¹ I am indebted to two Śrī Vaiṣṇava scholars for their indispensable assistance in this study: C. Jagannathachariar, U. G. C. Professor and former Head of the Department of Tamil, Vivekananda College Madras, whose generous gift of time and patient instruction has enabled me to appreciate the subtleties of the Maṇipravāḷa commentary; and K. K. A. Venkatachari, Director, Ananthacharya Research Institute, Bombay, who first introduced me to Tiruppâvai and who has been most generous in sharing his knowledge of the sampradāya. In addition I have been aided by the comments of many, but most especially by those of Kristin Morrison, Department of English, Boston. College, and of John B. Carman, Director, Center for the Study of World Religions, Harvard Divinity School. Unless otherwise noted, all translations of the poem and its commentary are my own, made under the guidance of C. Jagannathachariar and K. K. A. Venkatachari and utilizing the “Three Thousand Grantha” (mūvāyirappaṭi) commentary of Periyavāccān Piḷḷai published by P. Aṇṇarikarācāriyar. Ttruppāvai:Mūvāyirappaṭi, Ārāyirappaṭi, Viyākkiyānankaḷuṭan Kūṭiyatu (Kānci, 1970), referring to the modern commentary of U. Vē. Ki. Srīnivāsāyaṇkār Svāmi, Tiruppāvai Vyākyānam (2d ed.; Tirucci, Pilava-Mārkaḷi, 1962–63).

² This is the “double Vedanta” doctrine (ubhayavedānta) explicated from sampradāya sources most fully by Venkatachari, , The Maṇipravāḷa Literature of the Śrī Vaiṣṇavas Āchāryas: 12th to 15th Century A.D. (Doctoral diss., University of Utrecht, 1975) 1–31.Google Scholar

³ Nālāyira-tiviya-pirapantam in Tamil; Nālāyira-divya-prabandham in Maṇipravāḷa.

⁴ See Venkatachari, Maṇipravāḷa Literature, 37–41. One other poet whose poem is included in the Four Thousand Divine Verses but who is technically not considered an ālvār is Madhurakavi. His devotion was primarily directed towards the chief ālvār Nammālvār rather than towards the Lord.

⁵ Srinivasan, V., “Srivilliputtur History and Epigraphy,” Mythic Society 43 (1953) 109Google Scholar; and Jagadeesan, N., History of Sri Vaishnavism in the Tamil Country (Post Ramanuja) (Doctoral diss., University of Madras, 1967) 427.Google Scholar

⁶ When Krishna in the Bhagavad-gītā describes his glorious powers (vibhūti), he identifies himself as Mārgaślrṣa among the months (10:35). During this month, called Mārgaḻi in Tamil, the “festival of Vedic study” (adhyāyanotsava) is conducted during which Nammāḻvār's thousand verse poem Tiruvāymoḻi is recited along with the Vedas on the ten days prior and the ten days after the eleventh day of the bright half of the month, Vaikuṇṭha Ekādaśi. This poem is equated with the Sāma Veda, with which Krishna also identifies himself in Bhagavad-gītā 10:22, and is recited by ācāryas seated before an image of the Lord within the inner shrines of the temple. Public access to this recitation is restricted. A description of the establishment of the “festival of Vedic study” at Śrī Raṅgam temple according to traditional sources isgiven in Kōil Oḻugu: The Chronicle of the Srirangam Temple with Historical Notes, trans, and ed. Rao, V. N. Hari (Madras, 1961) 9–11; 33–37.Google Scholar

⁷ A useful description of the Hindu conception of time and space is given by Dimmitt, Cornelia and van Buitenen, J. A. B., trans, and eds., Classical Hindu Mythology: A Reader in the Sanskrit Purāṇas (Philadelphia, 1978) 16–29.Google Scholar

⁸ For a recent discussion of this dating, see Filliozat, Jean, Une Texte Tamoul de Dévotion Vishnouite le Ttruppāvai d'Aṇṭāḷ (Pondichéry, 1972) vii–xivGoogle Scholar. See also Zvelebil, K. V., Tamil Literature (A History of Indian Literature, vol. 10, fasc. 1; ed. Gonda, Jan; Wiesbaden, 1974) 101–5Google Scholar; Dasgupta, S. N., History of Indian Philosophy, (Cambridge, 1940)Google Scholar 3. 65; and Rao, T. A. Gopinatha, Sir Subrahmanya Ayyar Lectures on the History of Śrī Vaiṣṇavas (Madras, 1923) 23.Google Scholar

⁹ The Mārgaḻi nōṉpu performed by unmarried girls for the sake of obtaining rains and a good husband existed in the first three centuries A.D. and is represented in recent times by a Kerala festival, according to Mu. Irākavaiyaṅkār, Arāyccittokuti (Ceṉṉai, 1964) 185–203. Its incorporation into the South Indian Krishna tradition by the time of Āṇṭāḷ (ca. A.D. 850) is seen in two facts: (1) she assumes knowledge of the story as background to her poem; (2) the bathing ritual appears in Bhāgavata Purāṇa 10:22, a text that scholars agree was written in the South but which they date variously from ca. A.D. 7S0–950. Āṇṭāḷ and the Bhāgavata's author probably drew upon an older oral tradition which had assimilated the Krishna story to South Indian practices. For the various datings of the Bhāgavata, see Gail, Adalbert, Bhakti im Bhāgavatapurāṇa (Münchner Indoligische Studien,6; Wiesbaden, 1969) 9–16Google Scholar; and Singer, Milton, ed., Krishna: Myths, Rites, and Attitudes (Honolulu, 1966) 4.Google Scholar

¹⁰ See Irākavaiyaṇkār, Ārāyccittokuti, 188. Kātyāyanī is identified by the Harivaṃṡa as the goddess of sleep subject to Vishnu, born from Yaṡodā's womb at the same time as Krishna was born from Devakl's, and then switched with him in order that she, rather than Krishna, would be slain by Kaṃsa. She is referred to in that text as the sister of Indra and of Vishnu, as the elder sister of Yama, as the quarrelsome sister of Baladeva, and as the daughter of Nanda. As sister to Krishna and his protector, she was worshipped by the Yādavas daily. She is also identified with Durgā, Kālī, Devī, Pārvati, Caṇḍi, and Kauṣiki; and she delights in animal sacrifices offered to her on the ninth day of the dark half of the month. See A Prose and English Translation of Harivamsha, trans, and ed. Dutt, Manmatha Nath (Calcutta, 1897) 248–51Google Scholar, 767. Further identification of the consort of Siva as the sister of Krishna is given by Ilankō Āṭikaḷ in his Cilappatikāram, 2:12, in Danielou's, Alain translation, Shilappadikaram (The Ankle Bracelet) (New York, 1965) 78–79Google Scholar, by the Bhāgavata Purāṇa, 10:22, and by Āṇṭāḷ in her other poem, Nācciyār Tirumoḻi, 6:3: In this verse she recounts a dream she had of her wedding to Krishna in which Antari, “She who disappeared into space,” plays the role of the bridegroom's sister and ties on Āṇṭāḷ's wedding garment and garland. See Svāmi, Aṇṇankarācātiyar, Nācciyār Tirumoḻi, (5th ed; Cennai, 1966) 35–36.Google Scholar

¹¹ Sudarṡaṇa Sūri, an early ācārya, defines these technical terms as follows: “Parabhakti means the intense longing to have the vision of Bhagavan. Paragnanam— the actual vision of the Lord. Paramabhakti—the intense longing, consequent of paragnanam, to have the continuous enjoyment of Bhagavan. These three are stages in the ripening and perfection of Bhakti.” Trans. M. R. Rajagopala Ayyangar, The Gadya-traya of Sri Ramanujacharya (Madras, n. d.) 8. I have modified these meanings here with reference to the definitions of paramapatti and parajñānam given by the Tamil Lexicon, 4. 2494, 2500.

¹² According to “Periyāḻvār's Life” (Periyāḻvār vaipavam) in the “Six Thousand Grantha” (ārāiyirappaṭi) version of The Splendor of the Succession of Teachers. See e n. 13.

¹³ The edition of the text used here is the “Six Thousand Grantha” version by Piṉpaḻakiya Perumāḷ Jīyar, Ārāyirappaṭi Kuruparamparāprapāvam (2d ed. by Kiruṣṇas-vāmi Ayyaṅkār; Tirucci, 1975). Garuḍavāhana Paṇḍita, who wrote the Divya Sūri Carita, is said to have been a contemporary of Rāmānuja, but this is uncertain.

¹⁴ “Āṇṭāḷ's Life” (Āṇṭāḷ vaipavam) in Ārāyirappaṭi Kuruparamparāprapāvam, 45–50.

¹⁵ When the gods and demons churned the milk ocean (Viṣṇu Purāṇa 1.9.2–116), the goddess Śrī emerged from the churning sea and joined Ṿishnu, residing on his chest: she is his preeminent wife. See Dimmitt and van Buitenen, Classical Hindu Mythology, 94–98.

¹⁶ Sampradāya lore has carried the story further: after she merged with the Handsome Bridegroom (Aḻakiyamaṉavālan), Periyāḻvār asked that their wedding be conducted in Śrī Villiputtūr. The request was granted and the Lord went there on Garuḍa, his vehicle, along with his bride. The wedding was conducted on Paṅguni Uttaram (the twelfth asterism of March-April) in the 112th year of Kali Yuga, and has been celebrated as a festival ever since. Furthermore, the Lord requested Periyāḻvār to build a temple in Śrī Villiputtūr in which the inner shrine (garbha gṛha) would contain the image of the Lord at Śrī Raṅgam {Raṅkamaṉṉār) with Āṇṭāḷ on his right and Garuḍa on his left. He did so and the temple still stands.

The basil garden where Āṇṭāḷ was “born” is still to be seen between her temple and that of The Lord Reclining on a Banyan Leaf, as is a small square well said to be the mirror in which she viewed herself when wearing the Lord's garland. His reception of the garlands which she had already worn is enacted yearly during the procession of Krishna “The Beautiful” (Aḻikar) from his temple at Aḻakarkōyil to the Vaigai River opposite Madurai at the time of the full moon in Cittirai (April-May). As Krishna approaches the river, a garland sent from Śrī Villiputtūr is offered to him and received by his priests. There is also a rich cycle of festivals in Śrī Villiputtūr celebrating the events in her legend, stimulated in part by patronage of Vijayanagara Nāyaks, one of whom, Krishna Deva Rāya, wrote a Telugu courtly epic (kavya) on the lives of Āṇṭāḷ and her father. See To. Toṇṭaimān, Mu. Pāskara-t, Vevkaṭam Mutal Kumarivarai (2d ed.; Tirunelveli, 1970) 4Google Scholar. 133–41; V. Srinivasan in Mythic Society, 43. 102–6 and 44. 15–28, 63–77; and Hudson, Dennis, “Two Citrā Festivals in Madurai,” Interludes: Religious Festivals in South India and Ceylon (ed. in Welbon, G. R. and Yocum, G. E.; New Delhi, 1978).Google Scholar

¹⁷ Piṉpaḻakiya Perumāl Jīyar was one of Periyavāccān Piḷḷai's disciples according to Aruṇācalam, Mu., Tamiḻ Ilakkiya Varalāṛu: Patiṉmūṉṛām Nūṛṛāṇṭu (Tirucciṛṛampalam, Mayūram, 1970) 334.Google Scholar

¹⁸ A11 the following translations will be from his introduction to his commentary (viyākkiyāṉa avatārikai) as found in the edition of Aṇṇaṅkarācāryar, Tiruppāvai: Mūvāyirappaṭi, 3–5.

¹⁹ See Carman, John B., The Theology of Ramanuja: An Essay in Interreligious Understanding (New Haven/London, 1974) 148.Google Scholar

²⁰ Periyavāccān Piḷḷai notes at the end of his commentary on verse eighteen that it was Rāmānuja's favorite verse, no doubt because it portrays the gopīs arousing Nappiṉṉai who is understood by tradition to be the mediatrix (puruṣakāram) between them and Krishna. V. Srinivasan says that Rāmānuja, “who is also known as the Tiruppāvai Jeer, used to recite the Tiruppāvai hymns during his outings in Śrī Rangam to [for?] bhikṣa.” Rāmānuja also received the title of “elder brother of the temple” (kōyilaṇṇan) from Āṇṭāḷ at her shrine in Śrī Villiputtūr in the following way, according to tradition: in Nācciyār Tirumoḻi 9. 6–7, Āṇṭāḷ expresses the desire to offer one hundred vessels of sweet rice and one hundred vessels of butter to Krishna “The Beautiful” residing at Alakarkōyil. She never fulfilled this desire before merging with the Lord at Śrī Raṅgam, but Rāmānuja did so on her behalf while on a teaching tour (digvyaya) in that region. When he then went to Śrī Villiputtūr, Āṇṭāḷ conferred the title upon him through the priest on duty. According to Hari Rao, the traditional history of Śrī Rangam says that Āṇṭāḷ gave the title to Rāmānuja for his fulfillment of her desire, but also “to commemorate his management of the temple endowment.” The Yātirājavaibhavam of Āndhrapūrṇa says that Rāmānuja was responsible for setting up the image of Āṇṭāḷ along with those of the āḻvars at Śrī Rangam and lived there “elevated by the grace of Gōda” due to his having fulfilled her desire. See V. Srinivasan in Mythic Society, 43. I l l, who cites Alkondaville Govindacharya, Life of Ramanujacarya, chap. 32, 210–11; Ramakrishnananda, Swami, Life of Sri Ramanuja (2d ed; Mylapore, 1965) 277Google Scholar; Hari Rao. Kōil Oḻugu, 52, 101–2; and Aiyangar, B. Krishnasvami, “The Yātirājavaibhavam of Āndhrapūrṇa,” The Indian Antiquary 38 (1909)Google Scholar vv. 105–6.

²¹ The Vishnu Purāna: A System of Hindu Mythology and Tradition, trans. Wilson, H. H. (3d ed.; Calcutta, 1961) 424.Google Scholar

²² Throughout the poem, but especially the commentary, there is a connection between serving the Lord and loving him, so much so that to render him the service he desires may mean to be his lover. Thus, while Jean Filliozat's observation that the gopīs’ desire to be the servants of Krishna, and not his wives, is a useful correction to a misunderstanding of the poem, it draws too simple a distinction between service and love, thereby obscuring what seems to be a fruitful ambiguity in the texts. In his own words, “A ce Dieu les jeunes filles du Tiruppāvai demandent la prospérite du pays (III), Pabondance et la joie (XXVII) mais śurtout què, sous la forme de Kṛṣṇa, il les agrée pour humbles servantes. Elles ne demandent pas, comme on l'a parfois écrit á tort au'il les prenne pour épouses. Elles prétendent á l'esclavage, non á l'amour. L'amour est pour l'éspouse de Kṛṣṇa, NappiNNai” (Une Texte Tamoul, xv).

²³ Carman, The Theology of Ramanuja, 149–50.

²⁴ In light of this “poverty” paraphrased here from verse twenty-eight, it is useful to note the commentator's explanation of the phrase in verse one, “Let us go, you finely adorned wealthy girls of the herders’ town flowing with riches!” He provides three interpretations of their adornments: (1) the fresh lustre which appears on the gopīs’ bodies in response to the call, “Let us go”; (2) the jewels they wear all the time since they do not know when Krishna will come to them; and (3) the glow they have from previous sexual union with Krishna (Kṛuṣṇaṉonṭṭai-k kalavi). Their wealth, he says, refers to close contact with the Lord, which is permanent wealth for the Self, and such close contact is here called “riches.” “The herders’ town flowing with riches” refers to the riches of Krishna's easy approachability (nīrmai), a prosperity flooding out even to the supreme realm where this quality of his is not known.

²⁵ As a mediatrix (purusakāram), Nappiṉṉai is analogous to Sītā in the Rāmāyana he notes in his introduction to verse eighteen where the gopīs wake Nappiṉṉai up and ask her to give them her husband.

²⁶ For example, the thirteenth-century ācārya Vaṭakkutiruvītippiḷḷai in his commentary on Nammāḻvār's Tiruvāymoḻi 9.10.4, refers to Nappiṉṉai as having “feminineness (strītvam) and other such qualities of the Self (ātmaguṇankaḷ)”; these ® other qualities include restraint of the mind (sama) and control of the body (dama) according to verse ninety-six of the fourteenth-century Sanskrit text Śrīvaeaṇa )f Bhūṣaṇam by Piḷḷai Lokācārya. See Naidu, B. P. Purushothama, Bagavat Vishayam: Tiruvāymoli Īṭṭiṉ Tamiḻākkam (2d ed.; Madras, 1971) 9Google Scholar. 327; Lōkācāryar, Piḷḷai, Śrī Vacaṇa Pūṣaṇam. Maṇavāḷa Māmunikaḷ Viyākklyānam — Tamil ākkam (Kaṭalūr, 1970) 214Google Scholar; Swami, Śrī Satyamurthi, Srivaeana Bhushanam by Sri Pillai Lokacharya: An English Glossary (Gwalior, 1972) 21–22Google Scholar; and Varadachari, K. C., Viśiṣṭādvaita and its Development (Tirupati, 1969) 67.Google Scholar

²⁷ Periyavāccān Piḷḷai explains “he will give” in verse one to mean that though the gopīs attain their goal, it is because he has given himself to them. Jagannathachariar suggested that this comment was based on the tradition of the ideal Hindu wife, a suggestion I have drawn upon here.

²⁸ Sambhāvitamāṉa svabhāvankaḷ

²⁹ In the words of the commentator: aiyam (gift) is “knowledge of the Lord's nature, form, qualities, and realm (īcvaraṉuṭaiya svarūpa-rūpa-guṇa-viṣaya-jñānam)” and piccai (alms) is “knowledge of the full extent of the nature of the Self (ātmasvarūpa-mātra-jñānam).”