¹ See the following.

² See, e.g., Hengel's surveys: Hengel, M., Judaism and Hellenism (London: SCM, 1974) 1. 218–47Google Scholar; idem, “Qumran und der Hellenismus,” BETL 46 (1978) 333–71.Google Scholar

³ Cf., e.g., Bardke, H., “Die Rechtstellung der Qumran-Gemeinde,” TLZ 86 (1961) 93–104Google Scholar; Schneider, C., “Zur Problematik des Hellenistischen in den Qumrantexten,” Qumransprobleme (ed., Bardke, H.; Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1963) 299–344Google Scholar; Delcor, M., “Repas cultuels esséniens et thérapeutes, thiases et ḥaburoth,” RevQ 6 (1968) 401–25Google Scholar; Weinfeld, M., “Organizational Pattern and Penal Law of the Qumran Sect,” Shnaton, An Annual for Biblical and Ancient Near Eastern Studies 2 (1977) (Hebrew) 60–81.Google Scholar

⁴ On Greek influence, cf. M. Hengel, Judaism, 228–47; Zeller, E., Die Philosophie der Griechen (Leipzig: Fues, 1881) 3/2, 325–34Google Scholar; Schürer, , Geschichte des jüdischen Volkes (Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1907) 2. 668–80Google Scholar; Levy, I., La légende de Pythagore de Grèce en Palestine (Paris: Champion, 1927) 264–88Google Scholar; Dupont-Sommer, A., “Le problème des influence étrangères sur la secte juive de Qumrân,” RHPR 35 (1955) 75–94Google Scholar; Hadas, M., Hellenistic Culture, Fusion and Diffusion (New York/London: Columbia University and Oxford University, 1959) 193–97Google Scholar; Glasson, T. F., Greek Influence in Jewish Eschatology (London: SPCK, 1961) 48–56Google Scholar; Levy, I., Recherches esséniennes et pythagoriciennes (Paris: Minard, 1965) 57–63Google Scholar; Leaney, A. R. C., The Rule of Qumran and Its Meaning (London: SCM, 1966) 60–63Google Scholar, and passim; M. Delcor, “Repas cultuels,” 401–25. Josephus himself claims (or perhaps his source) in Ant. 15.10.4 §371 that the Essenes corresponded to the Pythagoreans, but this statement is certainly not accurate and in any case was not intended to be taken definitively. Cf. Marcus in LCL 8.179, and see the following. For the “Persian” side, Hengel, Judaism, 229–30.

⁵ See the papers of H. Bardke, C. Schneider, and M. Weinfeld, mentioned in n. 3.

⁶ Cf., e.g., Wernberg-Møller, P. P., The Manual of Discipline (Leiden: Brill, 1957) 19Google Scholar, n. 2; Cross, F. M., The Ancient Library of Qumran (New York: Anchor, 1961)Google Scholar esp. chaps. 2–3; Dupont-Sommer, A., The Essene Writings from Qumran (Oxford: Blackwell, 1961) 39–67Google Scholar; of a different view: Driver, G. R., The Judaean Scrolls (Oxford: Blackwell, 1965)Google Scholar. For the identification of the Essenes with the Ḥirbet Qumran community, cf. esp. Vaux, R. de, Archaeology and the Dead Sea Scrolls (London: Oxford University, 1973)Google Scholarpassim, esp. chap. 3.

⁷ As Bauer, W. in his article “Essener,” PWSup4 (1924)Google Scholar §D, b, esp. 409; and M. Hengel, Judaism, 1. 246 and n. 881. For the topoi of the Utopia in general, cf. Trüdinger, K., Studien zur Geschichte der griechisch-römischen Ethnographie (Basel: Birkhäuser, 1918).Google Scholar

⁸ Only two “complete” utopias (epitomized by Diodorus Siculus) have been preserved from the Hellenistic era: Iambulus and Euhemerus. It is doubtful whether the latter is wholly utopian (i.e., “nowhere”), as it is believed that Euhemerus depicts in an ideal manner a Hellenistic Egyptian society (like Megasthenes’ ideal description of India, and Hecataeus’ of Abdera of the Jews). As to Euhemerus and Megasthenes, cf. Aalders, G. J. D., Political Thought in Hellenistic Times (Amsterdam: Hakkert, 1975) 64–70Google Scholar; for Hecataeus: Stern, M., Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism (Jerusalem: The Israel Academy, 1976) 20–44Google Scholar; Iambulus’ Utopia, however, is clearly “nowhere”; cf. Aalders, Political Thought, 70–73, and n. 11 below.

⁹ On the foundation of the sect see Hengel, Judaism, 1. 224. The people of Qumran knew Greek; see, e.g., Cross, Ancient Library, 27–28; RB 61 (1954) 229Google Scholar; RB 63 (1956) 54Google Scholar; and in general: Hengel, “Qumran,” 333–72. On the Teacher of Righteousness: CD 1:11; 8:55, and on the problem of his identification, R. de Vaux, Archaeology, 115–24, who gives some bibliography. 1QH 5:5–19 raises a possibility that the Teacher of Righteousness lived for a while in the diaspora among non-Jews. Hence he could have been in contact with pagan culture. Cf. Hengel, Judaism, 1. 224–25.

¹⁰ Bibliothēkē 2.55–60. The epitome is, of course, lacking a whole series of details which could have been of use. For instance, no mention is made of the island's calendar, nor the form of the communities’ dwellings, educational matters, etc.

¹¹ ‘On Iambulus, see in particular: Rhode, E., Dergriechische Roman (Hildesheim: Olms, [reprint] 1960) 241–60Google Scholar; Mossé, C., “Les utopies égalitaires à l'époque Hellénistique,” Revue historique 241 (1969) 300–305Google Scholar; Ferguson, J., Utopias of the Classical World (London: Thames & Hudson, 1975) 124–29.Google Scholar

¹² Cf. esp., Philo Quod Omnis 12.75–13.91; Hyp. (in Eusebius Praep. Evan. 8.11.1–18); Josephus J. W. 2.8.2 §119–2.8.13 §161; Ant. 13.5.9 §171–73; Ant. 15.10.4 §371–5 §379; 18.1.2 §11; 18.1.5 §18–§22; Pliny NH 5.15.73; and to all other accounts, cf. Adam, A., Antike Berichte über die Essener (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1961)Google Scholar. Some bibliographies on the Essenes include: Wagner, S., “Die Essener in der wissenschaftlichen Diskussion …,” BZAW 79 (1960)Google Scholar; Feldman, L. H., Studies in Judaica, Scholarship on Philo and Josephus (New York: Yeshiva University, 1962) 35–37Google Scholar; Jongeling, B., A Classified Bibliography of the Finds in the Desert of Judah 1958–1969 (Leiden: Brill, 1971).Google Scholar

¹³ For the problem of a foreign framework with Jewish contents from a different point of view, cf. Schneider, “Zur Problematik,” passim, esp. 308. As to alien influences, see, e.g., Milik, J. T., The Book of Enoch (Oxford: Clarendon, 1976) 13–18Google Scholar (commonplace Babylonian influences in the astronomical book, chaps. 72–82). Yadin, Y., The Scroll of the War of the Sons of Light against the Sons of Darkness (Oxford: Oxford University, 1962)Google Scholar esp. chaps. 5–7; Hengel, Qumran, 340–42 (foreign influences on the war “doctrine” of the Essenes).

¹⁴ For instance, I will not deal with the content of their astrology, but rather with the form which it took. In such a discussion the choice of the framework itself is relevant.

¹⁵ No attempt (as far as I can determine) to compare the Essenes with pagan Greek theories (Pythagoreans, Stoa, etc., cf. Hengel, Judaism, 1. 218–47) has considered the possibility of the Hellenistic utopia model. Iambulus, who will be dealt with at length, may have some Stoic or Cynic elements, but this is a matter still hotly contested. Cf. Rhode, Der griechische Roman, 258–60; Bidez, J., “La cité du monde et la cité du soleil chez les Stoiciens,” Bulletin de L'Academie Royale de Belgique 18 (1933) 244–94Google Scholar; Mossé, “Les utopies,” 300–305; Ferguson, Utopias, 126–27; Aalders, Political Thought, 72. Our discussion is relevant, however, because it is obvious that the utopia was original in its content as well as in its genre. Its content differs in many aspects from Stoic “political theory” (the so-called early Stoa, which is relevant to the case under discussion), a matter which becomes evident from the reconstruction of this theory; cf. Baldry's, H. C.“Zeno's Ideal State,” JHS 79 (1959) 3–15; Aalders, Political Thought, 75–93Google Scholar; Baldry, , The Unity of Mankind in Greek Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1965) 154–66Google Scholar. Iambulus also differs from Cynicism—he is not even mentioned in Dudley's, D. R.A History of Cynicism (London: Metheun, 1937)Google Scholar; and see also Aalders, Political Thought, 53–64. As to the genre, Hellenistic Utopia is rightly described as a “Reisefabulistik,” cf. Rhode, Der griechische Roman.

Many attempts have been made to compare the Essenes to the Neopythagoreans, but one should note: (a) the comparisons made are in any case insufficient (see Hengel's criticism, Judaism, 1. 245–47); (b) after 250 B.C.E. until the first century C.E., Pythagoreanism was not fashionable (Fritz, K. v., “Pythagoras,” PW 24 (1963) 218; 268–70Google Scholar, and passim), a fact which is strengthened by the view that the Neopythagorean writings are probably late, and not from the early Hellenistic era: Delatte, L., “Les traités de la royauté, Ecphante, Diotogéne et Sthénidas,” Bib. de la Fac. … Liège 97 (1942)Google Scholar. Even Thesleff, who claims that these compositions are from early Hellenistic times, does not see any similarity between the Essenes and Neopythagoreanism: Thesleff, H., “An Introduction to the Pythagorean Writings of the Hellenistic Period,” Act. Acad. Åb. 24/3 (1961) 49–50Google Scholar. Cf. the vast literature comparing the Essenes with Pythagoreans, n. 4, above.

Philo, Josephus, and Pliny give us the earliest descriptions available (excluding the Scrolls) of the Essenes. Later writers mostly drew on them (or common sources); cf. Adam, Antike Berichte, 1–62. On the relationship between the accounts of Philo and Josephus, see in general W. Bauer, “Essener,” 387–418. As to the Scrolls, the 1QS and 1QSa are, of course, the most useful for our purpose because they are second-century (or beginning of the first) B.C.E. sources (Cross, Ancient Library, 89; Wernberg-Møller, The Manual, 19; A. R. C. Leaney, The Rule of Qumran, 113–16) and deal with modes of life and basic concepts of the sect. Other scrolls as well have been consulted. On the 1QS and 1QSa, see, in particular: Wernberg-Møller, The Manual, 1–180; Maier, J., Die Texte vom Toten Meer (Munich/Basel: Reinhardt, 1960) 2. 9–39; 154–60Google Scholar; Leaney, Rule of Qumran, 117–292; Carmignac, and Guilbert, P., Les Textes de Qumrân (Paris: Letouzey et Ané, 1961) 1–80Google Scholar; Pouilly, J., La règle de la Communauté de Qumrân (Paris: J. Gabalda, 1976)Google Scholar; Licht, J., The Rule Scroll (Jerusalem: Bialik, 1965) (Hebrew) 51–270.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Philo Hyp. 11.1. Perhaps also CD 7:6a; 9–10; 12:22–23; 14:3. For the organization in groups, see Licht, Rule Scroll, 117–20.

¹⁷ For this concept, cf. 1QS 5:2; 5:10; 8:13; and Cross, Ancient Library, 76–78.

¹⁸ The sect therefore has special purity rules; cf. Licht, J., Encyclopaedia Biblica 4 (1970) (Hebrew) 662.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Cf. Tarn, W. W. and Griffith, G. T., Hellenistic Civilisation (3d ed.; London: Methuen, 1952) 90–91, 122.Google Scholar

²⁰ Yaḥad and some of its cognates in 1QS could also mean ὁμόνοια (for the term, see LSJ) and not necessarily κοινόν, as Cross, Ancient Library, 80, n. 43; Dombrowski, B. W., in HTR 59 (1966) 293–307; Weinfeld, “Organizational Pattern,” 61–62.Google Scholar

²¹ The eldest of the group has authority “like a king”(2.58.6). If we knew more about the latter's functions, we might be able to compare him to the (official) and (guardian) of the Qumran sect (cf., e.g., CD 9:16–23; 13:4–15:7–15; 1QS 6:12, 14; 6:19–20, and Weinfeld, “Organizational Pattern,” 63–65). As to communities (Ḥaburouth) within the sect, 1QS 6:3; perhaps also CD 12:22–13:7; and cf. Licht, Rule Scroll, 119–20, 167–68.

²² Cf. esp. 1QS; CD, passim.

²³ For the “double leadership” of the Essenes: Weinfeld, “Organizational Pattern,” 63–65; cf. also Licht, Rule Scroll, 112–13; and for Josephus’ description, see Strugnell, J., “Flavius Josephus and the Essenes: Ant. XVIII, 18–22,” JBL 77 (1958) 110–11.Google Scholar

²⁴ And 1QS 3:2; see Licht, Rule Scroll, 10–13, 162. 1QS 7:7–8, which deals with a fine of a member, is problematic. It may refer to payment for damage to common property (Weinfeld, “Organizational Pattern,” 76). I would suggest that this fine is in line with Praxagoras’ words (Aristophanes, Ecclesiazusae 660–65), namely, a payment deducted from the regular services a member receives from the sect.

The absence of a currency in Iambulus is implicit from his description. All the crops are αὐτόμα τοι, and there are no economic or other contacts with any external entity. As to the absence of currency in the Essene sect, cf. Philo Quod Omnis 12.76, 86; Pliny NH 5.15.73. The archaeological evidence also points to the fact that individuals did not possess any money, but that it was kept in a central treasury (de Vaux [Archaeology, 129–30] cautiously mentions such a possibility), and see Philo Quod Omnis 12.86; Hyp. 11. 10; J.W. 2.8.4 §127.

²⁵ Hengel [“Qumran,” 343] does not make such a distinction, which is of importance in this case. A concept of total cooperation and equality can be found in Plato's plans for his guardians (Politeia, books 2–5). For a more moderate notion, cf. Plato Leg., esp. book 5.

²⁶ For the dining room at Qumran, see de Vaux, Archaeology, 11–12. Even if only an inner circle dined in the dining room of Ḥirbet Qumran, it is hard to believe that all could dine at once, as the sect was quite numerous (cf. to its number, de Vaux, Archaeology, 109).

²⁷ On the common meals of the Essenes: Kuhn, K. G., “The Lord's Supper and the Communal Meal at Qumran,” The Scrolls and the New Testament (ed. Stendahl, K.; New York: Harper, 1957) 65–93; Cross, Ancient Library, 85–91.Google Scholar

²⁸ Josephus Life 2. 10–12. On chronological difficulties as to his stay with the Essenes: Smith, M., “The Description of the Essenes in Josephus and the Philosophumena,” HUCA 29 (1958) 277–78.Google Scholar

²⁹ Farmer, W. R., “The Economic Basis of the Qumran Community,” TZ 11 (1955) 295–308Google Scholar; 12 (1956) 56–58; Bardtke, H., “Zwischen Chirbet Qumran und en fescha,” TLZ 85 (1960) 263–74Google Scholar. There were, however, some workshops, but most of their living came from natural resources; cf. de Vaux, Archaeology, 15–18, 60–87.

³⁰ The ideal of the escape from towns is well described by Philo when discussing the Therapeutai; cf. Vita cont. 2.18–3.24.

³¹ See also Euhemerus in Diod. Sic. 5.44.3. Here the river is called “Water of the Sun” (Ἡλίου ὔδωρ; cf. also 4).

³² The main problem concerning pools and ritual baths is that we have no literary evidence of their existence at such an early date; the archaeological evidence in Palestine is also meager. In any case a comprehensive study on the question of pools of any kind has not yet been undertaken. E. Nezer recently published a preliminary report on Jericho (Qadmoniot 11 [1978] 54–59)Google Scholar (Hebrew) in which he briefly describes “Hasmonean and Herodian” pools, some of which were used for swimming and some for purification (p. 59). Perhaps in the case of the multiplicity of pools at Jericho one may raise the possibility of an imitation of Qumran. If so, Philo Hyp. 11.18 becomes more concrete.

Another question may be asked: Is it but mere chance that the extremist Essenes settled in the region of Qumran-Ein Gedi where hot springs and cold-sweet ones were found? Is Josephus’ emphasis that before supper the Essenes wash in cold water of significance? (J. W..2.8.5 § 129). We have at least some evidence of the existence of hot springs near the Dead Sea; cf. Josephus Ant. 17.6.5 §168–72; Pliny N H 5.15.72 (the N.E. end of the Dead Sea)—hot and cold springs are, of course, a famous Greek utopian topos. On the latter, see Ferguson, Utopias, passim. It can be assumed that springs of both kinds were more numerous in those days: de Vaux, Archaeology, 78.

³³ Within their special lustration customs, Licht, Encyclopaedia Biblica, 662.

³⁴ Note the partitions at the baths of Ḥirbet Qumran—perhaps for purification according to grades? De Vaux is more cautious on this matter (Archaeology, 131–32).

³⁵ In the cemeteries of Ḥirbet Qumran and Ain-el-Ghuweir, some skeletons of women (and even of infants) were discovered. The whole question of these cemeteries is obscure, as they were neither well nor systematically dug. Cf. the following, and de Vaux, Archaeology, 45–48. From some skeletons of women, found outside the central and organized cemetery in Qumran, de Vaux comes to the conclusion that the literary evidence (J. W. 2.8.13 §160–61; CD 7:6–8), namely, that some of the communities did marry, is confirmed; or that a later development occurred in this respect (Archaeology, 45–48, 57–58, 114, 128–29). In any case, members of most of the early communities did not marry.

³⁶ Ferguson, Utopias, 129.

³⁷ Cf. esp. 1QS 6:14–23 (Licht, Rule Scroll, 145–51); Josephus J.W. 2.8.7 §137–42. According to the evidence there were no infants in the community of the covenanters. 1QS does not touch on this question, while 1QM (in the description of the future society) 7:3 (young boy) is mentioned, which means a boy below the age of twenty-five (Yadin, War of the Sons, 290). It seems that Philo's claim can only be partially verified (Hyp. 11.3). Also from Josephus (J. W. 2.8.2 §120) it emerges that only elder children are referred to, as they have to be “pliable and docile.” In any case, we find in Iambulus, as in the Essene community, the concept of one having to meet spiritual and physical demands in order to be a member of the sect.

³⁸ 1QS 6:24–7:25 (Licht, Rule Scroll, 153–66); Josephus J. W. 2.8.8 §143–49, §145. For similar codes in other sects, and their comparison to that of the Essenes, cf. Weinfeld, “Organizational Pattern,” 65–77.

³⁹ See Licht, Rule Scroll, 167–74. On their opposition to the present Temple, cf. 1QM (passim), and Yadin, War of the Sons, chap. 8, 2; idem, Megilat Hamikdash (Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1977) (Hebrew) esp. 1. 143–44Google Scholar, 307, and passim. See also, Philo Quod Omnis 12.75; Josephus Ant. 18.1.5 §19. (For textual problems in the latter, cf. Feldman, L. H., LCL ed. [1965] 16–17. I am inclined to add οὐκ.)Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Apparently not in accordance with Greek burial customs of the time; probably without a coffin or sarcophagus. Cf. for Greek and Hellenistic inhumation, Kurtz, D. C. and Boardman, J., Greek Burial Customs (London: Thames & Hudson, 1971)Google Scholar; Toynbee, J. M. C., Death and Burial in the Roman World (New York: Cornell University, 1971).Google Scholar

⁴¹ For occasional remarks on burial customs in Palestine in those days: Klein, S., Tod und Begräbnis in Palästina zur Zeit der Tannaiten (Berlin: Itzkowski, 1908)Google Scholar; Avigad, N., “The Necropolis of Jerusalem in the Second Temple Period,” Sepher Yerushalayim (Jerusalem/Tel-Aviv: Bialik & Dvir, 1956) (Hebrew) 320–48Google Scholar; Meyers, E. M., Jewish Ossuaries (Rome: Biblical Institute, 1971)Google Scholar. As to inhumation in Ḥirbet Qumran cemetery, see Steckoll, S. H., “Preliminary Excavation Report in the Qumran Cemetery,” RevQ 23(1968) 323–36Google Scholar; Bar-Adon, P., “Another Settlement of the Judaean Desert Sect at Ain-el-Ghuweir on the Dead Sea,” Eretz Israel 10 (1971) (Hebrew) esp. 84–89Google Scholar (in Ain-el-Ghuweir), and see also Bardke, “Die Rechtstellung,” 101. De Vaux (Archaeology, 47) claims that in the less organized cemetery at Qumran he found signs that in some cases coffins were used. Milik's suggestion (Enoch, 40–41) should be mentioned in this context.He says that “the bodies are stretched out South-North, with the head on the southern side so that when brought to life the just elect will be facing the Paradise-Abode of God” (Utopia—see n. 62, below) which is described in Enoch chap. 30. In the so-called “Temple Scroll” (48:11–14) it is strictly forbidden to inter the dead indiscriminately “everywhere … also within their houses …”().Hence, the dead were buried in Qumran at a well-defined cemetery (Yadin, Megilat Hamikdash, 1. 249–51).

⁴² (1QM 13:5–16, and see Yadin's comment on War of the Sons, 256). The concept of has the connotation of a sovereign “region” of Beliaal/Light: 1QS 2:19; 4:20; 10:1; 1QM 14:9; 18:1, and Yadin, War of the Sons (Hebrew, ed.; Jerusalem: Bialik, 1955) 230–32. The expression (border/domain of wickedness) of 1QH 2:8; 3:24 is of interest within this context.Google Scholar

⁴³ Cf., e.g., 1QS 3:13–4:26; 1QH 15:14–21; 1QM passim, esp. 13:5–16, and Yadin's comment on the terms used (War of the Sons, [Hebrew] chap. 11,228–32). For the Essene dualism, cf. Hengel, Judaism, 1. 220–21, 229–30, and “Qumran,” 358–60; it is not necessary to accept a direct Persian influence; cf. Hengel, Judaism, 2. 153, n. 776.

⁴⁴ On Euhemerus, see in particular, Rhode, Der griechische Roman, 237–42; Ferguson, Utopias, 102–10; and van der Meer, H. F., Euhemerus van Messene (Amsterdam: Vrije Universiteit, 1949)Google Scholar; Braunert, H., “Die heilige Insel des Euhemerus in der Diodor-Überlieferung,”Rheinisches Museum für Philologie N.F. 108(1965) 255–68Google Scholar; Fraser, P. M., Ptolemaic Alexandria (Oxford: Clarendon, 1972) 1Google Scholar. 289–95. The Essene's love of peace is emphasized (Philo Quod Omnis 12.78–87) as on Iambulus’ island. This love of peace at present does not, of course, contradict the Essenes' militant ideology concerning the war at the End of Days which is the main theme of 1QM.

⁴⁵ For example, Bidez, “La cité,” passim; Aalders, Political Thought, 60.

⁴⁶ As in the utopias of Euhemerus and Iambulus. For the problem of the sun in this context, see Leaney, Rule of Qumran, 77–80; and Hengel's résumé in Judaism, 1. 236.

⁴⁷ No verb to denote worship to the sun is used, but rather a turning towards it (and elsewhere honor, J. W. 2.8.9 §148). Cf. Strugnell, “Flavius Josephus,” 111–13; and Cross, Ancient Library, 103, n. 123.

⁴⁸ See Hengel's suggestion in Judaism, 1. 236, 245–46; 2. 147, n. 732 (referring to 1QS 10:1–17, 23; 1QH 12:1–12).

⁴⁹ Hesiod Erga 727–29; m.Abod.Zar. 3:4. In J. W. 2.8.9 §148, Josephus, in a slip of the pen, calls the sun ύ θεóς but from 8.5 §128 it is clear that God and the sun are two different entities. As to the problem of the Essenes' relieving themselves, cf. Yadin, Megilat Hamikdash, 1. 228–35.

⁵⁰ On astrology in general in those days: Nilsson, M. P., Geschichte der griechischen Religion (3d ed.; Munich: Beck, 1974) 2. 268–81; Hengel, Qumran, 368–71.Google Scholar

⁵¹ The Essenes were obsessed with times and seasons; cf., e.g., 1QS 10:1–8; IQH 12:4–11; the book of Jubilees; Enoch, chaps. 72–82 (Milik, Enoch, 7–13, 61–69, 273–84). On the whole question, cf. Hengel, Judaism, 1. 221, 234–36. For the Essenes as soothsayers: Josephus J. W. 1.3.5 §78-§80; 2.7.3 §113; 2.8.12 §159; Ant. 13.11.2§311–13; 15.10.5§373–79.

⁵² In contrast to the common topos of the people's bodily form (Trüdinger, Studien, passim), lambulus elaborates on the matter. As his people are all physiognomically alike, their horoscopes will necessarily also be alike (e.g., they live to the age of 150). On physiognomy in general, see Schmidt, J., “Physiognomik,” PW 20/1 (1941) 1064–74.Google Scholar

⁵³ Allegro, J. M., JSS 9 (1964) 291–94Google Scholar; idem, DJD 5 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1968) 88–91. On the connection between secret script, physiognomy, and horoscopes in the fragments from Qumran, see Starcky, J., in Mémorial du Cinquantenaire (1964) 51–66Google Scholar; Carmignac, J., “Les Horoscopes de Qumrân,” RevQ 5 (1964/1965) 199–205Google Scholar; Licht, J., Tarbiz 35 (1965) 18–26Google Scholar (Hebrew); Hengel, Judaism, 1. 236–38.

⁵⁴ Jub.10:10–14; 1 Enoch 8:3. On magic and medicine of the Essenes, cf. Hengel,Judaism, 1. 239–41.

⁵⁵ The “isles of the blessed” is a well-known motif in Greek literature. Cf., e.g., Hesiod Erga 170–73; Plato Gorgias 523 a-b; Plutarch Sertorius 8. Also Euhemerus refers to it: 2.55.3–4.

⁵⁶ As, e.g., the miracle environment, extraordinary animals, equal bodily form of people, “outopos,” etc. For these familiar topoi, Trüdinger, Studien, passim, and Ferguson,Utopias, passim.

⁵⁷ This problem has already been mentioned above; and cf. Hengel, Judaism, 1. 247. For the identification of the Essenes with the people of Qumran, see above, n. 6; and some examples: spitting in company: J. W. 2.8.9 § 147, and 1QS 7:13 (Weinfeld, “Organizational Pattern,” 67). The Essenes' oath: J. W. 2.8.7 § 139, and 1QS 5:7–9; 1QH 14:17–22 (and cf. Licht, J, The Thanksgiving Scroll [Jerusalem: Bialik, 1957] [Hebrew] 187–91)Google Scholar; they do not reveal their secrets, even if tortured: J. W. 2.8.7 § 141; 2.8.10 § 152, and 1QS 1:17–18. The priest's blessing during the meal: 1QS 6:3–5, and J. W. 2.8.5 § 131; four grades of the sect, 1QS 6:14–23, and J. W. 2.8.10 §150 (Licht, Rule Scroll, 145–47); their keeping of silence, and a cycle in their conversations: J. W. 2.8.5 § 132; 2.8.9 § 146, and 1QS 6:10–13; 7:9–10; CD 14:9–11 (Weinfeld, “Organizational Pattern,” 66–68). Anointment: J. W. 2.8.3 § 123, and the so-called, “Temple Scroll,” 22, 14–16 (Yadin, Megilat Hamikdash, 1. chap. 2 § 2,5, and p. 113, 304–5); their meals; 1QS 6:4–5 and lQSa 2:17–22; J. W. 2.8.5 § 130–33 (on the problem of Yadin, Megilat Hamikadash, 1.112–13). As to their ceasing of work and lustration before supper: J.W. 2.8.5 § 129, and CD 11, 21–23 (Talmon, S., HTR 56 [1963] 313–19).Google Scholar

⁵⁸ See n. 15, above.

⁵⁹ For the commonly agreed date of the emergence of the sect, cf. de Vaux, Archaeology, passim; Cross, Ancient Library, chaps. 2–3, passim; Hengel, Judaism, 1. 224. For Aristonicus' mass rebellion: Tarn, W. W., Alexander the Great (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1948) 411–14Google Scholar; Magie, D., Roman Rule in Asia Minor (Princeton: Princeton University, 1950) 148–53Google Scholar,1034–35,1040–42; Th. W. Africa, “Aristonicus, Blossius and the City Sun,” International Review of Social History 6/1 (1961) 110–24Google Scholar; Hansen, E. V., The Attalides of Pergamon (2d ed.; Ithaca & London: Cornell University, 1971) 150–59Google Scholar; Finley, M. I., “Utopianism Ancient and Modern” in The Use and Abuse of History (London: Chatto & Windus, 1975) 184.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Cf. Yadin on 1QM 11:9.

⁶¹ As to the social condition of the first Essenes, see in particular, Flusser, D., Zion 19 (1954)Google Scholar (Hebrew) esp. 92–95; Hengel, Judaism, 1. 246; 2. 166, n. 881; and for the first Essenes: Rabinowitz, L., “The First Essenes,” JSS 4 (1959) 358–61.Google Scholar

⁶² Hengel, Judaism, 2. 138, n. 635. Milik claims that these chapters were in fact part of a section (chaps. 26–36) that was composed in the middle of the third century B.C.E. (Enoch 25–28). By that time the utopia was already in vogue.Bardke, H. (“Wüste und Oase in den Hodayoth von Qumran,” Festgabe für E. Fascher [Berlin: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 1958] 44–55) has suggested that 1QH 8:4–26, written in biblical and pseudo-biblical language, refer to the oasis of Phesha and the surroundings of Qumran. I am tempted to propose that the “garden picture” expresses perhaps the common garden ideals of Hellenistic Utopia (Diod. Sic. 5.43) in a biblical dress.Google Scholar

⁶³ This would perhaps be an explanation of the problem raised by Hengel (Judaism, 1. 228, 245–47), namely, the inconsistency between the religious extremism of the Essenes and alien traits found in their basic conceptions and way of life.