¹ Cf. Bayerns Kirche im Mittelalter: Handschriften und Urkunden (Munich, 1960), 17, no. 64, and Abb. 52Google Scholar.

² Fournier, P. and Le Bras, G., Histoire des collections canoniques en Occident depuis les Fausses Décretales jusqu'au Décret de Gratien, I (Paris, 1931), 434–42Google Scholar: Fournier, P., La collection canonique dite Collectio XII Partium: Étude sur un recueil canonique allemand du XI^e siècle, Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique 16 (1921), 31–62, and 229–59, and literature thereinGoogle Scholar.

³ Merkel, J., ed., Lex Baiuwariorum, MGH, Legum, t. 3 (Hannover, 1863), 187–88Google Scholar, 261 (contains a facsimile of the eleventh- or twelfth-century hand responsible for the Lex Baiuwariorum). Merkel numbers Clm 19414 among manuscripts of the Lex Baiuwariorum as C₂. According to Merkel the Lex Baiuwariorum appears in the second half of the eleventh-century section of the manuscript and was written by a hand of the second half of the eleventh century.

⁴ Archiv 11 (1858), 567Google Scholar.

⁵ Fol. 85r–87v.

⁶ Mansi, XIV, 65–73. In the recension of these canons in Mansi, there are 56 canons. Of these, Clm 19414 contains thirty-four, 1–31 and 33–35. Canon 32, “Litaniae autem Graeco … designatione habetur,” has been omitted.

⁷ Edit., MGH, Legum, t. 3 (Hannover, 1863), 183–496Google Scholar.

⁸ What I shall call in a forthcoming study the “Ordinals of Christ,” A. Wilmart has referred to as “les ordres du Christ.” Cf. infra, n.16.

⁹ In a forthcoming study I shall be dealing with the origins and early medieval development of this text.

¹⁰ Fol. 84V–89V. This manuscript, copied at the Abbey of St. Martin at Tournai in the twelfth century, contains a farrago of texts, including a florilegium on the ecclesiastical orders, based primarily on Pseudo-Alcuin (PL 101:123ff.) On this manuscript, cf. M.-Th. Vernet, Notes de Dom André Wilmart (†) sur quelques mss latins anciens de la Bibliothèque nationale de Paris, Bulletin d'information de l'Institut de Recherche et d'Histoire des Textes 6 (1957), 26–28Google Scholar.

¹¹ Liber IV, dist. xxiv: Lombardus, Petrus, Libri IV Sententiarum, II (Ad Claras Aquas, 1916), 892–904Google Scholar.

¹² De ecclesiasticis officiis, L. II, cc. 1–15 (PL 83:777ff.). The De ecclesiasticis officiis was written between A.D. 598 and 619 and dedicated to Fulgentius of Écija. (The commonly accepted chronology for the works of Isidore is found in J. de Aldama, Indicaciones sobre la cronología de las obras de St. Isidoro, , Miscellanea Isidoriana [Rome, 1936], 57–91Google Scholar.) Etymologies, L. VII, c. 12 (PL 82:290ff.: Lindsay, W. M., Origines, I [Oxford, 1911], n.p.Google Scholar). Probably circa A.D. 620 Isidore put the final touches to his version of the Etymologies. Later material was added after Isidore's death.

¹³ Liber officialis, L. II, cc. 6–14: Episcopi, AmalariiOpera Liturgica Omnia, II, Liber officialis (Studi e Testi 139) (Vatican, 1948), 213–36Google Scholar.

¹⁴ De excellentia sacrorum ordinum et de vita ordinandorum; PL 162:513–19.

¹⁵ On the decadence and ignorance of the Merovingian clergy and Carolingian attempts to remedy these faults through education and examination, cf. E. Vykoukal, Les examens du clerge paroissial à l'époque carolingienne, Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique 14 (1913), 81–96Google Scholar; Franz, A., Die Messe im deutschen Mittelalter: Beiträge zur Geschichte der Liturgie und des religiösen Volkslebens (Freiburg-i-Br., 1902), 341ff.Google Scholar; Wilmart, A., Expositio missae, Dictionnaire d'archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie, VI (Paris, 1922), 1014–27Google Scholar; and Vogei, C., La réforme liturgique sous Charlemagne, Karl der Grosse: Lebenswerk und Nachleben, II, Das geistige Leben, Bischoff, B., ed., (Düsseldorf, 1965), 221–24Google Scholar. On didactic and erotematic literature of the Carolingian era, cf. Laistner, M. L. W., Thought and Letters in Western Europe, A.D. 500 to 900 (Ithaca, N.Y., 1957), 198–201Google Scholar; and McNally, R. E., The Bible in the Early Middle Ages (Westminster, Md., 1959), 38fGoogle Scholar. Examples of these educational texts are: an Alcuinian Disputatio puerorum (PL 101:1099–1144), and two florilegial manuscripts, St. Gall Stiftsbibliothek MS Lat. 446 and Einsiedeln Stiftsbibliothek MS Lat. 110. Cf. Andrieu, M., Les ordines romani du haut moyen âge, I (Louvain, 1931), 135–37Google Scholar, 336–43, 476–85.

¹⁶ Wilmart, A., Les ordres du Christ, Revue des sciences religieuses 3 (1923), 320–27CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Crehan, J., The Seven Orders of Christ, Theological Studies 19 (1958), 81–93CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁷ L. VIII, c. 1. Die irische Kanonensammlung, Wasserschleben, H., ed., 2nd edit. (Leipzig, 1885), 26Google Scholar. Ostiarius fuit, quando aperuit ostia inferni, exorcista, quando ejecit septem demonia de Maria Magdalena, lector, quando aperuit librum Esaiae, subdiaconus, quando fecit vinum de aqua in Cana Galileae, diaconus, quando lavit pedes discipulorum, sacerdos, quando accepit panem ac fregit et benedixit, episcopus fuit, quando elevavit manus suas ad coelum et benedixit apostolis.

¹⁸ In the De ecclesiasticis officiis (L. II, cc. 10–15; PL 83:790–94Google Scholar), Isidore lists the lower grades according to the descending sequence: subdeacon, lector, psalmist, exorcist, acolyte, doorkeeper. In the Etymologies (L. VII, c. xii, 3–22; PL 82:290–93Google Scholar), Isidore uses two sequences of lower grades. In the simple list of grades in L. VII, c. xii, 3, the sequence is: doorkeeper, psalmist, lector, exorcist, acolyte, subdeacon. In the more extended etymological treatment of the lower orders (L. VII, c. xii, 23–32), Isidore returns to the sequence of the De ecclesiasticis officiis, with only the exorcist and acolyte reversed. Thus in both the De ecclesiasticis officiis and the etymological treatment of the grades in Etymologies, L. VII, c. xii, 23–32, the “Hispanic” sequence is used in which the exorcist is listed in a position hierarchically lower than the lector. On the unusual position of the acolyte in Isidore's works, cf. W. Croce, Die niederen Weihen und ihre hierarchische Wertung, Zeitschrift für katholische Theologie 70 (1948), 282fGoogle Scholar.

¹⁹ Wasserschleben, ed., op. cit., 23–25. In the “A-text” of the Collectio Hibernensis [Wasserschleben's text] the grades are treated in the descending hierarchical order: bishop, presbyter, deacon, subdeacon, lector, exorcist, and doorkeeper. After the Ordinal of Christ and De distantia graduum (cf. infra, n. 29) the acolyte and psalmist are described.

²⁰ Disputatio puerorum; PL 101:1131. The commentary on the liturgy and ecclesiastical orders attributed to Alcuin in the Liber de divinis officiis, PL 101: 1231–1236, is now dated to the beginning of the tenth century. Cf. Andrieu, M., L'ordo romanus antiquus et le liber de divinis officiis du Pseudo-Alcuin, Revue des sciences religieuses 5 (1925), 642–50CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Vogel, Cyrille, Introduction aux sources de l'histoire du culte Chrétien an moyen âge (Spoleto, 1966), 193Google Scholar, assigns A.D. 910 as the date of composition to the Pseudo-Alcuinian tract.

²¹ Amalarius, op. cit., 213–36. Amalarius was also probably responsible for the canons drawn from Isidore's work at the Council of Aachen of A.D. 816/817. In those canons the lower grades of Isidore's De ecclesiasticis officiis have been ordered: doorkeeper, lector, exorcist, and acolyte. Concilium Aquisgranense, MGH, Legum sectio, III, Concilia, t. II, pars 1 (Hannover, 1904), 319–26Google Scholar.

²² De clericorum institutione, L. I, cc. 4–12; PL 107:299–305Google Scholar. In his De universo libri xxii, L. IV, c. 5 (PL 111:91–93Google Scholar), where he is following Isidore's Etymologies almost verbatim, Rabanus Maurus uses the sequence found in the Etymologies. I have been unable to consult the critical edition of Rabanus' De clericorum institutione libri tres, Knöpfler, A, ed. (Munich, 1900)Google Scholar.

²³ Statuta ecclesiae antiqua, cc. 93–98; Munier, Ch., ed., Les Statuta ecclesiae antiqua: Édition-Études critiques (Paris, 1960), 96–99Google Scholar.

²⁴ The interstices texts are included in such material as the Constitutum Silvestri (PL 8:838Google Scholar), the apocryphal Council of 275 Bishops (PL 8:826Google Scholar), and the Liber Pontificalis, Duchesne, L., ed., I (Paris, 1886), 161, 171f., 190Google Scholar.

²⁵ On the Gallicanization of the liturgical books in general at the beginning of the ninth century, cf. Bishop, E., Liturgica Historica: Papers on the Liturgy and Religious Life of the Western Church (Oxford, 1918), 50–55Google Scholar; Ellard, G., Ordination Anointings in the Western Church before 1000 A.D. (Cambridge, Mass., 1933), 34f.Google Scholar; Ellard, G., Master Alcuin Liturgist: A Partner of our Piety (Chicago, 1956), 129Google Scholar; C. Vogel, op. cit., 78–83, 347; and C. Vogel, art. cit., 228.

²⁶ The edition of this text usually cited is in Morin, J., Commentarius de sacris ecclesiae ordinationibus (Antwerp, 1695), 258Google Scholar.

²⁷ XIV. 1–7. Le Pontifical romano-germanique du X^e siècle, Vogel, C. and Elze, R., eds., I (Studi e Testi 226) (Vatican, 1963), 12–13Google Scholar.

²⁸ On the allocutions for the acolyte in the pontificals, cf. Snijders, A., “Acolythus cum ordinatur,” eine historische Studie, Sacris Erudiri 9 (1957), 163–98CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. 182f.

²⁹ L. VIII, c. 2: Wasserschleben, ed., op. cit., 26. Episcopum decet judicare et interpretari et consecrare et consummare et ordinare et baptizare et offerre; sacerdotem autem oportet offerre et benedicere et bene praeesse, praedicare et baptizare. Levitam i.e. ministrum oportet ministrare ad altare et baptizare et communicare; subdiaconum decet ministrare aquam altari diacono et dehonustrare altare. Exorcistam oportet abicere demones et dicere his, qui communicant, ut requirant aquam ministerii effundere; lectorem oportet legere ei, qui praedicat et lectiones decantare et benedicere panes et fructus novos, ostiarium percutere cymbala, aperire ecclesiam et sacrarium et codicem tradat, ex quo praedicatur aut legitur.

³⁰ From the eighth century on, there were many copies of the Collectio Hibernensis in excerpts and in toto spread throughout medieval libraries. Cf. Wasserschleben, ed., op. cit., xxx–lxxvi. An example of an Ordinal of Christ and the De officiis vii graduum similar to but independent of the Collectio Hibernensis may be found in British Museum MS Lat. Royal 5 E XIII, fol. 53r-v, a ninth-century manuscript from the Cathedral at Worcester. Cf. Ker, N. R., ed., Medieval Libraries of Great Britain: A List of Surviving Books, 2nd edit. (London, 1964), 208Google Scholar.

³¹ In the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries there were a number of manuscripts of the Pontificate Romano-Germanicum in southern Germany with the De officiis vii graduum. Besides those manuscripts used by Vogel and Elze, op. cit., 10, the following manuscripts from Germany contained the De officiis vii graduum: Bamberg SB Cod. Lit. 59, fol. 23r-v (s. XI, diocese of Verden between 1039–1049); Clm 3917, fol. 19v (s. XI–XII, Augsburg); Vienna NB Cod. Lat. 1817, fol. 78v (s. 2/2XII, based on a model of A.D. 1002–1003); 1832, fol. 35r (s. XI, Carinthia); Wolfenbüttel LB Cod. Lat. 164 (olim Helmst. 141), fol. 71r (s. XII, diocese of Verden); 530 (olim Helmst. 493), fol. 98^v (s. XII, Anspach); 4099 (olim Weissenb. 15), fol. 94v (s. XI, Weissenburg). Cf. Vogel, C., Le Pontifical romanogermanique du X^e siècle: nature, date et importance du document, Cahiers de civilisation médiévale X^e–XII^e siècles 6 (1963), 27–48CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³² Leiden Voss. Q 119 in 4°, fol. 131r-v. The text of this passage is given in a description of the manuscript by Pertz, G. H., Archiv 7 (1839), 738f.Google Scholar Also cf. Archiv 11 (1858), 540.

³³ Fol. 59v.

³⁴ On Archdeacon Pacifico, cf. Venturini, T., Ricerche Paleografiche intorno all'Arcidiacono Pacifico di Verona (Verona, 1929)Google Scholar; B. Bischoff, Panorama der Handschriftenüberlieferung aus der Zeit Karls des Grossen, Karl der Grosse, II, 249; and most recently Meersseman, G. G. and Adda, E., Manuale di Computo con Ritmo Mnemotecnico dell'Arcidiacono Pacifico di Verona (†844) (Italia sacra, Studi e Documenti di Storia Ecclesiastica) (Padua, 1966)Google Scholar. A facsimile of fol. 59v may be found in Monumenta Palaeographica Veronensia, Carusi, E. and Lindsay, W. M., eds., II (Vatican, 1934)Google Scholar, tav. 43. For a recent and convenient specimen of Pacifico's autograph in Clm 6407, fol. 75v, cf. Bullough, D., The Age of Charlemagne (New York, 1966), 127Google Scholar.

³⁵ St. Gall Stiftsbibliothek MS Lat. 40, p. 302. The text of this Ordinal is given in A. Wilmart, Les ordres, 313, with incorrect MS pagination. This Ordinal of Christ is written on a blank recto side of the folio. The Ordinal seems to have been written as a practice piece, since there are several transcribing errors and a garbled explicit. Also on the page is a passage from the Nicene Creed written once in transliterated Greek and once in Latin. The use of the Ordinals of Christ as “practice” pieces on blank pages is also found in Verona BC MS Lat. XXXVII (35). fol. 59v.

³⁶ In his De clericorum institutions, L. I, c. 33, De officio missae (PL 107:322Google Scholar), Rabanus Maurus describes the Mass: “Missa autem est legatio inter Deum et homines, cujus legationis officio fungitur sacerdos, cum populi vota per preces et supplicationes ad Deum offert.” In the ninth-century canonical Collectio duorum librorum, L. I, c. 45 (cf. infra, n. 48), the Mass is described: “Missa officium sacrificii est. Dicta a legatione vel intercessione quam agit sacerdos ad deum pro omni populo fidelium animarum, offerens pro eis domino panem sacri corporis domini et vinum sci sanguinis eius, pro aeterna salute animarum suarum….” (Paris BN MS Lat. nouv. acq. 452, fol. 60r.) Also cf. Gamber, K., “Missa” — von der dreifachen Bedeutung des Wortes, Römische Quartalschrift für christliche Altertumskunde und Kirchengeschichte 63(1968), 170Google Scholar.

³⁷ Rarely in the early medieval Ordinals of Christ were the grades arranged in descending hierarchical order. In the De officiis vii graduum such an arrangement was commonplace. Cf. supra, n. 29.

³⁸ Such precedents could have been found as far back as the works of Isidore of Seville, De ecclesiasticis officiis, L. II, c. 14 (PL 83:793f.), and Etymologies, L. VII, c. xii, 29–30 (PL 82:293). On the problem of the acolyte texts in the works of Isidore, cf. W. Croce, art. cit., 282f. Early ninth-century models may have been: Rabanus Maurus' De clericorum institutione, L. I, c. 9 (PL 107:394Google Scholar); De universo libri xxii, L. IV, c. 5 (PL 111:93Google Scholar) ; L. I, c. 5 of the Council of Aachen of 816/817, which is a repetition of Isidore's De ecclesiasticis officiis; Amalarius' Liber officialis, L. II, c. 10, Hanssens, ed., op. cit., 218f.; or the so-called Collectanea attributed to the Venerable Bede (PL 94:553f.). (On the Collectanea, cf. Kenney, J. F., The Sources for the Early History of Ireland: An Introduction and Guide, I, Ecclesiastical [New York, 1929], 680, nr. 541Google Scholar. Recently McNally, R. E., Isidorian Pseudepigrapha in the Early Middle Ages, Isidoriana [León, 1961], 313, n. 58Google Scholar, has argued that the Collectanea is almost certainly from an Irish author of ca. A.D. 750. A comparison of the text on ecclesiastical orders with the works of Amalarius and Rabanus shows distinct similarities. The “spiritual” interpretations for the lower orders are very much like those in Amalarius, and the section on vestments clearly resembles the treatment by Rabanus of the same subject. Hence the section of the Collectanea may be a florilegium based on the works of Amalarius and Rabanus Maurus, rather than antedating them.)

³⁹ Pseudo-Hieronymi, , De septem ordinibus ecclesiae, Kalff, A. W., ed. (Würzburg, 1935), 38fGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁰ L. II, c. 8. 3, 4; PL 83:789Google Scholar.

⁴¹ On the canonists' practice of borrowing from florilegial collections of material, cf. Le Bras, G., Sur la part d'Isidore de Séville et des Espagnols dans l'histoire des collections canoniques à propos d'un livre récent, Revue des sciences religieuses 10 (1930), 250CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴² L. VII, c. 12, 1–32; PL 82:290–93Google Scholar.

⁴³ L. II, cc. 1–14; PL 83:777–94.

⁴⁴ Unfortunately no critical edition of either the Etymologies or De ecclesiasticis officiis has ever been published, and hence a caveat must be observed in comparisons of the uncritical editions of Isidore's works which do exist with later medieval tracts based on these works. On the defectiveness of W. Lindsay's edition of the Etymologies, cf. J. Hillgarth, Review of Isidorian Literature since 1935, Isidoriana, 18f. And on the difficulties of the manuscript tradition of the De ecclesiasticis officiis, cf. C. Lawson Notes on the De ecclesiasticis officiis, Isidoriana, 299–304.

⁴⁵ Kalff, ed., op. cit., esp. 37–57. An older edition of the Pseudo-Hieronymian tract appears in PL 30: esp. 153–57.

⁴⁶ Although most scholars agree that the tract was written in the fifth century, Lechner, J., Der Schlusssegen des Priesters, Festschrift für E. Eichmann (Paderborn, 1940), 666Google Scholar, n. 50, argues that the tract was written in the seventh century. Even Gaar, E. Dekkers-A., Clavis Patrum Latinorum (Steenbrugge, 1961), 173Google Scholar, hold that this argument is by no means to be rejected. Also see W. Croce, art. cit., 294f., who opts for the seventh century.

⁴⁷ Cf. Lawson, A. C., The Sources of the De ecclesiasticis officiis of St. Isidore of Seville (Bodleian Library, Oxford Ref. D 27 II, 1937Google Scholar: A. C. Lawson MS Engl. Theol. C 56), 78–105; and Lawson, A. C., The Sources of the De ecclesiasticis officiis of St. Isidore of Seville, Revue Bénédictine 50 (1938), 26–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁸ On this collection, cf. Fournier, P., Notices sur trois collections canoniques inédites de l'époque carolingienne, Revue des sciences religieuses 6 (1926), 513–32Google Scholar; van Hove, A., Prolegomena ad codicem iuris canonici, editio altera (Rome, 1945), 295Google Scholar; and Stickler, A. M., Historia iuris canonici latini, I, Historia fontium (Turin, 1950), 116Google Scholar. This Coll IIL is not to be confused with the eleventh-century Collection in Two Books (Vat. Lat. 3832) ; Bernhard, J., ed., La collection en deux livres (Cod. Vat. Lat. 3832), Tome I, La forme primitive de la collection en deux livres source de la collection d'Anselm de Lucques, Revue de droit canonique (Strasbourg, 1962)Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ d'Achery, L., Spicilegium sive collectio veterum aliquot scriptorum, I (Paris, 1723), 509–64Google Scholar. For literature on the Collectio Dacheriana, cf. van Hove, op. cit., 294, n. 1. A new edition of the Dacheriana is to be published in Spicilegium Friburgense by G. Haenni. In a recent article G. Haenni has studied the sources of the Dacheriana: Note sur les sources de la Dacheriana, Studia Gratiana 11 (Collectanea Stephan Kuttner, I) (1967), 3–22Google Scholar. Also cf. Mordek, H., Zur handschriftlichen Überlieferung der Dacheriana, Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 47 (1967), 574–95Google Scholar; and Murianoff, M., Leningrader Fragmente der Dacheriana, Studia Gratiana 9 (1966), 1–10Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ Hinschius, P., ed., Decretales Pseudo-Isidorianae et Capitula Angilramni (Leipzig, 1863)Google Scholar. For literature on the Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals, cf. van Hove, op. cit., 300–11; and Stickler, op. cit., 117–42. A new description of the manuscripts by S. Williams, Codices Pseudo-Isidorianae, is soon to appear in the Subsidia series of the Monumenta iuris canonici.

⁵¹ Vat. Reg. Lat. 407, fol. iv-54r; and Paris BN MS Lat. nouv. acq. 452, fol. 1r–106v.

⁵² Another example is the Collection of St.-Germain (Paris BN MS Lat. 12444). Cf. infra, n. 71.

⁵³ Fournier, Notices sur trois collections, 523f. On Alcuin's (?) habit of adding material to “official” Hadrianic collections cf. supra, n. 25, and literature therein. According to Deshusses, J., Le “Supplément” au sacramentaire grégorien Alcuin ou Saint Benoît d'Aniane? Archiv für Liturgiewissenschaft 9 (1965), 48–71Google Scholar, it was not Alcuin, but the Visigoth Witiza (Benedict d'Aniane) who added the “Supplement” to the “official” Hadrianum.

⁵⁴ Even before Isidore wrote his tracts, the De septem ordinibus ecclesiae in an abridged form was attached to Hispanic canonical collections. The Epitome Hispana (ca. 598–610) contains such an abridgment. Cf. Martínez-Díez, G., El Epítome Hispánico: Una colección canónica española del siglo VII: Estudio y texto crítico. Miscelanea Comillas 37 (1962), 457Google Scholar. During the ninth century the De septem ordinibus was attached to northern Italian manuscripts of the Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals: e.g., in Lucca BC 123 Plut II. (Although Hinschius, op. cit., xliiff., assigns this manuscript to the eleventh century, S. Williams states that it is from the ninth century. Cf. Williams, S., Pseudo-Isidore from the Manuscripts, Catholic Historical Review 53 [1967], 63.Google Scholar) Also the De septem ordinibus was attached to the ninth-century Collectio Anselmo Dedicata in L. IV between the collection of general canons and the Gregorian canons. Cf., e.g., the eleventh-century manuscript, Bamberg SB Msc. Can. 5, fol. 118r–121v. (This addition is not noted in the incipitdesinit account of the Collection by Besse, J.-C., Collectio Anselmo Dedicata [Histoire des Textes du Droit de l'Église au Moyen-Âge de Denys à Gratien] [Paris, 1960], 29.Google Scholar) On the inclusion of the De septem ordinibus in the so-called A² form of the Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals and the Collectio Anselmo Dedicata, cf. Fournier, P., L'origine de la collection Anselmo dedicata, Mélanges P. F. Girard, I (Paris, 1912), 475–98Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ Vat. Reg. Lat. 407, fol. 5v; Paris BN MS Lat. nouv. acq. 452, fol. 11v.

⁵⁶ In Vat. Reg. Lat. 407, these passages may be found on fol. 19r-v. In Paris BN MS Lat. nouv. acq. 452, the folio(s) which contained most of the text on the presbyter is (are) missing, perhaps removed by Libri, who stole the manuscript and added his telltale “Scte Justine de Padua” on fol. 106v.

⁵⁷ E.g., Vat. Lat. 5765 (s. VII–VIII), cited in Beeson, C., Isidor-Studien (Munich, 1913), 116Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ PL 101:1131Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ In the old Spanish recension, the psalmist is placed hierarchically superior to the doorkeeper, acolyte, and exorcist. Cf., e.g., Escorial MS Lat. d. I. 1, fol. 336va, and Cambrai BM Cod. Lat. 485, fol. 16r-v. In the eleventh-century recension of the Decretum of Burchard of Worms, PL 140:681f., the psalmist precedes the other grades.

⁶⁰ E.g., Rabanus' De clericorum institutione, L. I, cc. 4 and 11 (PL 107:299, 305). Although there were probably other florilegial tracts on the ecclesiastical grades with the psalmist listed as an independent grade, the florilegium of Clm 19414 is the only example known to me.

⁶¹ Munier, ed., op. cit., 96–99.

⁶² Although an ordinational rite for the psalmist is lacking in the ancient Missale Francorum (Vat. Reg. Lat. 257), Mohlberg, L. C., ed. (Rerum ecclesiasticarum documenta, Ser. Maior, Fontes, II) (Rome, 1957), 3Google Scholar, the interpolated Ancient Gelasian Sacramentary, Vat. Reg. Lat. 316, does include an ordinational rite for the psalmist. Cf. Liber sacramentorum romanae aeclesiae ordinis anni circuli (Cod. Vat. Reg. lat. 316/Paris Bibl. Nat. 7193, 41/56), Mohlberg, L. C., ed. (Rerum ecclesiasticarum documenta, Ser. Maior, Fontes, IV) (Rome, 1960), 115–17Google Scholar. Also cf. the Pontificale romano-germanicum XV.8: Vogel and Elze, eds., op. cit., I, 14–15.

⁶³ E.g., the seventh-century Hispana Excerpta lists the psalmist as an independent initial grade. L. I, tit. xviii; PL 84:32Google Scholar. The early ninth-century Collectio Dacheriana, thought by some scholars to be based on the Excerpta (but cf. Haenni, art. cit.), also considers the psalmist first.

⁶⁴ L. I, c. I: Vat. Reg. Lat. 407, fol. 5r.

⁶⁵ L. I, c. 47: Paris BN MS Lat. nouv. acq. 452, fol. 68r.

⁶⁶ L. I, c. 49: Paris BN MS Lat. nouv. acq. 452, fol. 70v.

⁶⁷ L. VI, c. 19. 25–27; PL 82:254Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ L. VI, c. 19. 50–51; PL 82:256.

⁶⁹ Cf. supra, n. 15.

⁷⁰ PL 83:201–208. On this manuscript, cf. Traube, L., Vorlesungen und Abhandlungen, III (Munich, 1920), 201Google Scholar; Lowe, E. A., Codices latini antiquiores, I (Oxford, 1934)Google Scholar, nr. 91, p. 27; and R. E. McNally, art. cit., 308f. Both Lowe and McNally agree that there are mid-eighth-century characteristics from Rome or northern Italy and Lorsch in this manuscript.

⁷¹ Paris BN MS Lat. 12444. This manuscript, formerly Sangermanensis 938, Corbie 424, was written in the scriptorium at Fleury. Cf. B. Bischoff, Panorama, 241, n. 53. This Collection of St.-Germain is not to be confused with the early twelfth-century Collection of St.-Germain-des-Prés of Wolfenbüttel LB MS Gud. Lat. 212: cf. Somerville, R., The Council of Beauvais, 1114, Traditio 24 (1968), 495CrossRefGoogle Scholar, n. 15, and literature therein.

⁷² L. XII, c.1: Nürnberger, A. J., ed., Über eine ungedruckte Kanonensammlung aus dem 8. Jahrhundert (Mainz, 1890), 161Google Scholar.

⁷³ Clm 27246, fol. 22r–38r. Cf. Fournier, La collection canonique dite Collectio XII Partium, 240–42; and Sdralek, M., Handschriftlichkritische Untersuchungen uber eine Gruppe von Briefen Papst Nicolaus I, Archiv für katholiches Kirchenrecht 47 (1882), 212Google Scholar. This Collection of Freising is not to be confused with the fifth-or sixth-century Collectio Frisingensis (Clm 6243): cf. Wurm, H., Studien und Texte zur Dekretalsammlung des Dionysius Exiguus (Bonn, 1939), 81fGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁴ Wattenbach-Levison, , Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen im Mittelalter, Vorzeit und Karolinger, Beiheft, Die Rechtsquellen, von R. Buchner (Weimar, 1953), 26fGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁵ Lowe, E. A., Handwriting, The Legacy of the Middle Ages, Crump, C. G. and Jacob, E. F., eds. (Oxford, 1926), 214Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ Porscher, J., La peinture provinciate, Karl der Grosse: Lebenswerk und Nachleben, III, Karolingische Kunst, Braunfels, W. and Schnitzler, H., eds. (Düsseldorf, 1965), 62fGoogle Scholar. Also cf. Deshusses, J., Le sacramentaire grégorien de Trent, Revue Bénédictine 78(1968), 261–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar, who discusses the transfer of books from Alcuin to Arno of Salzburg.

⁷⁷ Wattenbach-Levison, op. cit., II. Heft, Die Karolinger vom Anfang des S. Jahrhunderts bis zum Tode Karls des Grossen, bearb., Levison, W. and Löwe, H. (Weimar, 1953), 197f.Google Scholar: and Wattenbach-Levison, op. cit., IV. Heft, Die Karolinger vom Vertrag von Verdun bis zum Herrschaftsantritt der Herrscher aus dem sächsischen Hause Italien und das Papsttum, bearb., H. Löwe (Weimar, 1963), 410–12Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ Manitius, M., Geschichte der Lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters, I, Von Justinian bis zur Mitte des zehnten Jahrhunderts (Munich, 1911), 266Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ E. A. Lowe, art. cit., 214, comments on the similarity of the minuscule of the St. Gall-Reichenau variety and that in Verona.

⁸⁰ K. Holter, Der Buchschmuck in Süddeutschland und Oberitalien, Karl der Grosse, III, 106f.

⁸¹ Wilmart, A., Codices Reginenses Latini, II (Vatican, 1945), 486Google Scholar.

⁸² Fournier, Notices sur trois collections, 522.

⁸³ Ibid. The Collection of Clm 3851 provided a source for the tenth-century Collection of Clm 3853, which in turn was a source for the Collectio XII Partium, part of which is found in Clm 19414. Cf. Krause, V., Die Münchener Handschriften 3851, 3853, Neues Archiv 19 (1894), 91fGoogle Scholar.: and Fournier, La collection canonique dite Collectio XII Partium, 233–40.

⁸⁴ If one may surmise a lost Bavarian manuscript of the Coll IIL, the slight discrepancies between our two existing manuscripts of the Coll IIL and the florilegium of Clm 19414 might be explained. The minor additions in the florilegium of Clm 19414 which do not appear in the Coll IIL may also be from the pen of the florilegist.