¹ His see is unknown. Perhaps it was not far distant from that of Therapius, whose reprehensible actions he reports. Therapius came from Bulla (Sent. Episc. 61), probably Numidian Bulla [see P.W. 3 (1897), 1047f. s.v. Bulla (Dessau)]. Was the absence of Fidus and (presumably) Therapius possibly due to barbarian inroads in that region (see Ep. 62, and Barbarian Disturbances in North Africa in the Mid-Third Century, Antichthon 4 (1970), 78ff.) ? On the sees, consult also von Soden, H., Die Prosopographie des afrikanischen Episkopats zur Zeit Cyprians, Königl. Preussischen historischen Institut in Rom 12 (1909), 247ff. at 253Google Scholar.

² The dating is complex and controversial; estimates range between 251 and 253. The best discussion is in Ritschl, O., De epistulis Cyprianicis (diss. Halle, 1885), 24fGoogle Scholar. (arguing for May 15, 252); against, Nelke, L., Die Chronologie der Korrespondenz Cyprians … (Thorn, 1902), 65ffGoogle Scholar.

³ Walker, G. S. M., The Churchmanship of St. Cyprian (London, 1968), 51Google Scholar cites this case of Victor and of Bishop Therapius as an example of Cyprian's principle, in the administration of penance, that “episcopal action even when irregular is always valid.” That follows a little doubtfully from the explanation given in the synodal letter.

⁴ The literature on this topic is voluminous. Most of the relevant evidence is reviewed by Jeremias, J., Infant Baptism in the first Four Centuries (trans, by Cairns, D.) (London, 1960)Google Scholar, and assembled by Didier, J. C., Le Baptême des enfants dans la tradition de l'église (Tournai, 1959)Google Scholar.

⁵ For some suggestions note Quispel, G., The discussion of Judaic Christianity, Vig. Christ. 22 (1968), 81ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar, Additional Note p. 93. But for proper doubts of a Jewish origin for the African Church, see Barnes, T. D., Tertullian. A Historical and Literary Study (Oxford, 1971), 273ffGoogle Scholar.

⁶ Dölger, F. J., Zur Symbolik des altchristlichen Taufhauses. 1. Das Oktogon und die Symbolik der Achtzahl, Antike und Christentum 4 (1934), 153ff.Google Scholar, Krauthheimer, R., Introduction to an “Iconography of Mediaeval Architecture,” Journ. Warburg Institute 5 (1942), 1ff. at 9ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar, Lehman, O. H., Number-symbolism as a vehicle of religious experience in the gospels, contemporary rabbinic literature and the Dead Sea Scrolls, Studia Patristica 4 (1961) (= T.U. 79), 125ff.Google Scholar, D.A.C.L. 4 (1920) s.v. Dimanche, 858ff. at 879ff. (H. Dumaine), etc.

⁷ § 4.3. For the context of Cyprian's attitudes, note R. E. Taylor, Attitudes of the Fathers towards Practices of Jewish Christians, Studia Patristica 4 (1961) (= T.U. 79), 504ff. Cyprian is nevertheless prepared, when convenient, to invoke Old Testament texts to justify New Testament liturgical practices (e.g., Ep. 69.12, exploiting Numbers 8 and 19 for baptism by aspersion).

⁸ E.g., as is implied in the Canonical Responses, Book 2.Q.4, attributed to Timothy of Alexandria (c.381): In the event of approaching death, should a newborn child be received as a catechumen and baptized before the seventh day? Reply: he should. (See Whittaker, E. C., Documents of the Baptismal Liturgy [London, 1960], 77)Google Scholar ; cf. in Rituale Armenorum, the canon for baptizing “an 8 days' old child,” F. C. Conybeare, Rituale Armenorum (Oxford, 1905), 86 (Greek text, 389)Google Scholar.

⁹ … longe aliud in concilio nostro visum est. In hoc enim quod tu putabas esse faciendum nemo consensit …, “§ 2.1.

¹⁰ For discussion of this passage, see Dölger, F. J., Der Kuss in Tauf-und Firmungsritual nach Cyprian von Karthago und Hippolyt von Rom, Ant. und Christ. 1 (1929), 186ff.Google Scholar, Quasten, J., Der Kuss des Neugetauften in alchristlicher Tauftliturgie, in Liturgie, Gestalt und Vollzug. Festschrift J. Pascher (ed. Dürig, W.) (Munich, 1963), 267ff.Google Scholar, Thraede, K., Ursprünge und Formen des “Heiligen Kusses” in frühen Christentum, Jahrb. f. Ant. und Christ. 11/12 (1968/9), 124ff. at 159ffGoogle Scholar.

¹¹ § 4.1: the second “quod” clause ought to be construed as relative, rather than as substantival or causal as in some interpretations (with “infantem” understood after “exosculari”?) ; Thraede, art. cit., 163.

¹² Is there a hint in Ep. 76.2.3 “nee Christianorum pedes ad infamiam copulant sed clarificant ad coronam” of a reference to this baptismal ceremony (with “clarifico = “φωτίζω” = “baptizo”) ?

¹³ See Quasten and Thraedelocc citt for careful discussion of such a view.

¹⁴ Watson, E. W., The style and language of St. Cyprian, Studia Biblica 4 (1896), 189ff.Google Scholar at 265: “Vestigium infantis for pes … in the ceremonial kissing of the foot which formed part of the baptismal rite, is no doubt part of Cyprian's attempt to elevate Christian diction. It appears not to be Biblical. The word attained some currency. In the twenty-third sermon attributed to Fulgentius Ruspensis, De pedibus lavandis, it is constantly used of the feet.” But note the use in Minucrus Felix, Oct. 3.3, for rhetorical variatio: “… cum in ipso aequoris limine plantas tingueremus, quod vicissim nunc adpulsum nostris pedibus adlueret fluctus, nunc relabens ac vestigia retrahens in sese resorberet.” The same (rhetorical) consideration could apply here.

¹⁵ The reference is to 2 Kings 4.32ff. Fahey, M. A., Cyprian and the Bible: a Study in Third-Century Exegesis (Tübingen, 1971)Google Scholar, correctly observes: “Typical here is Cyprian's concern for detail and his conviction that even the slightest action of Elisha was meant to communicate typologically a message to the Christian community.”

¹⁶ Attested in documentation for Spain (Council Elvira Can. 48: “neque pedes eorum lavandi sunt a sacerdotibus vel clericis”), for Milan (Ambrose, de sacr. 3.1.4ff., PL 16. 451ff.; de myst. 6, PL 16. 416f.), for Africa (Augustine, Ep. 55.33ff., PL 33.220ff.). Note also small second baptismal basins perhaps used for this ceremony; see Davies, J. G., The Architectural Setting of Baptism (London, 1962)Google Scholar, 26, 40 (Fréjus, Albenga, Ravenna). For further details see new R.A.C. s.v. Fusswaschung, VIII (1972), 765ff (B. Kötting).

¹⁷ E.g., Ambrose, loc. cit.

¹⁸ E.g., Aug. quotes with approval from the (nonextant) Commentary on Isaiah by Ambrose, cont. duas epist. Pelag. 4.11.29, PL 44.632: “quod illico intellexisset, lavacro pedum, qui in primo lapsi sunt homine, sordem obnoxiae successionis aboleri.”

¹⁹ Note Hippol., Apost. Trad. 18: catechumens may not join in the kiss of peace after prayer; for their kiss is not yet holy (ed. B. Botte, Sources chritiennes 11, 76).

²⁰ Plut., Quaest. Rom. 102 = Mor. 228Cff., Macrob., Sat. 1.16.36, Festus 120 M. For discussion see J. Marquardt, Das Privatleben der Römer (Leipzig, 1879), 81f., P.W. 13 (1927), 2037 (K. Boehm), L., and Brind'Amour, P., La deuxième satire de Perse et le dies lustricus, Latomus 30 (1971), 999ffGoogle Scholar.

²¹ For discussion and attempts at explanation see Plut., loc. cit. The ceremony took place after the seventh (critical) day from birth.

²² E.g., Talmud Babli, Shabbath 137a, Mishnah: an infant is to be circumcised on the eighth, ninth, tenth, eleventh and twelfth days, neither earlier nor later. How so ? In the normal course it is on the eighth; if he is born at twilight, on the ninth; at twilight on Sabbath eve, on the tenth; if a festival follows the Sabbath on the eleventh; if the two days of New Year follow the Sabbath, on the twelfth. An infant who is ill is not circumcised until he recovers.

²³ Cyprian is emphatic, § 4.3: “quae imago cessavit, superveniente postmodum veritate et data nobis spiritali circumcisione.”

²⁴ Cf. Thraede, art. dt., 163f.

²⁵ Soranus, gynaec. 2.12 (Corp. Med. Graec. 4.59f.) Customs included smearing the newborn child with wine (mixed or unmixed with brine), myrtle-oil, oak-gall, or even urine.

²⁶ Soranus, op. cit., 2.14f. (Corp. Med. Graec. 4.60f.); Daremberg-Saglio 2. 979f s.v. Fascia (Lafaye), P.W. 6 (1909), 2006f. s.v. Fasciae (Lafaye).

²⁷ Op. cit., 2.15 (Corp. Med. Graec. 4.62). Perhaps illustrated in E. Paul, Antike Welt in Ton (Leipzig [no date given]), Tafel 68, no. 241.

²⁸ Illustrated in Daremberg-Saglio, art. cit.

²⁹ A fruitful iconographic theme; note, inter alia, Hermann, A., Die erste Bad des Heilands und des Helden in spätantiker Kunst und Legende, Jahrb. f. Ant. Und Christ. 10 (1967), 61ff.Google Scholar, Nordhagen, P. J., The origin of the washing of the child in the nativity scene, Byz. Z. 54 (1961), 333ffGoogle Scholar.

³⁰ In the Christian technical sense of “osculum [pacis].”