¹ A full bibliography of modern works on Orphism to the year 1922 is found in Kern, Orpbicorum Fragments, pp. 345. I add a list of books and papers published after this year; cp. Pauly-Wissowa's Realenc. der class. Altertumswissenschaft, xvi, p. 1289.

Eisler, R., Orphisch-dionysische Mysteriengedanken in der christlichen Antike (Vorträge der Bibliothek Warburg, 1922–23, II. Teil), Leipzig, 1925Google Scholar.

A. B. Cook, Zeus, ii, 2, Cambridge, 1925, App. G, pp. 1019, Orphic Theogonies and the Cosmic Egg.

A. Boulanger, Orphée, rapports de l'orphisme et du christianisme, Paris, 1925.

Cornford, F. M. in the Cambridge Ancient History, iv, 1926, pp. 532Google Scholar.

Kern, O., Die Religion der Griechen, Berlin, i, 1926, ii, 1935Google Scholar.

Essen, C. C. van, Did Orphic influence on Etruscan tomb paintings exist? Amsterdam, 1927Google Scholar.

Kern, O., Die griechischen Mysterien der klassischen Zeit, Berlin, 1927Google Scholar.

Macchioro, V. D., La catabasi orfica, Classical Philology, xxiii, 1928, pp. 239Google Scholar.

Dyson, G. W., Orphism and the Platonic Philosophy in Speculum Religionis, Essays, etc. presented to C. G. Montefiore, Oxford, 1929, pp. 19Google Scholar.

Macchioro, V. D., From Orpheus to Paul, a History of Orphism, New York, 1930Google Scholar.

Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, U. von, Der Glaube der Hellenen, ii, Berlin, 1932Google Scholar.

Weber, L., Orpheus, Rheinisches Museum, Ixxxi, 1932, pp. 1Google Scholar.

Méautis, G., L'âme hellénique d'après les vases grecs, Paris, 1932Google Scholar, ch. iii, L'Orphisme dans les mystères d'Éleusis.

Rathmann, Gu., Quaestiones Pythagoreae, Orphicae, Empedocleae, Dissertation, Halle, 1933Google Scholar.

Conway, R. S., Ancient Italy and Modern Religion, Cambridge, 1933Google Scholar, ch. ii, Orphism in Italy.

Krüger, A., Quaestiones Orphicae, Dissertation, Halle, 1934Google Scholar.

Schuhl, P.-M., Essai sur la formation de la pensée grecque, Paris, 1934, pp. 228Google Scholar.

O. Kern, article “Mysterien” in Pauly-Wissowa's Realenc. der class. Altertumswissenschaft, xvi, pp. 1279.

Watmough, J., Orphism, Cambridge, 1934Google Scholar.

Guthrie, W. K. C., Orpheus and Greek Religion (Methuen's Handbooks of Archaeology), London, 1935Google Scholar. This book appeared after my manuscript had been sent to the editor. I have only been able to insert references to it in the footnotes.

In order to lighten the burden of quotations I refer to these books only with the names of the authors and, if needed, an abbreviation of the title. Kern, without a title added, means Kern, Orphicorum Fragments, and Test, refers to the series of testimonia, Fr. to the series of Fragmenta which are numbered separately.

² Kern, O., Orphei, De, Epimenidis, Pherecydis theogoniis quaestiones criticae, Dissertation, Berlin, 1888Google Scholar.

³ Gruppe, O., Die rhapsodische Theogonie, Jahrbücher f. class. Philologie, Supplementband xvii, 1890, pp. 689Google Scholar.

⁴ Olivieri, A., Lamellae aureae orphicae (Lietzmann's Kleine Texte, No. 133), Bonn, 1915, pp. 20Google Scholar.

⁵ Kern, O., Orpheus, Berlin, 1920Google Scholar.

⁶ Thus I disagree with Macchioro, I.e., pp. 122. It cannot be proved either that Orpheus lived or that he did not. The multiplicity of books ascribed to Orpheus and other Orphic authors prove that they were not sacred books in the sense attributed to such by revealed religions.

⁷ Wilamowitz, Glaube d. Hell., ii, pp. 192.

⁸ According to Boulanger, Orphée, pp. 30, with whom Guthrie, Orpheus and Greek Religion, p. 47, agrees, Orpheus existed before Orphism, which was attached to him secondarily. That is of course uncertain, but if it be so, Orpheus was originally one of those medicine men who were usually connected with Apollo (cp. p. 187), and Orphism by some chance took him for its prophet. But the attempts to dear up the origin of Orpheus are bound to fail, nor is the question of great importance for the Orphic doctrines.

⁹ In my History of Greek Religion, pp. 213.

¹⁰ This principle may explain and at the same time excuse why the vast modern literature on Orphism is quoted only sparingly; it has different aims and methods.

¹¹ Dinsmoor in Bull. corr. hell., xxxvi, 1912, pp. 444; a comprehensive treatment in F. Poulsen, Delphi, pp. 78.

¹² Pherecydes from Athens who lived in the middle of the fifth century B.C. is the only one to mention this; he said that Philammon and not Orpheus sailed with the Argonauts (Fragm. d. griech. Hist. Jacoby, fr. 26). Orpheus is reckoned among the Argonauts very often; the earliest literary testimony is Pindar, Pyth., iv, 176. Jacoby in his commentary, i, p. 400, thinks that Pherecydes substituted Philammon for Orpheus because he attributed a much earlier date to Orpheus. This may be the reason why he polemized against the view that Orpheus took part in the expedition, but it is improbable that he invented the name of Philammon by himself. It seems that Robert, Griech. Heldensage, i, p. 416, n. 6, was right in restoring the vanished letters at the side of the other man as ФIΛAMMON (they are depicted in Bull. corr. hell., xx, 1896, p. 663 and pi. xi, 1), for no other name of a famous singer will agree better with the extant traces. If this be so, Philammon was before 550 B.C. said to have taken part in the voyage of Argo and it is probable that Pherecydes got this form of the myth from Delphi. That Philammon was inserted among the Argonauts at Delphi is explained by the fact that he alone of the mythical singers was closely connected with Delphi. He is not, as the others, concerned with epics but with choral lyrics. He is of course said to be a son of Apollo. He was the first to institute maiden choruses (Fragm. d. griech. Hist. 120, Jacoby). He is called a Delphian who sang at the birth of Leto, Artemis, and Apollo (Heracleides, Συναγωγή τῶν ἐν μουσικῆ in Plutarch, De mus., 3, p. 1132 B); he gained the prize in the Pythian games (Paus. x, 7, 2). His connexions with Argos are less significant and are blended with those which bind him to Delphi (Paus. ii, 37, 3; ix, 36, 2). This seems to corroborate Robert's reading.

¹³ Bergk, P. L. G., 4th ed., fr. 10 A; Kern Test. 2.

¹⁴ Pindar, Pyth., iv, v. 176; Kern Test 58: ἐξ Ἀπóλλωνος δὲ ϕορμικτάς ἀοιδᾶν πατήρ, ἔμολεν εὐαίνητος Όρϕεύς, viz. among the Argonauts.

¹⁵ Bergk, P. L. G., 4th ed., fr. 40; Kern Test. 47.

¹⁶ Aeschylus, Agam., v. 1629; Kern Test. 48.

¹⁷ Euripides, Bacch., v. 560, Iphig. Aul., v. 1211, cp. Ale, v. 357; Kern Test. 49, SO, and 59 resp.

¹⁸ Archäolog. Zeitung, xlvi, 1884, p. 272. Miss Harrison's statement, Proleg., p. 458, that Orpheus does not appear on black-figured vases is an error. The vase is inscribed, χαῖρε 'Oρϕεῦ

¹⁹ E.g. Harrison, Proleg., p. 459, fig. 142; Roscher's Lex. d. Mythol., iii, p. 1179.

²⁰ List in Roscher's Lex. d. Mythol., iii, pp. 1178. See also Watzinger in Furtwängler- Reichhold, Griech. Vasenmalerei, Text, iii, pp. 856. Most of the vases in question are not well published.

²¹ The motif is also applied to Apollo, Euripides, Ale, vv. 579; cp. Weber, I.e. Cp. also the way in which Amphion with his music erected the walls of Thebes. The statement in text is to be corrected in the light of the reference in Kern, Rel. d. Griechen, ii, p. 188, n. 2, to a Boeotian kylix of the VIIth century b.c. on which Orpheus is depicted playing the lyre and surrounded by seven birds and a deer. If this is so, the vase is extremely important, as being the earliest testimony referring to Orpheus.

²² The vase, Annali dell' Institute, xvii, 1845, tav. M. is Italian (see Furtwängler in the 50th Berliner Winckelmannsprogramm, p. 158, n. 10), or it would be impossible to guess why Orpheus appears in this unseemly company.

²³ Euripides, Ale, v. 357; Isocr., xi, 8; Kern Test. 59 and 60.

²⁴ Plato, Symp., p. 179 D; Kem Test. 60.

²⁵ Kern, Orpheus, pp. 24.

²⁶ Heurgon, J., Orphée et Eurydice avant Vergile, Mélanges d'arch. et d'histoire de l'école française à Rome, xlix, 1932, pp. 6Google Scholar.

²⁷ Cp. my Mycenaean Origin of Greek Mythology, p. 174.

²⁸ List in Roscher's Lex. d. Mythol., iii, p. 1183. A recent and excellent treatment by Watzinger in Furtwängler-Reichhold, Griech. Vasenmalerei, Text, iii, pp. 355.

²⁹ Loeschcke in Archäol. Anzeiger, 1913, p. 70.

³⁰ Hauser in Archäol. Jahrbuch, xxix, 1914, pp. 26.

³¹ Hauser, I.c., p. 28, fig. 2.

³² Roscher's Lex. d. Mythol., iii, p. 1181, fig. 5.

³³ Related by Pausanias, ix, 30, 5; Kern Test. 116.

³⁴ See Kern Test. 77. There is a strain of misogyny in the myths of Orpheus, apparent e.g. in the fact that his audience in the vase pictures is composed of men only, cp. Guthrie, Orpheus and Greek Religion, pp. 49. This seems easy to understand in accordance with the views advanced in this paper. The women clung to the old, more emotional Bacchic orgia, whilst the men were more accessible to the cosmogonic and anthropogonic speculations of Orphic preaching which did not appeal to the female sex. Thus the cleavage of the Dionysiac cult involved cleavage according to sex.

³⁵ Ps.-Eratosthenes, Cataster. 24; Kem Test. 113. Cp. below p. 225.

³⁶ The passages are cited above pp. 187–8 except for Eur., Medea, v. 548.

³⁷ See Pfuhl, Malerei und Zeichnung der Griechen, ii, p. 538.

³⁸ The often quoted gloss in Hesych.: Θάμνρις πανἠγυρις, σύνοδος. In an inscription from Thespiae, Bull. corr. hell., 1, 1926, p. 401 we find θαμυρίδδοντες, evidently some sacral officials.

³⁹ Plato, Ion, p. 533 B with Phemios, Leg., viii, p. 829 D, and Resp., p. 620 A; Kern Fr. 12 and Test. 189.

⁴⁰ Testimonies and fragments in Diels, Fragmente der Vorsokratiker. Cp. Kern, O., De Musaei Atheniensis fragmentis, Programm, Rostock, 1898Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Plato, Resp., ii, p. 364 E; Ion, p. 536 B; Kern Fr. 3, Test. 244.

⁴² See below p. 195.

⁴³ Aristophanes, Ranae, v. 1032; Kern Test. 90.

⁴⁴ Ps.-Euripides, Rhesos, vv. 943.

⁴⁵ Plato, Protag., p. 316 D; Kern Test. 92; cp. Rathmann, I.e., pp. 60.

⁴⁶ Cp. Nock in Studies presented to F. LI. Griffith, Oxford, 1932, p. 248.

⁴⁷ Sophocles, fr. 1012 Nauck, 2nd ed., χρησμολόγος.

⁴⁸ Euripides, Ale, v. 962, Cycl., v. 646; Kern Test. 82 and 83.

⁴⁹ Euripides, Ale, v. 965; Kern Test. 82, σανίσι τὰς 'Oρϕεία κατέγραψε γῆρυς.

⁵⁰ Harrison, Proleg., p. 467, fig. 145; Roscher's Lex. d. Mythol., iii, p. 1178, fig. 3.

⁵¹ Philostratus, Heroic, v, 8; Kern Test. 134.

⁵² Philostratus, Vit. Apollonii, iv, 14; Kern Test. 134. Robert, Das orakelnde Haupt des Orpheus, Archäol. Jahrbuch, xxxii, 1917, pp. 146.

⁵³ Cp. Kern in Göttingischer gelehrter Anzeiger, 1934, pp. 339.

⁵⁴ See above p. 187, and Kern Test. 22. That a detached head continues speaking is a widespread motif in folklore and Christian legend. Instances are collected by W. Déonna, Orphée et l'oracle de la tête coupée, Revue des études grecques, xxxviii, 1925, pp. 44; cp. A. B. Cook, Zeus, ii, p. 290. This belief must have been current in Greece too, for Aristotle, De part, anim., iii, 10, finds it worth while to polemize against it, saying that some people interpreted the Homeric verse ϕθεγγομένη δ'ἅρα τῷ γε κάρα κονίῃσιν ἐμíχθη (Od. xxii, v. 329) in this manner, and he tells a story of a severed head which prophesied. There are two very wondrous stories of detached heads uttering oracles in Phlegon, De mirab., 2 and 3; cp. the story of the head of Archonides preserved in honey and consulted by the Spartan king Cleomenes in Aelianus, Var. Hist., xii, 8. Phlegon, who was a freedman of the emperor Hadrian, took the stories from a certain Hieron from Alexandria or Ephesus and from a Peripatetic philosopher Antisthenes. They are consequently considerably earlier than Philostratus, and one may ask whether the current motif of the prophesying head was not transferred to Orpheus in a later age; for the earlier testimonies tell only that the head thrown into the water with the lyre drifted to Lesbos where it was buried. See Kern Test. 77, 118, 130, 131, 132.

⁵⁵ Clem. Alex., Strom., i, 21; Kern Test. 222.

⁵⁶ Suidas, s.v. Orpheus; Kern Test. 223.

⁵⁷ Alexis, fr. 135 Kock; Kern Test. 220.

⁵⁸ Plato, PhUebus, p. 66 C, Cratylus, p. 402 B; Kern Fr. 14 and 15. Resp. ii, p. 364 E; Kern Fr. 3: he speaks of Orphic books which seers and wizards had.

⁵⁹ Hippias in Clem. Alex., Strom., vi, 2; Kern Test. 252.

⁶⁰ L.c, i, 131; Diog. La., viii, 8; Kern Test. 248.

⁶¹ Euripides, Hippol., v. 964; Kern Test. 213.

⁶² Cp. above p. 186, n. 12. Kern Test. 228.

⁶³ Suidas, s.v. Orpheus; Kem Test. 223 d. Plutarch, De Pyth. orac, p. 407 B; Kern Test. 185.

⁶⁴ Paus. ix, 85, 5; Kern Test. 192.

⁶⁵ Paus. viii, 31, 3. Kern Test. 193.

⁶⁶ Paus. i, 22, 7. Cp. that Abaris also was able to fly. I am not certain that this story is later than Herodotus as Rohde believes, Psyche, ii, p. 91 n. 1.

⁶⁷ See pp. 202–205, 221. Paus. viii, 87, 5; Kern Test. 198. 4.

⁶⁸ Suidas, s.v. Orpheus; Kem Test. 233 d.

⁶⁹ Sext. Emp., Pyrrh. Hypot., iii, 80; adv. Physic, i, 361; Kern Test. 191.

⁷⁰ Water and Earth are found in all mythical cosmogonies. The word “fire” is taken from the Stoic terminology and it is impossible to say to what it corresponded in Onomacritus.

⁷¹ The earliest from which the others are derived is Tatian, adv. Graecos, 41; Kern Test. 183.

⁷² Aristotle, De anima, A 5, with the commentary of Philoponus; Kern Test. 188, λεγομένοις (viz. έν τοῖς 'Oρθικοῖς κλουμένοις ἔπεσι) εἲπεν, ἐπειδἡ μἡ δοκεῖ 'Oρϕέως εἵναι, ὡς καὶ αυτὸς ἐν τοῖς περὶ πιλοσοϕὶας λέγει αὐτοῦ μὲν γάρ εἰσι τὰ δόγματα, ταῦτα δέ ϕασι (D. R, ϕησι Trincavelli; this is the crucial point) 'Oνουάκριτoν ἐν ἔπεσι κατατεῖναι. Wilamowitz, Glaube d. Hell., ii, p. 196, n. 3, is pure sophistry. From the non-existence of Orpheus he infers the non-existence of Orphic doctrines. Aristotle denied the existence of Orpheus according to Cicero, De nat. deorum, i, 107, but cannot have denied the existence of Orphic doctrines, which were well-known in his age.

⁷³ I refer to the long enumeration by Kern, Orph. Fragm., Index v, p. 398.

⁷⁴ Plato, Cratylus, p. 402 B; Kern Pr. 15.

⁷⁵ Aristophanes, Aves, vv. 690; Kern Fr. 1.

⁷⁶ This comparison with a notion of the contemporary philosophy seems to be evident. Krüger's attempt I.e., p. 30, to show that Eros here is a light-god is erroneous. The fundamental assumption that Eros in the age of Aristophanes was identified with Phanes is not demonstrable.

⁷⁷ A. Olivieri, L'uovo cosmogonico degli Orfici, Atti della R. Acad. di archeol., lettere e belle arti di Napoli, N. S., vii, 1919, A. B. Cook, I.e.

⁷⁸ Plato, Philebus, p. 66 C; Kern Fr. 14. Instead of κóσμον Plutarch, de E, p. 391 D has θυμóν. κóσμον has been emended variously (θεσμóν or oἴμον). θυμóν is hardly better. Taken in the usual sense of “good order,” κóσμον refers to the order of the creation of the world which Orphic poetry tried to establish in a more deliberate manner than earlier cosmogonies.

⁷⁹ Cp. Kern, Orpheus, p. 48.

⁸⁰ Guthrie, Orpheus and Greek Religion, p. 82, has a list compiled from the Orphic theogony which comprises seven names: Universe, Phanes, Night, Uranos, Cronos, Zeus, Dionysus. It does not agree with the cosmogony in Aristophanes, for there Night precedes Eros, who of course corresponds to Phanes, and Night belongs with Chaos etc to the first generation. If Night is cancelled or taken together with Chaos in the first generation, the six generations come out. The lists quoted op. cit., p. 103, from Alexander of Aphrodisias are incomplete, but prove the variety of Orphic cosmogony. In the first one Oceanus has got a place which agrees with the quotation from Plato, p. 198.

⁸¹ Isocrates, xi, 38; Kern Fr. 17. Lobeck appreciated it justly, Aglaophamus, i, p. 602.

⁸² Paus. viii, 37, 5; Kern Test. 194.

⁸³ Wilamowitz, Glaube d. Hell., ii, p. 198.

⁸⁴ Wilamowitz, I.e., ii, p. 379, n. 1. Again I do not understand the reasoning of this great scholar. If a poem is ascribed to a mythical personage like Orpheus it is of course a pseudepigraphon. If it is ascribed to a historical personage like Onomacritus it may be spurious, but we are on firmer ground, being able to control the reliability of the evidence.

⁸⁵ Plato, Leg., iii, p. 701B; Kern Fr. 9.

⁸⁶ Plato, Phaedo, p. 69 C; Kern Fr. 5. Cp. Rathmann, I.e., p. 61.

⁸⁷ Kern, Orpheus, p. 26.

⁸⁸ Plato, Cratylus, p. 400 C; Kern Fr. 8.

⁸⁹ Wilamowitz, Glaube d. Hell., ii, p. 199.

⁹⁰ Euripides, Hippol., v. 952; Kern Test. 213.

⁹¹ Aristophanes, Ranae, v. 1032; Kem Test. 90.

⁹² Plato, Leg., vi, p. 782 C; Kern Test. 212. The words are ἔμψυχα, ἂψυχα.

⁹³ Herodot., ii, 81; Kern Test. 216. ὁμολογὲουσι δὲ ταῦσι 'Oρπικοῖσι καλεομένοισι [καì Bακχικοῖσι, ἐοῖσι δὲ Aἰγυπτίοισι] καὶ Πνθαγορεἰοισι. This passage is always adduced as a chief testimony for the identity of the Orphic and the Dionysiac mysteries. Wilamowitz, Glaube d. Hell., ii, p. 189, n. 1, called attention to the fact that the words here put between brackets are absent from one class of manuscripts. They were no doubt added later. Cp. Rathmann, I.e., pp. 52. Consequently Herodotus testifies only to the agreement of the Orphics with the Pythagoreans in this one detail. But see for the other opinion Nock, Conversion, p. 277 (note to p. 24 ff.)

⁹⁴ See Rathmann, I.e., pp. 14. Th. Wächter, Reinheitsvorschriften im griech. Kult (Religionsgesch. Versuche u. Vorarbeiten, is, 1, 1910) pp. 78. F. Boehm, De symbolis Pythagoreis, Dissertation, Berlin, 1905, p. 23. Cp. Delatte, A., Vie de Pythagore, Mémoires cour. par l'acad. belgique, 1922Google Scholar.

⁹⁵ Plutarch, Apophthegm. Lac, p. 224 E; Kem Test. 203.

⁹⁶ Diog. La., vi, 1, 4.

⁹⁷ Plato, Resp., ii, p. 364 B; Kern Fr. 3. Cp. to this section Rathmann, pp. 59.

⁹⁸ Plato, Leg., viii, p. 829 D, Ion, p. 536 B, Apol., p. 41 A; Kern Fr. 12, Test. 244, 138.

⁹⁹ Democrit. in Stobaeus, iv, 120; Fr. 297 Diels.

¹⁰⁰ Herein I agree with van Essen, I.e., p. 61.

¹⁰¹ Plato, Resp., ii, p. 363 D, Kern Fr. 4.

¹⁰² Dieterich, Nekyia, p. 72, supposed that Orpheus was the son of Musaeus. There is no evidence for this. Eumolpus is sometimes said to be the son, sometimes the father of Musaeus. Musaeus was connected with the Eleusinian mysteries because they too gave the hope of a happy life in the Other World. But it is rash to conclude that Eleusinian doctrines are here related. The widespread fear of various punishments in Hades may have caused people to be initiated at Eleusis, but there is no evidence that these mysteries knew of punishments in the Other Life.

¹⁰³ Plato, Phaedo, p. 69 C; Kern Fr. 5.

¹⁰⁴ Cp. my paper Zeus mit der Schicksalswaage, Bull de la Société royale des lettres de Lund, 1932–83, pp. 3.

¹⁰⁵ This is the original meaning of the myth of the Danaides. The inscription at the side of the water-carrying women is the painting of Polygnotus at Delphi stated that they were non-initiated, Paus. x, 31, 9. Cp. a black-figured vase at Palermo with water-carriers, some of whom are men; best figured in Méautis, I.e., pi. xliv and xlv.

¹⁰⁶ See my above-cited paper.

¹⁰⁷ Kern, Orph. Pragm., p. 304; Test. 176, 222, 223.

¹⁰⁸ Norden in his commentary on Vergil's Aeneis, book vi, pp. 156, 231, made a rather subtle attempt to prove that Vergil used an Orphic Catabasis which was probably composed before the Hellenistic age. Cp. his paper Orpheus and Eurydice, Sitzungsber. der Akad. Berlin, 1934, pp. 659.

¹⁰⁹ See above, p. 189.

¹¹⁰ Aristotle, De anima, i, 3, 23, ὥσπερ ἐνδεχóμενον κατὰ τονὺς Πυθαγορικοὺς μύθους τὴν τυχοῦσαν ψυχὴν εὶς τò τυχòν ἐνδύεσθαι σῶμα. The objections of Krüger, I.e., p. 37, are less valid. Cp. Rathmann, I.e., p. 18. In the most recent treatment of metempsychosis, W. Stettner, Die Seelenwanderung bei den Griechen und Römern (Tübinger Beiträge zur Altertumswiss. H. 22, 1934), the assertion of the Pythagorean origin of the doctrine is repeated but without an attempt at a historical investigation.

¹¹¹ Plato, Phaedo, p. 70 C, Meno, p. 81 A–B.

¹¹² Plato, Resp., x, p. 620 A.

¹¹³ Rathmann, I.c., pp. 64. Plato, Cratylus, p. 400 C; cp. above p. 205, n. 88. Cp. Plato, Gorgias, p. 493 A.

¹¹⁴ Aristotle, De anima, i, 5,15; Kern Fr. 27.

¹¹⁵ Cp. W. Kroll in Rheinisches Museum, lii, 1897, pp. 338.

¹¹⁶ See Riess' article “Aberglaube” in Pauly-Wissowa's Realenc. d. class. Altertumswiss., i, pp. 42; add Schol. Nicand. Alexipharm., v. 560. In regard to man cp. that the Tritopatores are said to be wind daemons and ancestors at the same time; they appear also in Orphic literature.

¹¹⁷ See e.g. Aristotle, Hist, anim., vi, 2, 5.

¹¹⁸ See above p. 213. Pindar, fr. 133 Bergk.

¹¹⁹ Pindar, Olymp., ii, vv. 62.

¹²⁰ The word ἀπάλαμνος has the significance of “reckless” in Pindar. Professor Drachmann refers in a letter also to Simonides fr. 3 which is omitted by Liddell and Scott.

¹²¹ See Berliner philolog. Wochenschrift, 1901, p. 646.

¹²² It is accepted by others, e.g. van Essen, I.e., p. 45. Rohde, Psyche, ii, p. 208, n. 3; cp. Wilamowitz, Pindaros, p. 248, n. 1, rejecting the improbable interpretation of Deubner, Hermes, xliii, 1908, pp. 638.

¹²³ Plato, Gorgias, p. 492 E.

¹²⁴ Figured e.g., Harrison, Proleg., p. 43, fig. 7.

¹²⁵ καθ' ἃς θυηπολοῦσι, above p. 207, Resp. ii, 364 E, Kern Test. 3.

¹²⁶ Theophrast, Charact., 16, 11; Kern Test. 207 τελεσθησóμενος is perhaps to be translated simply “to be purified”; cp. H. Bolkestein, Theophrastos Charakter der Deisidaimonia, Religionsgesch. Versuche und Vorarbeiten, xxi, 2, pp. 58; Guthrie, Orpheus and Greek Religion, pp. 202; Nock, Conversion, p. 28.

¹²⁷ A. Dieterich, Über eine Szene der aristophaneischen Wolken, Rhein. Museum, xlviii, 1893, pp. 275; Heine Schriften, pp. 117.

¹²⁸ Nock, Conversion, pp. 28.

¹²⁹ Fragmenta epicorum graecorum, ed. Kinkel, fr. 3.

¹³⁰ Anecdota Oxon., ii, p. 443; Etymol. Gud., p. 227, 41; Aeschylus, fr. 5 and 228 Nauck.

¹³¹ Cp. Harrison, Proleg., p. 480, n. 1.

¹³² Heraclitus, Diels, Pragm. d. Vorsokratiker, 3rd ed., fr. 15, ωὑτòς δὲ 'Aίδης καὶ Διòνυσος óτεῳ μαίνονται καὶ ληναίξουσιν. Ληναίξω from λήνη Bacchant.

¹³³ Cp. my Griechische Peste, pp. 271.

¹³⁴ I refer to the well-known inscription from Cumae, figured e.g. in Cumont, Les religions orientales dans le paganisme romain, 4th ed., p. 197. The interpretation preferred by Conway, I.c., p. 38, n. 1, seems to me not to be acceptable. The difference is of less importance to our purpose.

¹³⁵ Wilamowitz, Glaube d. Hell., ii, pp. 378.

¹³⁶ See above, p. 200, n. 78.

¹³⁷ Krüger, I.e., pp. 80.

¹³⁸ I. M. Linforth, Orpheus in the Bassarides of Aeschylus, Transactions of the American Philological Association, lxii, 1931, pp. 11.

¹³⁹ See also above p. 199, n. 76.

¹⁴⁰ Except by Macrobius, Sat., i, 18,12; Kern Test. 237.

¹⁴¹ Aristotle, De anim. gener., i, 2. Suidas, s.v. Tριτοπάτορες.

¹⁴² Cp. above, p. 213, n. 116.

¹⁴³ See my paper Sonnenkalender und Sonnenreligion, Archiv. für Religionswissenschaft, xxx, 1933, pp. 142.

¹⁴⁴ Sophocles, Tereus, fr. 523 Nauck.

¹⁴⁵ Kazarow in Cambridge Ancient History, viii, p. 548.

¹⁴⁶ Maximus Tyrius, 33.

¹⁴⁷ The symbols of the Pythagoreans are much more kindred to the maxims of Hesiod; see Boehm, F., De symbolis Pythagoreis, Dissertation, Berlin, 1905Google Scholar. The Orphics generalized these prohibitions and gave an ethical and religious meaning to them.

¹⁴⁸ See my Minoan-Mycenaean Religion, p. 511.

¹⁴⁹ In my History of Greek Religion, pp. 222.