensions of Paul's stance. In a paper, “Auf dem Weg zu einer urbanen Theologie—Abschied von Augustin,” presented at the conference, “Der Protestantismus als integrative Kraft in der multikulturellen Gesellschaft,” at Frankfurt University, 31 October-3 November 1991 (typescript by Fachbereich Evangelische Theologie der Johann Wolfgang Goethe = Universitat, Frankfurt am Main), I argued that Augustine very consciously moved away from the urban orientation of Pauline praxis and theology.

¹² Augustine, The City of God (FC 8; 3 vols.; trans. Zema, Demetrius B., Walsh, Gerald, et al.; Washington, DC; Catholic University of America Press, 1977Google Scholar).

¹³ On nature and development of the bourgeoisie, see the articles by Adolf Armbruster, Werner Conze, Hans Freyer, Gerhard Köbler and Bernard Moeller, and Oskar Kohler on “Burger/Burgertum” quoted in Georgi, “Leben Jesu Theologie,” 573–75. These articles also give sufficient literature in English.

¹⁴ In selecting and organizing the material for my article, “Leben Jesu Theologie” with its limited space I used pragmatically the fifties of the different centuries as focal points. This captured most of the changes. This seemed to be justified to a degree also by the curious observation that in most cases the major pushes in the socio-historical development of the life of Jesus theology happened in these decades. Echoes of this pragmatic and selective approach can still be heard in this article, although it is much enlarged; a thousand years do not fit into an article, and, therefore, heavy selection remains necessary.

¹⁵ Franciscus Salesius Schmitt, ed., S. Anselmi Cantuariensis Archiepiscopi Opera Omnia 2 ( vols.; Stuttgart: Frommann-Holzboog, 1984Google Scholar). For an English edition, see Anselm of Canterbury (3 vols.; ed. and trans. Hopkins, Jasper and Richardson, Herbert; Toronto/New York: Mellen, 1975–1976Google Scholar). “Cur deus homo” is found in vol. 3.

¹⁶ Berman, Harold, Law and Revolution: The Formation of the Western Legal Tradition (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1983Google Scholar).

¹⁷ Beck, Hans-Georg, Kirche und theologische Literatur im byzantinischen Reich (Munich: Becksche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1959Google Scholar).

¹⁸ Zervos, Christian, Un philosophe neoplatonicien du Xle siècle. Michail Psellos, sa vie, son oeuvre, ses luttes philosophiques, son influence (1920; reprinted Burt Franklin Research and Source Works, Byzantine Series 41; New York: Franklin, 1973Google Scholar).

¹⁹ Esp. Hugh of St. Victor De Sacramentis 2.1 (PL 176. 371–416); for an English edition, see Hugh of Victor, Saint, On the Sacraments of the Christian Faith (De Sacramentis) (trans. Deferrari, Roy J.; Cambridge, MA: Medieval Academy of America, 1951Google Scholar).

²⁰ S. Bernardi Opera (8 vols.; ed. Leclerq, Jean, Talbott, C. H., Rochais, H.; Rome: Editiones Cisterciensis, 1957–1976Google Scholar). For a German translation, see Die Schriften des honigflieβenden Lehrers (6 vols.; trans. Agnes Wolter and Eberhard Friedrich; Wittlich: Fischer, 1934–1935). The first one and a half volumes contain Bernard's sermons for the time between Advent and Easter, i.e., the christological section of the church year, and thus deal heavily with christological issues. For English editions, see Saint Bernard's Sermons on the Nativity (trans, by a priest of Mount Melleray; 1921; reprinted Devon: Augustine, 1985); and Bernard of Clairvaux, On the Song of Songs (4 vols.; trans. Walsh, Kilian; Spencer, MA: Cistercian Publications, 1971–1980Google Scholar).

²¹ See the preface to Georgi, Theocracy, vii-xi.

²² Leo's letter is found in Percival, H. William, ed., The Seven Ecumenical Councils (NPNF ser. 2, vol. 14; New York: Scribners and Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1916) 255–56Google Scholar.

²³ On Aquinas's use of Leo's letter to Flavian see Baker, Ignaz, “Die christologische Problematik der Hochscholastik und ihre Beziehung zu Chalkedon,” in Grillmeier, Aloys and Bracht, Heinrich, eds., Das Konzil von Chalkedon: Geschichte und Gegenwart (3 vols.; Wilrzburg: Echter, 1952) 2. 923–34Google Scholar, esp. 937–39.

²⁴ , S.Thomae Aquinatis Summa Theologica (2 vols.; ed. Caramello, Petrus; Rome: Marietti, 1950Google Scholar). For an English edition, see Aquinas, Thomas, Summa Theologica (5 vols.; trans. Fathers of the English Dominican Province; Westminster, MD: Christian Classics, 1981Google Scholar).

²⁵ Doctoris Seraphici S. Bonaventurae S. R. E. Episcopi Cardinalis Opera Omnia (10 vols.; ed. Bonaventurae, Collegium A. S.; Ad Claras Aquas: Collegium S. Bonaventurae, 1882–1902Google Scholar). For an English editon, see Bonaventure, , The Mind's Journey to God (trans. Cunningham, Lawrence S.; Chicago: Franciscan Herald, 1979Google Scholar). For a German edition of Bonaventure's Hexaemeron, see Bonaventure, , Das Sechstagewerk (2d ed.; trans. Nyssen, Wilhelm; Munich: Kösel, 1979Google Scholar). See also Hayes, Zachary, The Hidden Center: Spiritual and Speculative Christology in St. Bonaventure (New York: Paulist, 1981Google Scholar). Aquinas's teacher. Albert the Great (ca. 1193–1280), had already stressed the sapiential dimensions of Jesus Christ.

²⁶ On “experience” here and in the following discussion see Herms, Eilert, “Erfahrung II. Philosophised” ThRE 10 (1982) 89–109Google Scholar; Köpf, Ulrich, “Erfahrung III. Theologiegeschichtlich/1. Mittelalter und Reformationszeit,” ThRE 10 (1982) 109–16Google Scholar; and Track, Joachim, “Erfahrung III/2. Neuzeit,” ThRE 10 (1982) 116–28Google Scholar.

²⁷ In his discussion of experience in the Middle Ages (see previous note), Ulrich Kopf unfortunately and unjustifiably separates religious experience and experience directed toward the world. Even within the religious experience the discussions on the experience of Jesus are set apart too much. Eilert Herms, in discussing the systematic theological aspect of experience, presents no reflection on the theological dimension of experience in general but limits himself to the experience of the status of salvation/grace (“Erfahrung IV. Systematisch-theologisch,” ThRE 10 [1982] 128–36Google Scholar).

²⁸ See Bacon, Roger, Opus major (3 vols.; ed. Bridges, John Henry; 1897–1900Google Scholar; reprinted Frankfurt am Main: Minerva, 1964) 1. xxxix-xliii and the subsequent statements of Bacon in Opera hactenus inedita (12 vols.; ed. Steele, Robert and Delorme, Ferdinand M.; Oxford: Frowde, 1905–1940) 2. 96Google Scholar. On Bacon, see Grundmann, Herbert, “Bacon, Roger,” RGG 1 (1957) 832–33Google Scholar. Bacon also edited and annotated a secretive scientific text, “Secretum Secretorum,” falsely attributed to Aristotle and allegedly dedicated by him to Alexander the Great (see Bacon, Opera, vol. 5).

²⁹ On the themes discussed here see Heimsoeth, Heinz, Die sechs groβen Themen der Abendländischen Metaphysik und der Ausgang des Mittelalters (5th ed.; Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgemeinschaft, 1965Google Scholar); Kobusch, Theo, Oeng-Hanhoff, Ludger, Borsche, Tilman, “Individuum/Individualitat,” Historisches Wörterbuchder Philosophie 4 (1976) 300–23Google Scholar; Janke, Wolfgang, “Individuum/Individualismus I. Philosophisch,” ThRE 16 (1987) 117–24Google Scholar.

³⁰ Joannis Duns Scoti Doctoris Subtilis Ordinis Minorum Opera Omnia (26 vols.; based on the edition of Lucas Wadding; Paris: Vives, 1891–1895Google Scholar) here esp. vols. 8–21 on the sentences, the so-called “Scriptum Oxoniense.” The new critical edition of the Vatican is not yet complete. On Duns Scotus, see Reinhold Seeberg, Die Theologie des Johannes Duns Scotus (Studien zur Geschichte der Theologie und der Kirche 5; Leipzig: Dieterich, 1900) esp. 234–336.

³¹ In Francesco Petrarch, De viris illustribus (ed. Guido Martellotti; Florence: Sansoni, 1964); on Petrarch see Wilkins, Ernest Hatch, Studies in the Life and the Works of Petrarch (Cambridge, MA: Medieval Academy of America, 1955Google Scholar); Roeder, Ralph, The Man of Renaissance. Four Lawgivers: Savonarola, Machiavelli, Castiglione, Aretino (New York: Viking, 1977Google Scholar); Kristeller, Paul Oskar, Eight Philosophers of the Italian Renaissance (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1964) 1–18Google Scholar.

³² Stephanou, Eusebius, “Plethon,” DThC 12 (1933) 2393–404Google Scholar; Masai, F., Pletho et le platonisme de Mistra (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1956Google Scholar).

³³ Reimarus, Hermann Samuel, Matthaei Camariotae Orationes duo in Plethonem de Fato (Leiden: Wishoff, 1721Google Scholar).

³⁴ William of Ockham, Opera philosophica et theologica (10 vols.; St. Bonaventure, NY: Editiones Instituti Franciscani Universitatis S. Bonaventurae, 1967–1968Google Scholar). Ockham treated the concept of “individuum” especially in the first book of his “Super Quattuor Libros Sententiarum” (vol. 3 of Opera Plurima) and in the “Expositio Aurea” (vol. 4 of Opera Plurima); see William of Ockham, Opera Plurima Lyon (London: Gregg, 1962Google Scholar). Already a brief look at Leon Baudry's index (Lexique philosophique de Guillaume d'Ockham. Etude des notions fondamentales [Paris: Lethielleux, 1958Google Scholar] s.v. individuum) indicates that the term means much more than logical problems. See also the selection of texts by Tornay, Stephen, Ockham. Studies and Selections (La Salle: Open Court, 1938Google Scholar). On Ockham see Klein, Joseph, “Ockham, Wilhelm,” RGG 4 (1960) 1556–62Google Scholar. See also McGrath, Alister E., “Homo Assumptus? A Study in the Christology of the Via Moderna with Particular Reference to William of Ockham,” EThL 60 (1984) 283–97Google Scholar.

³⁵ On the understanding of the concept of will in Duns Scotus see Köhler, Walther, Dogmengeschichte. Von den Anfängen bis zur Reformation (3d ed.; Zürich: Niehans, 1951) 338–45Google Scholar. On Ockham see Tornay, Ockham, 62–76; and Baudry, Lexique, s.v. intentio and voluntas. On Ockham's understanding of property see Flasch, Kurt, Das philosophische Denken im Mittelalter (Stuttgart: Reclam, 1987) 456–59Google Scholar.

³⁶ Biel, Gabriel, Sermones, (4 vols.; ed. Steinbach, Wendelin; Tubingen: Leynburger, 1499–1500Google Scholar); Oberman, Heiko, The Harvest of Medieval Theology: Gabriel Biel and Late Medieval Nominalism (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1963) esp. 217–80Google Scholar and 340–60.

³⁷ Haubst, Richard, Die Christologie des Nikolaus (Freiburg: Herder, 1956Google Scholar); Watts, Pauline Moffit, Nicolaus Cusanus: A Fifteenth-Century Vision of Man (Studies in the History of Christian Thought 30; Leiden: Brill, 1982Google Scholar).

³⁸ Toldo, Pietro, “Le courtisane dans la littérature franchise et ses rapports avec l'oeuvre de Castiglione,” Archiv fur die Studien neuerer Sprachen und Literaturen (Braunschweig: Westerman) 104 (1900Google Scholar) 75–121, 313–30; 105 (1900) 60–85; see also Roeder, Man of the Renaissance; Schrinner, Walter, Castiglione und die englische Renaissance (Neue deutsche Forschungen 234; Berlin: Junker and Diinnhaupt, 1939Google Scholar).

³⁹ On Ignatius, see Rahner, Karl, Ignatius of Loyola (trans. Ockenden, Rosaleen; London/Cleveland: Collins, 1979Google Scholar); idem, Betrachtungen zum ignatianischen Exerzitienbuch (Munich: Kosel, 1965Google Scholar); Ignatius of Loyola, Exercitia Spiritualia S. Ignatii de Loyola et eorum Directoria (1919; reprinted Rome: Monumenta Historia Societas Jesu, 1955Google Scholar); The Spiritual Exercises of St. Ignatius (trans. Mottola, Anthony; Garden City: Image, 1964Google Scholar); Heinrich Boehmer, Ignatius v. Loyola (ed. Laube, Hans; Stuttgart: Koehler, 1941Google Scholar).

⁴⁰ An example of unfair presentation is Boehmer, Heinrich, Die Jesuiten (ed. Schmidt, Kurt Dietrich; Stuttgart: Koehler, 1957Google Scholar).

⁴¹ Juan, Juan Huarte de San, Examen de ingenios para las ciencias (Biblioteca de la literatura y el pensamiento hispanicos 14; ed. Esteban Torre; Madrid: Editora Nacional, 1976Google Scholar); Read, Malcolm Kevin, Juan Huarte de San Juan (Boston: Twayne, 1981Google Scholar).

⁴² Huarte's argument was that if variations already exist in supernatural gifts then they exist all the more in natural gifts. Huarte wanted to argue for “ingenio” as a differentiable given, but also as formable and improvable. But as Huarte's argument moved along, the Spanish term “ingenio” (Latin “ingenium”) became less and less pluralistic and more and more hierarchically differentiated. In the end he aimed at the exceptionally, specially equipped genius. In the reception of Huarte this tendency became even stronger.

⁴³ Here Huarte went beyond the royal office in its constitutional sense and presented a paradigm for the great personality, the highest genius, which the pedagogical scrutiny and effort had to find and form. This is proven by the fact that Huarte followed this discussion of Jesus with that of Adam as royal person.

⁴⁴ Huarte wanted to show that Jesus, already through his nature, even without using supernatural wisdom could drive out evil and choose the good. Jesus was for Huarte the true human, divine and miraculous already in his natural appearance and action, and therefore the exemplar for the ingenious personality. This was stated without the cynicism of Machiavelli found in the Prince. This ingenious personality, moreover, was to function as subject and instrument of educational sensitivity and skill.

⁴⁵ Machiavelli, Nicoló, The Prince (trans, and introd. Mansfield, Harvey C.; Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985Google Scholar); Buck, August, Machiavelli (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesell-schaft, 1985Google Scholar).

⁴⁶ Saavedra Miguel de Cervantes, Don Quixote (1615); ET: John OrmsbyGoogle Scholar, Don Quixote (Great Books of the Western World 29; Chicago: Benton, 1952Google Scholar).

⁴⁷ See Luther's preface to the New Testament and his reflections on the question of the noblest writings of the New Testament in the so-called September Bible of 1522. See Martin Luther, “Vorreden auf das NT,” WA 6 (1929) 1.

⁴⁸ Philipp Melanchthon's “Unterricht der Visitatoren” (1528) (Werke in Auswahl [7 vols.; ed. Robert Stupperich; Gütersloh: Mohn, 1951–1975] 1. 265–71) already contained an explicit warning against a premature reading of John's Gospel in the elementary education in the so-called Latin schools. Melanchthon recommended the use of Matthew's Gospel instead.

⁴⁹ Bucer, Martin, Opera Latina, vol. 15: De regno Christi (ed. Wendel, Francois; Paris: Presses Universitaires de France and Gutersloh: Bertelsmann, 1955) 15Google Scholar; Pauck, Wilhelm, trans, and ed., De Regno Christi. Melanchthon and Bucer (LCC 19; Philadelphia: Westminster, 1969Google Scholar); Pauck, Wilhelm, Das Reich Gottes auf Erden. Utopie und Wirklichkeit. Eine Untersuchung zu Butzers “De Regno Christi” und zur englischen Staatskirche des 16. Jahrhunderts (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1928Google Scholar); Hammann, Gottfried, Martin Bucer 1491–1551: zwischen Volkskirche und Bekenntnisgemeinschaft (Stuttgart: Steiner, 1989Google Scholar).

⁵⁰ Milton, John, The Works (18 vols., and 2 index vols.; ed. Patterson, Frank Allen; New York: Columbia University Press, 1931–1940Google Scholar); Barker, Arthur E., Milton and the Puritan Dilemma (1641–1660) (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1942Google Scholar); Grierson, Herbert C. G., “Milton, John,” ERE 8 (1980) 641–48Google Scholar. The importance of Milton's “De Doctrina Christiana,” and in particular his concept of the “kingdom of Christ,” for his entire thought and work needs to be stressed (see Barker, Milton, 193–214, 260–90, and 293–330).

⁵¹ Edwards, Jonathan, “An humble attempt to promote explicit Agreement and Visible Union of God's People in Extraordinary Prayer for the Revival of religion and the advancement of Christ's Kingdom on Earth, pursuant to Scripture promises and Prophecies concerning the last Time,” The Works of Jonathan Edwards, vol. 5: Apocalyptic Writings (ed. Stein, S. J.; New Haven: Yale University Press, 1977) 307–436Google Scholar; see also idem, “Covenant of Redemption; ‘Excellency of Christ,’” in Edwards, Jonathan, Representative Selections (ed. Faust, Clarence H. and Johnson, Thomas H.; New York: Hill & Wang, 1962Google Scholar); idem, “A History of Redemption,” Works of President Edwards (10 vols.; ed. Dwight, Sereno E.; New York: Converse, 1829–1830Google Scholar) vol. 3. On Edwards, see Niebuhr, H. Richard, The Kingdom of God in America (2d ed.; Hamden, , CT: Shoe String Press, 1956Google Scholar); Wolf, Ernst, “Edwards, Jonathan,” RGG 2 (1958) 309–10Google Scholar; Cherry, Conrad, The Theology of Jonathan Edwards: A Reappraisal (Bloomington/Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1990Google Scholar); Valeri, Mark and Wilson, John F., “Scripture and Society: From Reform in the Old World to Revival in the New,” in Johnson, James Turner, ed., The Bible in American Law, Politics and Political Rhetoric (Philadelphia: Fortress and Chico, CA: Scholars Press, 1985) 13–38Google Scholar.

⁵² Langenfeld, Friedrich Spee von, Cautio Criminalis seu de processibus contra sagas liber (Rinteln: Petrus Lucius, 1631Google Scholar; 2d ed.; Frankfurt am Main: Johannes Gronaeus, 1632); idem, Trutz-Nachtigall Oder Geistlichs-poetisch Lust-Waldlein (Cologne: Godefridus Otterstedt, 1649Google Scholar; new ed. Gustav Balke; Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1879); idem, Guldines Tugent-Buch das is. Werck und Ubung der dreyen Gottlichen Tugenden, Glauben, Hoffnung und Liebe (Cologne: Friesen, 1649Google Scholar; new ed. Franz Hattler; Freiburg: Herder, 1887). A survey of Spee's works is found in Carlos Sommervogel, Bibliothe'que de la Compagnie de Jésus (12 vols.; new ed.: Brussels: Schepens and Paris: Picard, 1890–1960) 7. 1424–31.

⁵³ As is often claimed.

⁵⁴ Baltasar Gracián y Morales, Obras Completas (ed. Hoyo, A. del; 2d ed.; Madrid: Aguilar, 1960Google Scholar); Corvan, Thomas G., The Best of Gracián. A New Translation (New York: Philosophical Library, 1964Google Scholar); Foster, Virginia Ramos, Baltasar Gracian (Boston: Twayne, 1975Google Scholar). Corvan's book has been especially helpful in preparing this synopsis.

⁵⁵ On the Enlightenment, see Hirsch, Emanuel, Geschichte der neueren evangelischen Theologie im Zusammenhang mit den allgemeinen Bewegungen des europäischen Denkens (5 vols.; 2d ed.; Gütersloh: Mohn, 1960Google Scholar); Piepmeier, Rainer, “Aufklärung I. Philosophisch,” ThRE A (1979) 575–94Google Scholar; Schmidt, Martin, “Aufklärung II. Theologisch,” ThRE 4 (1979) 594–608Google Scholar; Greive, Hermann, “Aufklärung III. Judische Aufklärung,” ThRE A (1979) 608–15Google Scholar. On Pietism, see Schmidt, Martin, “Pietismus,” RGG 5 (1961) 370–81Google Scholar; idem, Gesammelte Studien zur Geschichte des Pietismus, vol. 1: Wiedergeburt und neuer Mensch (Witten: Luther, 1969Google Scholar); idem, Pietismus (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1972Google Scholar); idem, Gesammelte Studien zur Geschichte des Pietismus, vol. 2: Der Pietismus als theologische Erscheinung (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1982Google Scholar).

⁵⁶ This happened despite such philosophers as Baruch Spinoza (1632–1677), Moses Mendelsohn (1729–1786), Charles de Montesquieu (1689–1755), and Gotthold Ephraim Lessing (1729–1781), and such theologians as Paul Felgenhauer (1593–1677) and Friedrich Christoph Oetinger (1702–1782). As Philipp Jakob Spener (1635–1705) proved, the tolerance of Pietism against the Jews on the whole did not go beyond an acknowledgement of pre-Christian “Heilsgeschichte” and the advancement of mission to the Jews together with the integration of converted Jews into the circles of the born-again. For details, see Milller, Gerhard, “Antisemitismus VI. 16. und 17. Jahrhundert,” ThRE 3 (1978) 143–55Google Scholar; and Weinziess, Erika, “Antisemitismus VII. 18.-20. Jahrhundert,” ThRE 3 (1978) 155–65Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ On the influence of Jesuit theology, especially that of Suarez, on the German discussion, see Lewalter, Ernst, Spanisch-jesuitische und Deutsch-lutherische Metaphysik des 17. Jahrhunderts (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1967Google Scholar).

⁵⁸ Reimarus, Hermann Samuel, Dissertatio Schediasmati de Machiavellismo ante Machiavellum praemissa qua sibi locum. … benevole concessum vindicat (Wittenberg: Gerdes, 1719Google Scholar).

⁵⁹ The Discourses of Nicoló Machiavelli (trans. Walker, Leslie J.; London/Boston: Routledge and Paul, 1975Google Scholar).

⁶⁰ This major change happened in Frankfurt am Main. On this see Georgi, Dieter, “Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegels Frankfurter Jahre (1797–1800),” in Benad, Matthias, ed., Gott in Frankfurt. Theologische Spuren in einer Metropole (Frankfurt am Main: Afhenäum, 1987) 79–95Google Scholar.

⁶¹ David Friedrich Strauss, Das Leben Jesus kritisch bearbeitet (Tübingen: Osiander, 1835Google Scholar); Strauss, David Friedrich, The Life of Jesus Critically Examined (trans. Eliot, George; ed. Hodgson, Peter C.; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1972Google Scholar). This translation unfortunately is based on the fourth edition, not on the first or second.

⁶² Ferdinand Christian Baur, Vorlesungen über neutestamentliche Theologie (1864; rev. ed. Kümmel, Werner Georg; Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1973Google Scholar); idem, Kirchengeschichte des 19. Jahrhunderts (1862/1863; ed. Liebing, Heinz; Stuttgart: Frommann, 1970Google Scholar).

⁶³ Weitling, Wilhelm, Das Evangelium des armen Sünders. Die Menschheit wie sie ist und wie sie sein sollte (ed. Schäfer, Wolf; Hamburg: Rowohlt, 1971Google Scholar).

⁶⁴ See Renan, Ernest, Histoire des origines du Christianisme (7 vols.; Paris: Léwy, 1863–1883Google Scholar) vol. 1.

⁶⁵ The interest in adult education and in university extension was also strong in Great Britain.

⁶⁶ Wrede, William, Das Messiasgeheimnis in den Evangelien (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1901Google Scholar); Weiss, Johannes, Die Predigt Jesu vom Reich Gottes (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1901Google Scholar); ET: Jesus’ Proclamation of the Kingdom of God (trans, and ed. Hiers, Richard Hyde and Holland, David Larrimore; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1971Google Scholar); Schweitzer, Quest.

⁶⁷ Not only in the heritage of Christoph Blumhardt (1842–1919), Hermann Kutter (1863–1931), and Leonhard Ragaz (1868–1945) as is often claimed.

⁶⁸ Pals, Daniel L., The Victorian “Lives” of Jesus (Trinity University Monograph Series in Religion 7; San Antonio: Trinity University Press, 1982Google Scholar).

⁶⁹ Given the fact that the literature of and on the New Quest in the meantime is legion, and also because of the existence of such a thorough journal of it as Werner Georg Kümmel, Dreiβig Jahre Jesusforschung (1950–1980) (BBB 60; Königstein/Bonn: Hanstein, 1985Google Scholar), a comprehensive compilation of Kümmel's reviews on the question in ThR, I have refrained from a detailed report and have drawn the larger picture instead. I should, however, mention a sample of contributions to the New Quest (besides Robinson, New Quest) including not only strictly historical-critical studies but also those of a more systematic-theological nature: Ernst Käsemann, “Das Problem des historischen Jesus,” ZThK 51 (1954) 125–53Google Scholar in idem, Exegetische Versuche und Besinnungen (2 vols.; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1960–1964) 1. 187–214Google Scholar; idem, “Sackgassen im Streit um den historischen Jesus,” in idem, Exegetische Versuche und Besinnungen, 2. 31–68; Bornkamm, Gunther, Jesus von Nazareth (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1956Google Scholar) ET: Jesus of Nazareth (New York: Harper, 1975Google Scholar); Ebeling, Gerhard, “Die Frage nach dem historischen Jesus und das Problem der Christologie,” ZThK, Beiheft 1 (1959) 14–30Google Scholar in idem, Wort und Glaube (3 vols.; 3d ed.; Tübingen: Mohr, 1960) 1. 19–82; idem; “Kerygma und historischer Jesus,” in idem, Theologie und Verkündigung (Hermeneutische Untersuchungen zur Theologie 1; Tübingen: Mohr, 1962) 19–82Google Scholar; Fuchs, Ernst, Zur Frage nach dem historischen Jesus (Gesammelte Aufsätze 2; Tübingen: Mohr, 1960Google Scholar); Jüngel, Eberhard, Paulus und Jesus (Hermeneutische Untersuchungen zur Theologie 2; Tubingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1962Google Scholar); Marxsen, Willi, “Zur Frage nach dem historischen Jesus,” ThLz 87 (1962) 575–80Google Scholar; Pannenberg, Wolfhart, Grundzüge der Christologie (Gütersloh: Mohn, 1964Google Scholar) ET: Jesus, God and Man (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1977Google Scholar); Küng, Hans, Die Kirche (Ökumenische Forschungen 1.1; Freiburg: Herder, 1967) esp. 57–99Google Scholar, ET: The Church (New York: Sheed & Ward, 1967Google Scholar); idem and Lapide, Pinchas, Jesus im Widerstreit: Ein jüdisch-christlicher Dialog (Stuttgart: Calwer Verlag, 1976Google Scholar); Küng, Hans, Christ-Sein (Munich/Zurich: Piper, 1974) esp. 111–401Google Scholar; ET: On Being a Christian (Garden City: Doubleday, 1976Google Scholar); Braun, Herbert, Jesus: Der Mann aus Nazareth und seine Zeit (Themen der Theologie 1; Stuttgart: Kreuz, 1969Google Scholar) ET: Jesus of Nazareth: The Man and His Time (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1979Google Scholar); Schillebeeckx, Edward, Jezus het verhaal van een levende (Bloemendaal: Nelissen, 1974Google Scholar) ET: Jesus: An Experiment in Christology (New York: Seabury, 1979Google Scholar); Moltmann, Jürgen, Der Weg Jesu Christi: Christologie in messianischen Dimensionen (Munich: Kaiser, 1989Google Scholar); Kee, Howard C., Jesus in History: An Approach to the Study of the Gospels (New York/Atlanta: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1970Google Scholar); idem, What Can We Know about Jesus? Understanding Jesus Today (Cambridge/New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990Google Scholar); Gnilka, Joachim, Jesus von Nazareth: Botschaft und Geschichte (HThKNT, suppl. 3; Freiburg: Herder, 1990Google Scholar); Marquardt, Friedrich-Wilhelm, Das christliche Bekenntnis zu Jesus, dem Juden: Eine Christologie (2 vols.; Munich: Kaiser, 1990–1991Google Scholar); Jongz, Marinus de, Jesus, the Servant-Messiah (New Haven/London: Yale University Press, 1991Google Scholar).

⁷⁰ The attempts of the New Quest did not remain without criticism, see, e.g., Bultmann, Rudolf, Das Verhältnis der urchristlichen Christusbotschaft zum historischen Jesus (Heidelberg: Winter, 1961) 5–27Google Scholar; Barth, Karl, “How My Mind Has Changed,” EvTh 20 (1960) 97–106Google Scholar; Georgi, Dieter, “Bleibende Aufgaben, die uns Rudolf Bultmann stellt,” Evangelische Zeitstimmen 59/60 (1971) 66–76Google Scholar; Schmithals, Walter, Jesus Christus in der Verkiindigung der Kirche (Neukirchen: Neukirchener Verlag, 1972Google Scholar); Schulz, Siegfried, “Die neue Frage nach dem historischen Jesus,” in Baltensweiler, Heinrich and Reicke, Bo, eds., Neues Testament und Geschicte. Historische Geschehen und Deutung im Neuen Testament. Oscar Cullmann zum 70. Geburtstag (Zurich: Theologischer Verlag and Tubingen: Mohr, 1972) 33–42Google Scholar.