¹ Mannheim, Karl, Man and Society in an Age of Reconstruction (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1940) 279–81Google Scholar.

² McCulloh, John M. (“Jewish Ritual Murder: William of Norwich, Thomas of Monmouth, and the Early Dissemination of the Myth,” Speculum 72 [1997] 698–740CrossRefGoogle Scholar) poses a convincing alternative to Gavin Langmuir's argument that Thomas of Monmouth was first responsible for the dissemination of the myth ( Langmuir, Gavin, “Thomas of Monmouth: Detector of Ritual Murder,” Speculum 59 [1984] 820–46CrossRefGoogle Scholar; reprinted in idem, Toward a Definition of Antisemitism [Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990] 209–36)Google Scholar. Israel Jacob Yuval ( (“Vengeance and Damnation, Blood and Defamation: from Jewish Martyrdom to Blood Libel Accusations”) Zion 58 (1993) 33–90Google Scholar; English summary vi-viii) argues that the first libel took place in Wurzburg in 1147, that of Norwich only in 1148-49. The Wurzburg incident was not strictly an accusation of ritual murder or blood libel but simply an accusation that Jews murdered a Christian boy whose body had been discovered in the Main river. According to both Jewish and Christian sources, this prompted crusaders who had assembled in the city to kill Rabbi Isaac and twenty-one other Jews in vengeance ( Aronius, Julius, Regesten zur Geschichte der Juden imfrdnkischen und deutschen Reiche bis zum Jahre 1273 [Berlin: L. Simion, 1902] 114 no. 245)Google Scholar. A similar act of vengeance at the discovery of a corpse occurred at Boppard in 1179 (ibid., 133 no. 311). McCulloh suggests that the Wurzburg accusation could have been inspired by knowledge of William of Norwich, in defense of Yuval's speculation. The accusation of ritual murder was made in antiquity against both Jews and Christians. Simon, Marcel, “Christian Anti-Semitism,” in Cohen, Jeremy, ed., Essential Papers on Judaism and Christianity in Conflict (New York: New York University Press, 1991) 131–73Google Scholar esp. 166 n. 16, 167 n. 41, and 152.

³ Ritual murder is the belief that Jews kill Christians for ritual purposes. Blood libel is the allegation that, in so doing, Jews extract blood for their rites or for magic. The first case of blood libel recorded in Latin sources occurred in 1236 in Fulda. Joshua Trachtenberg, The Devil and the Jews (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1961) 124–55Google Scholar; , Langmuir, Definition, 263–81Google Scholar. Host desecration is the belief that Jews ritually abused consecrated hosts, usually in trials testing its supernatural identity.

⁴ These provisional numbers are compiled from cases noted in the Encyclopedia Judaica, s.v. “Host, Desecration of “; Browe, Peter, “Die Hostienschandungen der Juden im Mittelalter,” Romische Quarlalschrift 34 (1926) 167–97Google Scholar; Stobbe, Otto, Die Juden in Deutschland wahrend des Mittelalters (1866; reprinted Amsterdam: Grüner, 1968) 280–93Google Scholar; Zunz, Leopold, Die synagogale Poesie des Mittelalters (Berlin: Springer, 1855) 9–57Google Scholar(which one must use as Stobbe did, carefully); Wertheimer, Joseph, Die Juden in Oesterreich (Leipzig: Mayer und Wigand, 1842) 95–112Google Scholar; Hsia, R. Po-Chia, Trent 1475 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992) 92–93Google Scholar(fifteenth-century Austrian cases of the ritual murder accusation including persecution that were mentioned in the proceedings concerning Simon of Trent). This list excludes persecutions not obviously connected with these three allegations (for example, those provoked by an accusation of well poisoning, 1319 in Francia, 1321 in Dauphincf, and everywhere in 1348 and 1349, or provoked by some other cause, for example, an actual murder committed by a Jew [for example in the year 1187 in NeuB and 1194 in , Cologne; Aronius, Regesten, 144–45Google Scholar no. 322; , Stobbe, Juden in Deutschland, 281]Google Scholar, a riot following an attempt of Jews to hinder the conversion of a Jewish boy [Frankfurt, 1241; ibid., 282], and a riot protesting interest rates [Niirnberg, 1289; ibid., 282]). It seems that the majority of cases of actual violence, often associated with these accusations, occurred in Franconia and Alsace, with the exception of the pogroms that occurred in the wake of the Black Death, 1348-50 (which are excluded from my figure). They began in the south of France, spread throughout France (where after the expulsions of 1290, 1323, and 1348, the Jewish population was small) and into Spain, and from Savoy (where Jews were prosecuted on the charge of poisoning wells, expelled and burned) to Geneva, then north through Switzerland into the south of Germany, and finally throughout central Europe (excepting most of Bohemia, most of Austria, and the cities of Regensburg, Goslar, and Halberstadt). Graus, František, Pest-Geissler-Judenmord. Das 14. Jahrhundert als Krisenzeit (Veroffentlichungen des Max-Planck-Instituts für Geschichte 86; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1987) 158–67Google Scholar.

⁵ , Aronius (Regesten, nos. 290Google Scholar, 373, 413, 472, 539, 540, 543, 546, 695, 704, 705) notes eleven cases of persecution from 1163 to 1265, known from Jewish sources that do not indicate their provocation. Regesten, nos. 323b, 469, 473 pertain to cases of persecution from 1188 to 1235 that follow an accusation of murder, but not definitely an accusation of ritual murder.

⁶ Rohrbacher, Stefan and Schmidt, Michael, Judenbilder: Kulturgeschichte antijüdischer Mythen und antisemitischer Vorurteile (Reinbeck bei Hamburg: Rowohlt, 1991)Google Scholar.

⁷ Browe noted only twenty-three cases in which the Jews were not only punished for the accusation but persecuted within the region surrounding the locale where the accusation was made ( , Browe, “Hostienschandungen,” 173–75)Google Scholar; but exile, confiscation of property, extortion, and execution were quite common. Consider the extensive (but incomplete) list in Zunz, Synagogale Poesie, 9-58.

⁸ Blickle, Peter, Unruhen in der standischen Gesellschaft, 1300-1800 (Enzyklopadie Geschichte; Munich: Oldenbourg, 1988)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Although most of the accusations precipitated some violent action against Jews, no one has studied the ways in which accusations precipitated violence, with the exception of FrantiSek Graus. He provides an analysis of the pogroms that occurred after the Plague, 1348-49, in Basel, Freiburg im Breisgau, Straβburg, Constance, Erfurt, Frankfurt am Main, Mainz, Cologne, and , Nurnberg (Graus, Pest-Geissler-Judenmorde, 168-214)Google Scholar. The pogroms following the Black Death may have had the most dramatic impact on Jews in that the plague appears to be the only event to have interrupted the previous continuity of Jewish settlement patterns. Michael Toch, “Siedlungsstruktur der Juden Mitteleuropas m Wandel vom Mittelalter zur Neuzeit,” in Haverkamp, Alfred and Ziwes, Franz-Josef, eds., Juden in der christlichen Umwelt wdhrend des spdten Mittelalters (Berlin: Duncker und 1992) 29–39Google Scholar.

⁹ Homicide usually involved a small number of accomplices from among one's friends or kin. See Given, James B., Violence and Homicide in Thirteenth-Century England (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1977) 41–65Google Scholar; see also Gauvard, Claude (“De grace especial.”Google ScholarCrime, etat et sociite en France a la fin du Moyen Age [Histoire ancienne et medievale 24; Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 1991] 2. 614 and 636–43)Google Scholar for the problem of the nature of their affinity. Consider also Grimm, Jakob (Deutsche Rechtsalterthiimer [2d ed.; 2 vols.; Gottingen: Dieterische Buchhandlung, 1854] 2. 658–61)Google Scholar for the role of kin; and Mitteis, Heinrich and Lieberich, Heinz (Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte [17th ed.; Munich: Beck, 1985] 267–68Google Scholar and the literature noted there) for the role of guilds in vengeance.

¹⁰ , Trachtenberg, Devil and the Jews, 109–55Google Scholar. For the variety of media, see also Ocker, Christopher, “Contempt for Friars and Contempt for Jews in Late Medieval Germany,” in McMichael, Steven and Simon, Larry, eds. (volume title undetermined [Leiden: Brill, forthcoming])Google Scholar, as well as the literature noted below, n. 110. For scattered examples of resistance to an accusation by citizens of a town, consider Chazan, Robert, European Jewry and the First Crusade (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987) 87–88Google Scholar(evidence of such protection at the beginning of massacres in the First Crusade); Aronius, Regesten, 286 no. 690; and haKohen, Joseph, (The Vale of Tears) (Jerusalem: ha-Sifriyah ha-Sefaradit, 1992) 78Google Scholar(by action of the Biirgermeister at Schweinfurt, 1263, dissuading Christians who believed an accusation made to divert attention from the murder of a girl killed in retaliation for the death of a son as part of a feud between two Christian families); Rubin, Miri, “Imagining the Jew: The Late Medieval Eucharistic Discourse,” in Hsia, R. Po-chia and Lehman, Hartmut, eds., In and Out of the Ghetto (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995) 177–208CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. 198 (Regensburg and Augsburg, 1298).

¹¹ Stobbe, Otto, Die Juden in Deutschland, 104Google Scholar. Jordan, William C., “Jews on Top: Women and the Availability of Consumption Loans in Northern France in the Mid-Thirteenth Century,” JJS 29 (1978) 39–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, “An Aspect of Credit in Picardy in the 1240s: The Deterioration of Jewish-Christian Financial Relations,” REJ 142 (1983) 141–52Google Scholar; idem, The French Monarchy and the Jews (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989) 26–30Google Scholar. Cohen, Mark R. (Under Crescent and Cross [Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994] 82–88Google Scholar) provides an excellent brief overview.

¹² Backhaus, Fritz, “Judenfeindschaft und Judenvertreibungen im Mittelalter. Zur Ausweisung der Juden aus dem Mittelelberaum im 15. Jahrhundert,” Jahrbuch fiir die Geschichte Mittel-und Ostdeutschlands 36 (1987) 275–332Google Scholar; Voltmer, Ernst, “Zur Geschichte der Juden im spatmittelalterlichen Speyer. Die Judengemeinde im Spannungsfeld zwischen Konig, Bischof und Stadt,” in Haverkamp, Alfred, ed., Zur Geschichte der Juden im Deutschland des spaten Mittelalters und derfriihen Neuzeit (Monographien zur Geschichte des Mittelalters 24; Stuttgart: Anton Hiersernann, 1981) 94–121Google Scholar. Consider also , Langmuir'sdiscussion of Capetian legislation, in Definition, 137–94Google Scholar, and Jordan's, William C.account of political vulnerabilities exacerbated by changing patterns of social interaction between Christians and Jews (French Monarchy, 128–259)Google Scholar.

¹³ , Langmuir, Definition, 100–33Google Scholar, 269-81. See the contributions by Schultz, Magdalene, Rappaport, Ernest A., and Dundes, Alan, in Dundes, Blood Libel Legend, 273–376Google Scholar; Little, Lester, Religious Poverty and the Profit Economy in Medieval Europe (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1978) 42–57Google Scholar. Miri Rubin, in an interesting study of narrative as legitimation of violence, also conjectures that host desecration stories helped the “transfer of some of the clinging tensions of social life and religious ambivalence onto the Jew” (“Imagining,” 207).

¹⁴ Yuval, 73-89. Yuval stresses the role of blood vengeance against the Gentiles in Ashkenazi notions of redemption, adapted from the Palestinian haggadah and apparent in liturgical poetry already before the First Crusade. A more concrete instance of vengeance may have occurred in 1066 when the archbishop of Trier attempted to expel Jews who refused to be baptized. According to traditions of the archbishop's death, Jews managed t o have a wax effigy of the archbishop baptized, which they lit when the archbishop robed himself on the day appointed for the baptism of Jews, causing him to become ill and finally die in the church. , Aronius, Regesten, 67 no. 160Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Ezra Fleischer ( [“Christian-Jewish relations in the Middle Ages distorted”], Zion 49 [1994] 267–316Google Scholar, English summary xiv-xv), in spite of his acerbic tone establishes the weaknesses of Yuval's argument. See Jeremy Cohen, (“The ‘Persecutions of 1096’—from Martyrdom to Martyrology: The Sociocultural Context of the Hebrew Crusade Chronicles”) Zion 59 (1994) 169–208Google Scholar, English summary xi-xii. Consider also, Callahan, Daniel F., “Ademar of Chabannes, Millennial Fears and the Development of Western Anti-Judaism,” JEH 46 (1995) 19–35Google Scholar; he demonstrates the role of anti— Jewish vengeance in Christian apocalypticism of the tenth and eleventh centuries. For Langmuir's emphasis on popular doubt, consider also the criticisms of Chazan, Robert, Medieval Stereotypes and Modern Antisemitism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997) 131–34Google Scholar.

¹⁶ First argued by Conn, Norman, Vie Pursuit ofthe Millennium (New York: Oxford, 1961) 84–88Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Moore, Robert Ian (The Formation of a Persecuting Society [Oxford: Blackwell, 1987] esp. 108–12)Google Scholar argued that the accelerating persecution of heretics, Jews, and lepers in the twelfth century should be attributed to the role of persecution in the consolidation of power, as the segmentary society of the preceding period made the difficult transition to a more coherent society of the “state.” In this scenario, the retributive justice of individuals and particular parties typical of the early Middle Ages is replaced by a state apparatus for the enforcement of order, which itself requires the prosecution of abstract, generalized crimes. Accordingly, “legal processes and institutions for the persecution of heretics, Jews and others” exercise the decisive role in the escalation of violence against these and other outsiders. I n the case of the Jews, however, popular violence against them could be seen in part as reaction of the people against the courts to which they were closely affiliated as servants and dependents. It will be apparent that I am suggesting a less decisive role for oppressive institutions, like the courts of secular rulers or the courts and various institutions of the church, and arguing for a more decisive role for popular religious attitudes. Consider also, , Chazan, Medieval Stereotypes, 78–85Google Scholar, esp. 82: he points out that twelfth-century Jewish sources emphasize prejudice and hostility from the lower social strata.

¹⁸ Grayzel, Solomon, The Church and the Jews in the XHIth Century, vol. 2: 1254-1314 Stow, Kenneth R.; New York: Jewish Theological Seminary of America, 1989) 1–45Google Scholar. Simonsohn, Shlomo, The Apostolic See and the Jews (7 vols.; Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 1988-1991) nos. 181–83Google Scholar, 185, 188,201,213,234,237-38,242,247-48,252,256,372-73, 614, 767. Grayzel, Solomon, “The Papal Bull Sicut Iudaeis,” in Ben-Horin, Meir et al., eds., Studies and Essays in Honor of Abraham A. Neuman (Leiden: Brill, 1962) 243–80Google Scholar. In 1475, the papacy for the first time supported the investigation of allegations that Jews murdered a boy named Simon in Trent, only to oppose the bishops' measures against Jews (ibid., nos. 982, 984-89, 999; cf. 1014). Hsia, Po-Chia, Trent 1475. Stories of a Ritual Murder Trial (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992) 69-80, 117–31Google Scholar. For information on Jewish knowledge of papal policy, the importance of the Constitutio pro Judaeis (first given by a predecessor of Innocent III to the Jews of Rome in 1120 and following an already established local papal policy), and the role of Bernard of Clairvaux's preaching campaign against persecution in the Jewish reassessment of Church policy, see Stow, Kenneth, The “1007 Anonymous” and Papal Sovereignty: Jewish Perceptions of the Papacy and Papal Policy in the High Middle Ages (HUCA Supplements 4; Cincinnati: Hebrew Union College, 1984) 12–20Google Scholar(Sicut Judaeis), 21 (Bernard of Clairvaux), 23-24 (papal denunciation of pogroms and libels).

¹⁹ Vauchez, André, The Laity in the Middle Ages (ed. Bornstein, Daniel E.; trans. Schneider, Margery J.; Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1993) 45–50Google Scholar. For changes in theological polemics see also n. 102 below. Concern over the presence of Jews in western Christendom arose from a strange event of the second quarter of the tenth century. In 932 a letter was read at a synod that Heinrich I called at Erfurt. It claimed to be from the patriarch of Jerusalem, conveyed by way of the patriarch of Constantinople and Rome, and it alleged that a debate had taken place in Jerusalem between Jews and Christians. When the Jews purchased their victory from the Saracen prince, a miracle occurred in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, convincing the Jews on that side of the sea to convert. The letter now urged that Jews be baptized in all Christian lands or exiled. In th e following years, both emperor and pope endorsed the proposal, the latter stipulating that conversion not be forced. See also , Aronius, Regesten, 53–54Google Scholar nos. 123–25. There seem to have bee n few instances of expulsion on religious grounds betwee n 932 an d the Second Crusade (ibid., nos. 201, 240–41; Stow, 1007 Anonymous, 26-29). For the change of attitudes before and during the Crusades, consider also Liebeschiitz, Hans, “The Crusading Movement and Its Bearing on the Christian Attitude towards Jewry,” JJS 10 (1959) 97–111CrossRefGoogle Scholar; reprinted in , Cohen, Essential Papers, 260–75Google Scholar; and the literature noted by , Callahan, “Ademar of Chabannes,” 20Google Scholar nn. 5-8, and 23-24, for eleventh-century convictions of and attempts to convert Jews or expel them. Consider also , Zunz, Synagogale Poesie, 19Google Scholar.

²⁰ Peter the Venerable, The Letters of Peter the Venerable (ed. Constable, Giles; Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1967) 327–30Google Scholar, esp. 328. For th e climate of crisis during the mid-twelfth century, consider also , Chazan, Medieval Stereotypes, 90–91Google Scholar.

²¹ Peter the Venerable, Letters of Peter the Venerable, 328.

²² Peter alleged that the property in question had been stolen, the thieves then selling it to Jews. But Cluny at the time of Peter is also known to have used gold from sacred objects to relieve its debt ( , Little, Religious Poverty, 55, 68–69)Google Scholar. The prohibition of Jews trading in church property first appeared in the sixth century in a case handled by Pope Gregory I; it was prohibited by Capitularia attributed to Charlemagne and numerous provincial church councils of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries and sporadically by popes from the mid-thirteenth o t the early sixteenth century. Simonsohn, Shlomo, Apostolic See, 7. 185–88Google Scholar; , Aronius, Regesten, 27Google Scholar n. 76. Thirteenth-century legislation allowed priests to pawn church property in times of necessity (Gregory IX, Decretales, 3.19.1), and bishops enjoyed the power to pawn church goods. Feine, Hans Erich, Kirchliche Rechtsgeschichte (2 vols.; Weimar: Hermann Bohlaus Nachfolger, 1950) 1. 332Google Scholar. Bishops like the archbishop of Trier in 1227 could, therefore, require their own special license for the pawning of church ornaments to Jews ( , Aronius, Regesten, 194 no. 439)Google Scholar(along with attempts to prevent Christian recourse to Jewish physicians).

²³ For the historical development of the Gloss, which achieved its final form in the early thirteenth century, see Lobrichon, Guy, “Une nouveaute: les gloses de la Bible,” in Riche, P. and Lobrichon, G., eds., he Moyen Age et la Bible (Paris: Beauchesne, 1984) 99–110Google Scholar; Smalley, Beryl, The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1964) 46–52Google Scholar; Zier, Mark A., “The Manuscript Tradition of the Glossa Ordinaria for Daniel, and Hints at a Method for a Critical Edition,” Scriptorium 47 (1993) 3–25Google Scholar, esp. 3-5. The actual textual history of the Gloss is currently the subject of a massive investigation of the manuscripts begun by Karlfried Froehlich and the late Margaret Gibson. Until this project is finished, any description of the history of the Ordinary Gloss must remain provisional, at best. For Peter Comestor, chancellor of the school of Notre Dame at Paris in the late twelfth century, see , Smalley, Study, 179Google Scholar; Chatillon, Jean, “La Bible dans les écoles du xiie siécle,”Google Scholar in , Riché and , Lobrichon, Le Moyen Age et la Bible, 163–97Google Scholar, esp. 195; and for his influence, Morey, James H., “Peter Comestor, Biblical Paraphrase, and the Medieval Popular Bible,” Speculum 68 (1993) 6–35CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For changes in the patterns of interpretation from the twelfth to the fifteenth centuries, see Ocker, Christopher, “Medieval Exegesis and the Origin of Hermeneutics,” SJT (forthcoming in 1999)Google Scholar. Citations of the Ordinary Gloss are from Biblia Latina cum glossa ordinaria: Facsimile Reprint the Editio Princeps, Adolph Rusch of Strassburg 1480/81 (intro. Froehlich, Karlfried and Gibson, Margaret T.; 4 vols.; Brepols: Turnhout, 1992)Google Scholar. For the superiority of this to all other editions and the unreliability of Migne's edition in the Patrologia Latina, see , Froehlich, “The Printed Gloss,”Google Scholaribid., 1. xii-xxvi, esp. xxv-xxvi. For the sake of comparison, I add references to Migne with the standard abbreviation (PL) in parentheses. The interlinear gloss, entirely omitted by Migne, is indicated with inter, and the marginal gloss with marg.

²⁴ Biblia Latino cum Glossa Ordinaria, 4.81 (PL 114.170), at Matt 26:3 9 (Jesus prays to the Father, “Pater mi, si possibile est, transeat a me calix iste”): “interlin.: quasi in se reversus hoc dicit. marg.: “Si possibile est. Hoc non pro timore, sed pro misericordia, ne Judaei, qui excusationem ignorantie non habent, me non occidant; unde ait: iste, id est populi Judaeorum, non simpliciter calix. Si possibile est, ut sine interitu Judaeorum credant gentiles, passionem recuso. Sine autem illi excecandi sunt ut gentes intrent, fiat non mea, sed tua voluntas.”

²⁵ The Ordinary Gloss's interpretation is reported as the opinion of “wise men and commentators” in the Meditations on the Life of Christ, often falsely attributed to Bonaventure (trans. Ragusa, Isa; Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961) 324Google Scholar. For authorship, see Hundersmarck, Lawrence F., “Preaching the Passion: Late Medieval ‘Lives of Christ’ as Sermon Vehicles,” in Amos, Thomas, Green, Eugene A., and Kienzle, Beverly M., eds., De Ore Domini: Preacher and Word in the Middle Ages (Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute Publications, 1989) 147–67Google Scholar. There were alternatives. Bonaventure, for example, described Jesus' petition for release from the passion as an expression of “sensual” reason, which he needed to submit voluntarily to the will of God. At the conclusion of his exposition, he briefly noted the anti-Jewish interpretation, which he attributed to Bede, as an alternative (Expositio in Evangelium S. Lucae, xxii, in Bonaventure Opera omnia [ed. Peltier, A. C.; vol. 11; Paris: Ludovicus Vives, 1867] 198)Google Scholar. The fourteenth-century Franciscan, Nicholas of Lyra, omitted the anti-Jewish interpretation altogether, noting rather Christ's submission to divine predestination (Nicholas of Lyra, Postilla super Totam Bibliam [1492; reprinted 4 vols.; Frankfurt: Minerva, 1971]Google Scholar which includes the additiones of Paul of Burgos and the replicae of Matthias Doring) Matt 26 at the passage, et progressus pusillum (the text is not foliated). Burgos, a Spanish theologian who produced rebuttals of Lyra in the early fifteenth century, offered a long additio to the chapter. Doring, a German Franciscan who countered Burgos in the second quarter of the fifteenth century, offered a brief replica. Both treat the conflict between the calculation of Passover/Easter in the Hebrew, Greek, and Latin calendars and thus ignore the Ordinary Gloss.

²⁶ Carthusianus, Dionysius, In Evangelium Joannis Enarratio (Paris: Vidua Mauricij a Porta, 1554) f. 244vGoogle Scholar: “Queritur, si pater dedit Christo hunc calicem, quid peccauerunt Judaei, qui eum Christo dederunt, intulerunt, et propinauerunt? Dicendum quod pater ideo dicitur calicem Christo dedisse, qui a per eius passione m decreuit humanum genu s redimere, et quia permisit eum occidi. Volui tergo Christum mortem patienter et charitatiue sufferre: non tamen uoluit Iudaeos tantum crimen committere, unde nee excusantur, quia nee ea intentione Christum occiderunt, qua pater voluit eum mori. Hinc in Actis Petrus testatur, Deus qui praenuntiauit per osolim prophetaru m pati Christum suum, impleui t sic.” An ethic of intention had contributed to the Christian understanding of Judaism since the twelfth century. See , Chazan, Medieval Stereotypes, 89Google Scholar; Cohen, Jeremy, “The Jews as Killers of Christ in the Latin Tradition, from Augustine to the Friars,” Traditio 39 (1983) 3–27CrossRefGoogle Scholar; on Thomas Aquinas see n. 108, below.

²⁷ Biblia Latina cum glossa ordinaria, 4.82 (PL 114.173) at Matt 27:11; Peter Comestor, Historia scholastica (PL 198.1626). Bonaventure, Nichola s of Lyra, and Denis the Carthusian count three accusations: subversion of the Jewish people from the law of Moses, prohibition of tribute to Caesar, and the claim of kingship. , BonaventureExpositio in Evangelium S. Lucae, xxiii (Opera 11. 199–200)Google Scholar; Nicholas of Lyra, Postilla, Matt 27 at the passage Jesus autem stetit; Dionysius Carthusianus, In Evangelium Joannis enarratiof. 428r.

²⁸ , BonaventureExpositio in Evangelium S. Lucae, xxii i (Opera 11.199, 204Google Scholar(the comment is added to Luke 23:21, “Ubi ostenditur pervers a Judaeoru m voluntas, in hoc quod clamose quaerunt”); Nicholas of Lyra similarly divided the trial into four parts: “…primo describitur ipsius Christi coram preside presentatio, secundo ipsius presentati diligens interrogatio, ibi Et Iesus stetit, tertio innocentie eius declaratio, ibi Per diem autem solemnem, quarto innocentis condemnatio, ibi Videns autem Pylatus” (Postilla, in the introductory remarks to Matt 27). He also coupled the declaration of Christ's innocence to a description of the Jew's “resistance” (ibid., at the passage Per diem autem: “Hie communiter ponitur innocentie Christi declaratio. Et primo ostenditur eius innocentia, secundo iudeorum resistentia, ibi principes autem.” Then at the passage, principes: “Descripta Christi innocentia, hie subiungitur iudeorum resistentia, intantum enim odiebant eum quod praelegerit liberare hominem pestiferum ne Christus liberaret. Et hoc est quod subditur hie, Principes sacerdotum, et se per sua post falsas rationes inducendo.”)

²⁹ Historia scholastica (PL 198.1628): “id est ultio sanguinis,” a comment made without further explanation.

³⁰ Glossa ordinaria, 4.84, at Matt 27:24, “Sangui s eius super nos et super filios nostros” (PL 114.174): “interlin.: Culpa et pena. Unde per Ysaiam, si leuaueritis manus ad me non exaudiam, manus enim vestre sanguine plene sunt. marg.: Sanguis eius. Perseuerat usqu e hodie imprecatio, et sanguis Christi non aufertur ab eis.”

³¹ Glossa ordinaria, 4.84, at Matt 27:24, “accept a aqua lauit manus coram populo” (PL 114.174): “marg.: lauit manus. Gentilempopuluma b impietate Judaeorum alienumdesignans, qui clamaverunt, Crucifige, crucifige eum.”

³² , Nicholas of , Lyra, Postilla, Matt 27Google Scholar, at th e passage accepta aqua lauit: “ad hoc ut Judaei totum peccatum super se acciperent et ipse immunis esset a peccato.”

³³ Glossa ordinaria 4.84, at Matt 27:26, “Tune dimisit illis Barabbam” (PL 114.174): “interlin.: A Pylato, ut Johannes ait. marg.: Tune dimisit illis Barabbam. Barabbas latro seditiosus et homicidiorum auctor, dimissus est populo Judaeorum. Isidorus: Diabolus qui jam olim ob superbiam a patria lucis expulsus, et in tenebrarum career fuerat missus. Et ideo Judaei pacem habere non possunt, quia seditionum principem eligere maluerunt. Vel Barabbas typum gerebat antichristi.”

³⁴ Peter Comestor Historia scholastica (PL 198.1627): “Et quia quasi timore potestatis superioris angebatur Pilatus, dixit eum Jesus, minus peccare, quam Judaeos.” Similarly, Nicholas of Lyra Postilla, Matt 27 at accepta aqua lauit: “sed hoc [act of washing his hands] non suffecit ad omnimodam eius excusationem, quia cum esset judex tenebatur ex officio seruare justiciam, et imo grauiter peccauit faciendo contra earn ad habendum populi fauorem, minus tamen peccauit quam Judaei, quia eius motiuum fuit minus malum. Judaei enim ad occidendum Christum moti sunt per rancorem et odium. Pylatus autem propter timorem Cesaris et fauorem Judaeorum habendum.” So too, Judas indicated a change of will, according to the Ordinary Gloss: “sed autem mutauerit voluntatem: tamen prime voluntatis exitum non mutauit” (Biblia Latine cum glossa ordinaria, 4.83 at Matt 27:3-6).

³⁵ So when Pilate asks the Jews whether he should release from prison the “king of the Jews” or Barabbas, he was being derisive and joking, “quia Imperator prohibuit aliquem sine suo consensu Iudaeorum regem vocari; et quia audiuit a Christo, 'Regnum meum non est de hoc mundo,' sed idcirco sic loquitur, ut ostendat qua uana et friuola fuerat Judaeorum obiectio, qui hoc Christo imponebant, quod dixit se regem Judaeorum, quasi dicat, qualem apparentiam habet hoc, quod iste pauper dixerit se regem Judaeorum, quantum ad regimen, de quo imperatori et mihi est cura?” Denis nevertheless mitigates collective guilt by pointing out, on the text, “Clamaverunt ergo rursum omnes” (apparently John 19:12), “Judaei adversarii saluatoris, non tamen omnes simpliciter. Aliqui etenim aderant amici Christi, videlicet Nicodemus, Joseph, etc.” (In Evangelium Joannis enarratiof. 250r). On Christ's statement to Pilate, “Nunc autem regnum meum non est nine,” Denis explains the distinction between the first advent, “in paupertate, abjectione, et humilitate, ut pateretur pro mundi salute,” and the second advent “in majestate, et gloria, ut judicet mundum, et omnes adversarios suos deijeiat et condemnet. Ex quo elucescit caecitas Judaeorum prestolantium primum Christi adventum in tanta majestate et gloria....” (ibid., f. 249r). Nicholas of Lyra agreed, but more realistically pointed out that as long as Christ's kingdom were not of this world, it posed no threat to the Roman imperium, which could not be but of this world (, Postilla, Matt 27Google Scholar at the passage Jesus autem stetit).

³⁶ Biblia Latina cum glossa ordinaria 4.84-85 (PL 114.174), at Matt 27:26 (“Jesum autem flagellatum [Pilatus] tradidit eis ut crucifigeretur”): “interim.: Ideo flagellatum ut nos a flagellis liberemur. marg.: Jesum vero flagellatum. Ideo credendus est Pylatus Jesum flagellasse et militibus ad illudendum dedisse, ut saciati penis eius et obprobriis Judaei mortem eius ultra non sitirent.”

³⁷ Peter Comestor Historia scholastica (PL 198.1629): “Et licet hoc facerent gentiles, quia Judaeis auctoribus fiebant, idea in parasceve cum oratione pro perfidis Judaeis, genua non flectimus. Tamen forte Judaei cum militibus hoc agebant. Et expuentes arundine percutiebant caput ejus, et exeuntes eum purpura, reinduerunt eum veste sua, et duxerunt eum, ut crucifigeretur, bajulans sibi crucem.” Lyra more cautiously noted that by calling , Jesus “king of the Jews,”Google Scholar the soldiers' “illusio accusationi Judaeorum correspondebat” ( , Postilla, Matt 27Google Scholar, at dicentes, aue rex Judaeorum). Examples of Jews among the soldiers in crucifixion scenes, identifiable by the characteristic pointed Judenhut, appears in Marrow, James H., Passion Iconography in Northern Europe in the Late Middle Ages and Early Renaissance (Kortrijk: Van Ghemmert, 1979)Google Scholar, pi. xii (crowning with thorns); fig. 43 (Arma Christi, Cologne Master ca. 1350); fig. 103 (Mocking of Christ, Hours of Catherine of Cleves, ca. 1440, in which a high priest also appears with the turned bishop's mitre typical in representations of Caiaphas); fig. 110 (Crucifixion, German early thirteenth century); and fig. 47 (Seizure of Christ, upper Rhenish artist, ca. 1425-1450; the helmet of one soldier has a raised knob reminiscent of a Judenhut).

³⁸ For the devotional use of images, see Ringbom, Sixton, Icon to Narrative. The Rise of the Dramatic Close-Up in Sixteenth-Century Painting (Åbo: Abo akademi, 1965) 11–71, esp. 23 -30Google Scholar.

³⁹ Judas in a Judenhut, an anonymous devotional booklet of ca. 1330–1350 from the Lower Rhine, now in London, Victoria and Albert Museum, Inv. no. 11–1872, f. lr; Os, Henk van, The Art of Devotion in the Late Middle Ages in Europe (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994) 115Google Scholar. Jews press down the crown of thorns and nail Christ to the cross in two frescoes from the parish church in Dietersheim made around 1420 and now in the Landesmuseum Rhineland-Pfalz, Mainz. See also the example given in n. 37 above. The soldiers at the crucifixion were sometimes depicted as Jews in Passion plays as well. See Schreckenberg, Heinz, Die christlichen Adversus-Judaeos-Texte und ihr literarisches und historisches Umfeld (13. bis 20. Jh.) (Europaische Hochschulschriften 497; Frankfurt: Lang, 1994) 369–70, 387Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ , Grayzel, Church and the Jews, 1. 94–95Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Sermones hyemalesferia secunda post dominicam Reminiscere, sermo 1, f. 145ra, quoted in Welter, Jean-Thiebaut, L'Exemplum dans la litterature religieuse et didactique du Moyen Age (1927; reprinted New York: AMS, 1973) 412 n. 5Google Scholar.

⁴² “Circa Moguntiam nutrix pueri cuiusdam militis vendidit eu m Judaeis, ut interficerent eum; propter quod nutrix et Judaei plures a christianis turpiter interfecti.” Annales Colmarienses Maiores, MGH Scriptores, 17.210.

⁴³ Ibid., 17.214. Iserloh, Erwin, “Werner von Oberwesel. Ziir Tilgung seines Festes im Trierer Kalender,” TThZll (1963) 270–85Google Scholar. For the popularity of the cult, see Vauchez, Andre, Laity in the Middle Ages, 145Google Scholar and 147-48. For the relation of German and Latin versions, see Pauly, Ferdinand, “Zur Vita des Werner von Oberwesel. Legende und Wirklichkeit,” Archiv fiir mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte 16 (1964) 94–109Google Scholar. For the importance of the shrine at Bacharach, see Ronig, Franz J., “Kuns tunter Balduin von Luxemburg,” in Mosch, Johannes and Heyen, Franz-Joseph, eds., Balduin von Luxemburg, 1285-1354 (Mainz: Gesellschaft fiir mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte, 1985) 493Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ The account of Werner mistakenly puts the town of Bacharach in the diocese of Würzburg. Under th e year 1289: “Eodem tempore Judaei in Pacherac diocesis Herbipolensis quendam bonum et devotum hominem christianum, Wernherum nomine, occulte occiderunt, ab eo sanguinem, quo mederi dicuntur, tamquam in torculari multa violenci a expresserunt; qui tan-dem in eodem loco multis miraculis dicitur claruisse. Preterito anno Judaei in Monaco, civitate Frisingensis dyocesis, puerum quendam christianum pro simili causa occiderant; propter quod populus eiusdem civitatis, non expectato judicio vel sententia, omnes Judaeos illius civitatis, in domum unam confugentes, ignibus suppositis concremavit.” Hermannus abbas Altahensis de Rebus suis gestis, MGH Scriptores 17.414-15. The chronicle was compiled between 1242 and 1290; the accussation in Bacharach dates to 1287.

⁴⁵ “1283, anno regni Rudolphi nono feria secunda pasche christiani in civitate Mogun tinensi Judaeos invaserunt, multis ex eis occisis, omnem substanciam eorum sibi diripuerunt; que plaga omnes Judaeos per totam Alemaniam percussit.” Annales Breves Wormatienses, MGH Scriptores 17.77.

⁴⁶ Joseph ha-Cohen, , 79 dates this event to 1287 and tells the same story with less embellishment, noting that the emperor was unable to defeat the city.

⁴⁷ Stierlin, E., ed., Conrad Juslingers Berner-Chronik von Anfang der Stadt Bern bis in das Jahr 1421 (Bern: Haller, 1819) 38–41Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ Ibid., the city responding to the king: “di e Juden hand ein Mord in unser Stad t begangen, darumb wir a b ihnen als MOrdern gericht haben, und getruweten sinen Gnaden, daβ er es nit für iibe l hatte. Das mocht nit syn, dann daB er die Sach hoch way, und wollt je gehebt han von denen von Bern, daβ sie ihm das ableiten und besserten; darwider sich die von Bern satzten und wollten ihm nit ablegen. Nu hat er viellicht auch andern Unwillen wider die Stadt, so serr, daβ die von Bern vast in sin Ungnade kament, wann sie in den Sachen nach sinem Willen nit thun wollten.”

⁴⁹ Such petition s mus t have triggered “Turbato corde” in 1267 an d “Nimis in partibus” in 1286, which specified these allegations (papa l bulls routinely quote or paraphrase allegation s made in petitions) (Church and the Jews, 2. 102-04, 157-63). The Christians in question may have been Jewish converts to Christianity, who are known to have maintained contact with the Jewish community. Stacey, Robert C., “The Conversion of Jews to Christianity in Thirteenth-Century England,” Speculum 67 (1992) 278–80CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For sexual liasons, consider also Pakter, Walter, Medieval Canon Law and the Jews (Ebelsbach: Gremer, 1988) 289–304Google Scholar. For social interaction, see , Cohen, Under Crescent and Cross, 129–31Google Scholar; , Grayzel, Church and the Jews, 2Google Scholar. 16-17; and for the significance of the decline of such interaction given the political circumstances of Jews in Europe, Jordan, William C., French Monarchy, 253–59Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ In contrast to “true Hebrews,” who b y seeking spiritual knowledge pas s over from the earthly Egypt to the heavenly promised land, as Bonaventure had explained. Itinerarium mentis in Deum, 1.9 (ed. and trans. Boehner, Philotheus; New York: The Franciscan Institute, 1956) 45Google Scholar.

⁵¹ For the inscription at the shrine, see , Rubin, “Imagining,” 199Google Scholar; Krotzer, G., “Der Judenmord von Deggendorf und di e Deggendorfer ‘Gnad,’” in Eikert, Willehad, ed., Judenhass–Schuld der Christen? Versuch eines Gesprdchs (Essen: Driever, 1964) 311–12Google Scholar. The accusation was made in 1337. The pogrom occurred 30 September 1338. The relic was used in annual procession into the nineteenth century (Germania Judaica, 2/1:157).

⁵² “Vom Judenmord zu Deggendorf.” Liliencron, Rochus von, Die historischen Volkslieder der deutschen vom 13. bis 16. Jht. (4 vols.; Leipzig: Vogel, 1865-1869) 1. 45–48Google Scholar.

⁵³ Ibid., this being the sixth sign given.

⁵⁴ The city quickly appealed to the Duke of Bavaria to forgive the massacre, and he responded by granting Deggendorf and Straubing the Jewish property and a tax exemption for the quarters of Straubing that they had burned down; this took place on 14 October 1338, a mere two weeks after the massacre (Germania Judaica, 2/1:157; , Rubin, “Imagining,” 199)Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ “Lob hob die wirdig priesterschaft, dasz si mit worten in ain prot, pringen her den zarten got, darausz get sel und auch der leib.”

⁵⁶ Rubin, Miri, Corpus Christi (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991) 108–29Google Scholar. Consider also her examination of host desecration stories as a “blueprint for action” (idem, “Desecration of the Host: The Birth of an Accusation,” in Wood, Diana, ed., Christianity and Judaism [Studies in Church History 29; Oxford: Blackwell, 1992] 169–85, esp. 179-85)Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ A similar, selective ascription of personality also appears in earlier Jewish chronicles; cf. Markus, Ivan G., “From Politics to Martyrdom: Shifting Paradigms in the Hebrew Narratives of the 1096 Crusade Riots,” Prooftexts 2 (1982) 40–52Google Scholar; reprinted in , Cohen, Essential Papers, 469–83, esp. 474Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ Utzingen, Bernhard von, “Vom Würzburger Stadtekrieg,”Google Scholar in , Liliencron, Volkslieder, 1.171–72Google Scholar, 11. 485-541. This may be the only record of the event; it is no t mentioned in th e compendious Germania Judaica, 'ill: 1698-1705. A similar threa t had been earlier feare d by the city council of Cologne in 1349, to which the council replied threatenin g the death penalt y against those who would persecute Cologn e Jews. This did not prevent a public uprising against the Jewish quarter in that same year (Germania Judaica, 2/1: 433; contrast, , Stobbe, Juden in Deutschland, 285 n. 182)Google Scholar. The council then prohibited its members from confiscating the remaining Jewish property themselves (Huiskes, Manfred, ed., Beschlüsse des Rates der StadtKoln, 1320-1550, vol. 1: Die Ratsmemoriale und erganzende Uberlieferung, 1320-1543 [Dusseldorf: Droste, 1990] 21)Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ See the treatment of biblical commentaries above and note 108, below.

⁶⁰ The plague itself and a general increase in their own obligations of tribute were the other two reasons ( , Haverkamp, “Erzbischof Balduin und die Juden,” 437)Google Scholar.

⁶¹ Beyer, Carl, Urkundenbuch der Stadt Erfurt (2 vols.; Halle: Hendel, 1897) 2. 252–57Google Scholar. The document is dated 11 July 1349, from a sixteenth-century copy. This is the date of the settlement between the city and the archbishop (for which see below); since it records a city trial that should have taken plac e before the settlement (the outcome of the trial was a precondition of the settlement), the city trial must date to some time shortly before the settlement. For the alienation of patricians from their community and the increasing strength of the guilds, consider Martin Erbstoβer (much of what he says of Hanseatic towns was true of most towns wit h a well-defined patrician class), “Der Knochenhaueraufstand in Lübeck 1384,” in Kretzschmar, Helmut, ed., Vom Mittelalter zur Neuzeit. Zum 65Google Scholar. Geburtstag von Heinrich Sproemberg (Berlin: Rütten und Loening, 1956) 126–32Google Scholar. For the general tendency of guilds to rebel after sufficient increase of their power within a city, see Planitz, Hans, Die deutsche Stadt im Mittelalter (Graz: Bohlau, 1954) 325–26Google Scholar. For the matter of youth rebellion, consider also the cautions of Schultz, James A., “Medieval Adolescence: The Claims of History and the Silence of German Narrative,” Speculum 66 (1991) 519–39CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶² Erbstosser, Martin, Sozialreligiose Stromungen im spaten Mittelalter (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1970) 37–38Google Scholar.

⁶³ A brief summary of events, and a description of its place in imperial-papal relations appears in Hauck, Albert, Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1954), 5/2. 654–55Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ Charles IV issued a document 31 March 1349 requiring the city to change allegiance from Heinrich of Virneburg, deposed by the pope, and to recognize Gerlach of Nassau (Urkundenbuch der Stadt Erfurt, 2.245-46 no. 304). Other rescripts order the town to acknowledge Gerlach as archbishop on 17 and 24 May 1349 (Regesten der Erzbischofe von Mainz, Abteilung 1, 2/2, no. 5753; Urkundenbuch der Stadt Erfurt, 2. 248-49 no. 307). Gerlach thanked the city for its acknowledgement on 28 June 1349 (ibid., 250 no. 310). The city pressured another, presumably dependent city to acknowledge Gerlach and abandon Heinrich as well, between 28 June and 11 July (ibid., 251 no. 311). For the rivalry between Heinrich and Gerlach and the war with Charles IV, consider also Regesten der Erzbischofe von Mainz, Abteilung 1, 2/2, nos. 5734, 5735, 5738, 5740, 5744, 5746, 5750, 5751, 5752.

⁶⁵ , Stobbe, Juden in Deutschland, 288–89Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ , Browe, “Hostienschandungen,” 169Google Scholar. , Trachtenburg (Devil and the Jews, 244 n. 24)Google Scholar also points out the contemporaneity of the crucifixion implied by these verses.

⁶⁷ The proximity of martyrs (present by means of relics and pictures), the crucified Christ, and the eucharist could be represented in an altarpiece, such as that of the shrine to the holy blood at Wienhausen, where relics and images of saints are part of a composition centered on a monstrance for the consecrated host beneath an image of the Trinity (portrayed in the image of the “Not Gottes,” with a Man of Sorrows in the place of the crucifix), with a chalice at the feet of Christ (the Man of Sorrows became an extremely common image upon tabernacles by the fourteenth century). Below, on the altar, was the reliquary in the form of a sarcophagus, out of which stepped the resurrected Christ, gilded and bearing a nimbus adorned with gemstones and crystals, with his hand raised in a blessing, as though enthroned on the sarcophagus. This figure was hollow and preserved a monstrance with a consecrated host, the wound on Christ's side open so that the host could most likely be seen from the front of the altar. In this manner, Christ was actually present in the figure: “Christ himself was enthroned upon the altar in Wienhausen.” Appuhn, Horst, “Der Auferstandene und das Heilige Blut zu Wienhausen. Uber Kult und Kunst im spaten Mittelalter,” Niederdeutsche Beitrdge zur Kunstgeschichte 1 (1961) 73–157Google Scholar, esp. 85-87, 101-4 nn. 133-35, and 129. He presents other examples of figural reliquaries and host shrines; see ibid., 114 for an example of the monstrance being carried upon a saint's reliquary in procession (a Canterbury statute of 1330-40).

⁶⁸ PL 73.301. , Browe, “HostienschSndungen,” 167Google Scholar; , Aronius (Regesten, 19 no. 51Google Scholar) dated the writing of the account to ca. 590.

⁶⁹ , Rohrbacher and , Schmidt, Judenbilder, 270–71Google Scholar; Vorgine, Jacobus de, The Golden Legend (trans. Ryan, William Granger; 2 vols.; Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993) 2. 171Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ , Rohrbacher and , Schmidt, Judenbilder, 270–71Google Scholar.

⁷¹ This is a feature that may have distinguished early medieval wester n shrines from eastern ones. Consider Hahn, Cynthia, “Seeing and Believing: The Construction of Sanctity in Early-Medieval Saints' Shrines,” Speculum 72 (1997) 1079–1166CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. 1085-88, 1099-1101, 1105-6.

⁷² “Wan disiu heilige zit unde dirre heilige tac daz sint die uz genomen tage hailes unde gnaden, da ir an der sele mit der waren erzenige der heiligen vasten suit geraint unde geheilet werden.” From a Vienna manuscript, in Schönbach, Anton, ed., Altdeutsche Predigten (1891; reprinted 3 vols.; Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1964) 3. 50Google Scholar.

⁷³ Ibid., 132, from Sermo56, for the sixth Sunday of Pentecost, on crucifixion with Christ: “wan swer nach disem libe mit dem heiligen Christo den ewigen lip besitzen wil, der sol ouch aller erst mit dem heiligen Christo beidiu ersterben unde ouch ersten unde ouch mit sampt im hin ze himel varn. unde wie daz ergen sul, daz suit ir merchen. der saelige man der wirt mit dem heiligen Christo genagelt zu dem cruce, swener durch die gots minne paidiu dirre welt und allem unreht widersait. so erstirbet er ouch an dem cruce mit dem heiligen Christo, swener siner sunde sine pihte inneclichen tut, wan diu scame diu muz im we tun an sime hercen, die er da zu hat. so ruwet er ouch denne in dem grabe mit dem heiligen Christo, swenne im daz lieb ist unde swenne im daz wol tut in sime herzen, daz er sine burde ab im geleit hat. so erstet er ouch denne mit dem heiligen Christo, swenn er garnt den warn antlaz unde swener vor got unsculdic unde ledic wirt gesait aller siner sunde.”

⁷⁴ Pfeiffer, Franz, ed., Berthold von Regensburg. Vollstandige Ausgabe seiner deutschen Predigten (2 vols.; 1862, 1880; reprinted Berlin: De Gruyter, 1965) 2. 74–80Google Scholar, Sermo 44, “Von den vier orten des kriuzes.” The description of martyrs appears in 11. 36-4, 2. 75-76.

⁷⁵ “Incoenadomini,” Sermo 5 ( Sermones de tempore, vol. 13: omnia, Opera [Paris: Ludovicus Vives, 1868] 196)Google Scholar. For passional devotion in general, see , Hundersmarck, “Preaching the Passion,” 147–67Google Scholar; Kieckhefer, Richard, Unquiet Souls: Fourteenth-Century Saints and Their Religious Milieu (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984)Google Scholar; idem, “Major Currents in Late Medieval Devotion,” in Raitt, Jill, ed., Christian Spirituality. High Middle Ages and Reformation (New York: Crossroad, 1988) 83–89Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ , BonaventureSaint Bonaventure's Itinerarium Mentis in Deum (trans. Boehner, Philotheus; St. Bonaventure, NY: Franciscan Institute, 1956) 33Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ Ibid., 33. Better known is Ludolf of Saxony's program of imitation of Christ; Conway, Charles Abbott, The Vita Christi of Ludolph of Saxony and Late Medieval Devotion Centred on the Incarnation: A Descriptive Analysis (Analecta Cartusiana 34; Salzburg: Institut fur Englische Sprache und Literatur, 1975) 122–23Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ Passio Christi breviter collecta ad modum fasciculorum, in , Bonaventure, Opera omnia, 14.151-54, esp. 152Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ Nyder, Johannes, Formicarius (Graz: Akademische Druck — und Verlagsanstalt, 1971) 53Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ Encyclopedia Judaica s. v. “Blood Libel,” 4. 1121.

⁸¹ Judaeus, Hermannus quondamOpusculum de conversione sua (ed. Niemeyer, Gerlinde; Weimar: Hermann Bohlaus Nachfolger, 1963) 40–43Google Scholar, 76-83; Judas ben David, a Jew of Cologne [later Hermann] traveled on business with an uncle to Münster, and about that time he engaged in a disputation with Rupert von Deutz in 1128, perhaps in Münster (just after Rupert had finished his fictional Anulus sive dialogus inter Christianum et Judaeum [between 1126 and 1128], or just before, the dialogue reflecting the actual interchange). For problems with the location of the debate, see Arduini, Maria Lodovica (Neue Studien über Rupert von Deutz [Siegburger Studien 17; Siegburg: Respublica-Verlag, 1985] 134–35 n. 46)Google Scholar, who also believes that the Anulus refers specifically to the debate (135, 151; agains Engen, John van, Rupert of Deutz [Berkeley: University of Califorinia Press, 1983] 243–48Google Scholar, who follows Niemeyer). She does not, however, explain why the Anulus differs so much from the recollection of Hermannus quondam Judaeus. Judas's statement ( , Hermannusquondam Judaeus, Opusculum, 1111. 6–14Google Scholar) begins like this:“Magnum vos Christiani Judaeis preiudicium facitis, qui eos ac si canes mortuos execrando et abhorrendo conspuitis, cum legatis, Deum sibi eos ab antiquo ex omnibus mundi nationibus in ‘populum peculiarem elegisse,’ quos solos sancti nominis sui cognitione dignos duceret, quibus solis perfectissimam iustitie sue regulam, quam servando viverent ‘sanctique,’ sicut ipse ‘sanctus’ est, fierent, non solum edicendo precipere, verum etiam manu propria in tabulis lapideis conscribere dignaretur.” He then turns to the cursedness of anyone dying on a tree and Christian idolatry.

⁸² Ibid., 80, lines 10-20: “Neque, ut tu calumpniaris, crucifixi vel cuiuslibet rei imaginem pro numine colimus, sed per crucis formam adorandam nobis Christi passionem, qua, ut ‘nos de maledicto legis’ eriperet, ‘factus’ est ipse ‘pro nobis’ in cruce ‘maledictum,’ pia devotione representamus, quatenus dum eius mortem per crucis similitudinem foris imaginamur, ipsi quoque interius ad illius amorem accendamur, et qui eum ab omni penitus peccato immunem tarn ignominiosam pro nobis mortem pertulisse sine intermissione recolimus, quanta nos multis et magnis peccatis involuti pro illius amore debeamus perpeti, pia semper cogitatione perpendamus.” He goes on to explain the didactic function of images for the uneducated.

⁸³ Schönbeck, Oluf, “Saint Bernard, Peter Damian and the Wounds of Christ,” Cistercian Studies 30 (1995) 282Google Scholar; Ritson, G. Joy, “Eros, Allegory and Spirituality: The Development of Heavenly Bridegroom Imagery in the Western Christian Church from Origen to Gregory the Great” (Ph.D. diss., Graduate Theological Union, Berkeley, 1997) 282Google Scholar. Ritson traces the preoccupation with Christ's humanity as a goal of the highest form of contemplation to earlier traditions of the interpretation of the Song of Songs drawing on Jerome (ibid., 233-42, 248).

⁸⁴ Bruyne, Edgar De, Etudes d'esthetique medievale (3 vols.; Brugge: De Tempel, 1946) 2Google Scholar. 133-35. See also , Schonbeck, “Saint Bernard.”Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Jerome Ep. 53, 3.4 (CSEL 54. 447): “Sancta quippe rusticitas sibi soli prodest et, quantum aedificat ex uitae merito ecclesiam christi, tantum nocet, si contradicentibus non resistit.” Auerbach, Erich, Literatursprache und Publikum in der lateinischen Spdtantike und im Mittelalter, (Bern: Francke, 1958) 25–53Google Scholar; idem, “Sacrae scripturae sermo humilis,” Neuphilologische Mitteilungen (1941) 57–67Google Scholar; Bartelink, Gerhardus J. M., “Sermo piscatorius. De ‘vissertaal’ van de apostelen,” Studia Catholica 35 (1960) 267–73Google Scholar; Froehlich, Karlfried, “Bibelkommentare–zur Krise einer Gattung,” ZTK 84 (1987) 465–92, esp. 472-74Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ Bruyne, De, Études, 3. 3–29Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ For example, the thirteenth-century Franciscan, Matthew of Aquasparta (Sermones de S. Francisco de S. Antonio et de S. Clara [ed. Gal, Gedeon; Bibliotheca Franciscana Ascetica Medü Aevi 10; Florence: Quaracchi, 1962] 22–46)Google Scholar. See also Hellmann, J. A. Wayne, “The Spirituality of the Franciscans,”Google Scholar in Raitt, Jill, ed., Christian Spirituality: High Middle Ages and Reformation (New York: Crossroad, 1987) 31-50, esp. 41–45Google Scholar.

⁸⁸ Webber, P. E., “A Medieval Netherlandic Prayer Cycle on th e Life of Christ: Princeton University Library, Garret t Ms. 63,” Ons Geestelijk Erf 52 (1978) 311–62Google Scholar, esp. 351. Th e painting of such scenes, with strong eucharistic imagery, increased with dissemination of the Corpus Christi feast after 1264 (the year it was added to the Roman calenda r by Pope Urba n IV). , Appuhn, “Auferstandene,” 114Google Scholar.

⁸⁹ Annales Erphordensesa. 1220-1254 (MGH Scriptores; Hannover: Hahn, 1859) 31Google Scholar: “[1235] Hoc etia m ann o circ a Kalendas Decembris in villa Wolfsheim Judaei numero 18 ut dicitur sunt occisi propte r quendam christianum, quer n miserabiliter interemerunt; quia dignum uidetur, ut qui sanguinem sitit, sanguis ipsius fundatur, secundu m hoc propheticum: ‘Cum sanguinem oderis, sanguis persequitur te,’” quoting Ezek 35:6. The event followed th e murder and plunder of eight Jews at Lauda and er Tauber in January and the murder of sixteen Jews at Wolfshagen in October or November of the same year (Aronius, Regesten, 206 no. 468, 207 no. 472; thes e als o appear in Hebrew memorial books and poems).

⁹⁰ Annales Erphordenses, ibid.: “[1236] Hoc anno 5. Kalends Ianuarii i n Fulda Judae i utriusque sexus 34 a cruce signatis christianis sunt perempti, quoniam duo ex üsde m Judaeis in sancto die Christi, cuiusdam molendinarii, extra muros habitantis et interim in ecclesi a cum uxore sua manentis quinque puero miserabiliter interemerant, ac ipsorum sanguine m in saccis cera linitis [leg. linteis] susceperant, igneque domui supposito recedentes; cuius rei veritate comperta, etab ipsis rei Iudeis confessa, puniti sunt ut supra dictum est.”

⁹¹ From the rescript of Friedrich II published at the conclusion of th e investigation, reissuing the privilege first given by Friedrich I, and then exonerating Jews and Judaism of the accusation (immediately following the text of the Friedrich I privilege): “Pretere a notum esse volumus modernis et posteris universis, quod—cum de nece quorunda m Vuldensium puerorum Judaeis in eadem civitate tune temporis degentibus foret impositura grave crimen, per quod adversus ceteros Judaeos Alemannie propter miserabile m casum emergentis infortunii oborta generaliter gravis opinio vicini populi minabatur, etsi acciones clandestini maleficii non patebant—ad elucidandam super predicto crimin e veritatem principes et magnates et nobiles quamplures imperii, abbate s et viros religiosos undique ad nostram presenciam evocatos providimus consulendos” (MGH Constitutiones 2. 275).

⁹² Annales Marbacensis (MGH Scriptores 17. 178): “Verum qui a nichil certi super hoc experiri poterat, severitas imperialis propositi, accept a tamen a Judaeis magna pecunia, in brevi conquievit.” Johann Friedrich Boehmer considered the investigation an embellishment arising from the solemn burial at Hagenau (which was also reporte d by a Strasbourg account), overlooking the corpus delicti in Germanic law. See , Stobbe, Juden in Deutschland, 280–81Google Scholar n. 178; , Aronius, Regesten, 207–9Google Scholar no. 474, 216-17 no. 497, for these and Hebrew accounts. Money migh t actually hav e been paid for the republication of the imperial privilege (Aronius' s speculation, ibid., 217). Likewise, the possibility of monetary restitution for murder was a typical element of Germanic law, and it remained prevalent in late medieval Weistümer ( , Grimm, Rechtsalterthümer, 2. 646–47)Google Scholar.

⁹³ Gesta Senonensis ecclesie (MGH Scriptores 25. 329): “Cum Judaeorum nefandissimos actus nemo tacere debeat, ut ea que in Salvatore nostro egerunt semper ad mentem redeant, ad correctionem hominum et edificationem cottidie retractare convenit, ut presumptio ipsorum merito confutetur et gloria laudis Christi augmentetur.”

⁹⁴ Ibid.: “Non tamen ilia die, sed quartadecima luna, qua et Christus crucifixus est.” Richer s i underscoring Friedrich's questionable commitment to Christianity by appeal to the difference between Christian and Jewish calendars: it was not the exact day of Easter but the actual day of the crucifixion according to the Hebrew calendar; that is, the first day of Passover.

⁹⁵ Alluding to the imperial privilege that was published.

⁹⁶ Ibid.: “Illi vero Judaei nescio quomodo procuraverunt [sic], quia acquisierunt sibi tres pueros septennes et cristianos. Et cum festum eorum celebrarent, de ipsis quedam ludibria in domibus suis egerunt. Sed inter hec idem pueri mortui sunt. Sed cum cristiani hec forte percepissent, intrantes domos Judaeorum, invenerunt pueros nudos, sed mortuos. Imperator vero Fridericus forte non erat presens; cristiani igitur pueros illos usque ad adventum imperatoris decreverunt reservare. Judaei quippe cum viderent sibi periculum imminere, inito consilio disposuerunt imperatorem placere muneribus. Et accedentes ad imperatorem, tantis muneribus eum excecaverunt, ut gratia ipsius potiti ad domos suas leti redirent. Cum igitur imperator ad Haguenowiam redisset, cristiani illos tres pueros ei presentaverunt et intimaverunt ei, quia Judaei ita eos interfecerant. Imperator respondit: ‘Si mortui sunt, ite, sepelite eos, quia ad aliud non valent.’ Cristiani vero hoc audientes, confusi ab eo discesserunt. Et ita ille infelix imperator unum sue infidelitatis articulum promulgavit, quia et Judaei in pace dimissi sunt et cristianis de tarn nefario facto nulla est exibita iusticia. Et hec de Judaeis dicta sufficiant, quia, si iste miser imperator Judaeos pro tarn iniquo facto non punivit, ille potentissimus Arbiter et hunc in claustris inferni punire non obmittet.”

⁹⁷ , Trachtenburg, Devil and the Jews, 141–55Google Scholar, esp. 148.

⁹⁸ The point having been made by , Jerome (Commenlariorum in Hiezechielem Libri xiv, Corpus Christianorum, Series Latina 75. 492)Google Scholar.

⁹⁹ , Grimm, Deutsche Rechtsalterthümer, 2. 627Google Scholar; Simrock, Karl Joseph, Handbuch der deutschen Mythologie (Bonn: Marcus, 1887) 75–86Google Scholar; Lexikon des Mittelalters s.v. “Blutrache.” For the religious motivation at the beginning of massacres of Jews, during the First Crusade as retribution for the death of Christ, see Riley-Smith, Jonathan, “The First Crusade and the Persecution of the Jews,” Persecution and Tolerance (Studies in Church History 21; Oxford: Blackwell, 1984) 51–72Google Scholar; , Langmuir, Definition, 362 n. 5Google Scholar; , Chazan, European Jewry, 78–79Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁰ , AnselmCur Deus homo, 1.20Google Scholar(in , Anselm, Opera omnia [ed. Schmitt, Franciscus Salesius; 6 vols.; Edinburgh: Thomas Nelson, 1946-1961), 2. 86–88Google Scholar.

¹⁰¹ , Mitteis and , Lieberich, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, 187Google Scholar.

¹⁰² , Aronius, Regesten, 148–49Google Scholar no. 330. As Aronius suggested, this may have confused the desecration of an image of Haman during Purim with the desecration of images of Christ. When such a persecuted image performed miracles in the synagogue of Cologne in the late twelfth century, a Jew was said to have converted. Consider also Thornton, Timothy C. G., “The Crucifixion of Haman and the Scandal of the Cross,” JTS 37 (1986) 419–26CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Roth, Cecil, “The Feast of Purim and the Origins of the Blood Accusation,” Speculum 8 (1933) 520–26CrossRefGoogle Scholar; reprinted , Dundes, Blood Libel Legend, 261–72Google Scholar. Ivan Markus has pointed out how Jewish chronicles depicted the martyrs of 1096 as reenacting the temple cult by the sacrifice of themselves and their children, in imitation of the m'pB, the binding of Isaac—a curious counterpart to the later Christian assertion that Jews reenact the sacrifice central to Christian salvation ( , Marcus, “From Politics to Martyrdom,” 472)Google Scholar.

¹⁰³ , Trachtenburg, Devil and the Jews, 244 n. 24Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁴ John Capistrano in a sermon at Breslau once describe d the obligation of Christian passivity like this: “Whe n you r enemy, who murdered your parents, brothers, and sisters, should fall asleep on a bridge and in his sleep roll over and b e on the verge of falling into the water, and you could easily push him off with your foot, and you d o not save him from the fall, then you are damned.” Hofer, Johannes, Johannes Kapistrano. Ein Leben im Kampf urn die Reform der Kirche (2 vols.; 2nd ed.; Heidelberg: Kerle, 1964) 2. 200Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁵ Hebrew chronicles remembered the First Crusade as strife between the malignant will of Gentiles and the heroic will of Jewish martyrs bent on obeying the God who would ultimately vindicate Israel, and liturgical poetry made constant plea for divine blood vengeance. , Chazan, First Crusade, 152–53Google Scholar; , Zunz, Synogogale Poesie, 16-17, 27-28, 35-36, 42–43Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁶ Beinert, Wolfgang, Die Kirche—Gottes Heil in der Welt. Die Lehre von der Kirch nach den Schriften des Rupert von Deutz, Honorius Augustodunensis und Gerhoch von Reichersberg (Beitrage zur Geschichte der Philosophie und Theologie des Mittelalters 13; Münster: Aschendorff, 1973) 359Google Scholar. This also implies the presence of Jews among the soldiers persecuting Christ in prison.

¹⁰⁷ Ibid., 361. Others, like Rupert von Deutz, viewed the Jews as heretics in the De glorificatione Trinitatis et processione Spiritus Sancti (1128). This is probably connected to his conviction that Christians, who worship one God, not two, are one people with the Jews. See also , Arduini, Neue Studien, 155–57Google Scholar, 153 n. 91; and , Beinert, Die Kirche, 361Google Scholar. In the latter's commentary on the Gospel of John he argues that the name, Judaeus, means confessor, which name the Jews no longer deserve, being “insipientes et maligni homicidae,” and “effusores sanguinis Christi, qui usque hodie maledicunt Christum in synagogis suis” (compare , Arduini, Neue Studien, 157Google Scholar; Rupertus Tuitensis, In Johannem, vii [ed. Haacke, , Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio Mediaevalis 9. 391])Google Scholar. For the etymology of Judaeus and the agreement of Rupert's theology of the Jewish people with other early twelfth-century theologians, see , Beinert, Die Kirche, 356–62Google Scholar. Thus their claim to be Jews is mendacious: “Dicimus se esse Judaeos non quia sunt sed quia Judaeos se esse dicunt mentientes cum sint de synagoga satanae” (Arduini, Ruperti). And as a people they deserve destruction more than any other: “Nimirum in tali damnatione primi ante onines gentes bibere digni sunt Judaei, quippe qui non solum sanctorum et prophetarum sanguinem funderunt, verum etiam ipsum sanctum sanctorum et prophetarum dominum occiderunt” (Arduini, Neue Studien, 166; Rupertus Tuitensis, In Apocalypsim ix.16 [PL 169.1118D-1119A]) They nevertheless retain some role in God's plan, according to Arduini, but all the evidence i s negative and rather typical.

¹⁰⁸ Beginning in the twelfth century with the rationalization of polemics by Anselm of Canterbury and quickly concentrating on the Talmud. Amos Funkenstein, “Polemics, Responses, and Self-Reflection,” in idem, Perceptions of Jewish History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993) 169–201Google Scholar. Thirteenth-century friar-theologians not only traced the problem of Judaism to the Talmud, but also redefined the religious value of Old Testament ceremonies in and of themselves. The effectiveness of Jewish biblical rites was, in their minds, determined by the ability to facilitate faith in Christ, and as such, the rites belonged to an authentic covenant and experience of grace (albeit an extrinsic one) and could equal Christian sacraments. (At least one theologian, the Dominican Richard Kilwardby, went further in his concept of Jewish covenant and insisted that Jewish rites intrinsically conveyed grace to Jews, even after the incarnation, remaining valid until they will have facilitated faith.) Schenk, Richard, “Die Suche nach dem Bruder Abel. Zum Streit um das analoge Sakramentsverstandnis,” Jahrbuch für Philosophic des Forschungsinstitut fur Philosophic Hannover 5 (1994) 69–87Google Scholar, esp. 79-84; idem, “Covenant Initiation: Thomas Aquinas and Robert Kilwardby on the Sacrament of Circumcision,” in Oliveira, Carlos-Josaphat Pinto de, ed., Ordo Sapientiae etAmoris. Image et message de Saint Thomas d'Aquin (Fribourg: Editions Universitaires Fribourg, 1993) 555–93Google Scholar; Kilwardby, RobertQuaestiones in librum quartum Sententiarum (ed. Schenk, Richard; Munich: Bayerische Akademieder Wissenschaften, 1993) 67–71Google Scholar q. 37, 169-86. Cf. Cohen, Jeremy, The Friars and the Jews. The Evolution of Medieval Anti-Judaism (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1982) 51–76Google Scholar; he overstates on limited evidence both the redefinition of Judaism as a heresy taught by the Talmud and the activity of the inquisition against it (for the latter, consider Grayzel, Church and the Jews, 2. 16, 38 n. 94). Since the intrinsic effect of Jewish rites was considered to be faith in Christ, Jewish unbelief could suggest peculiar resistance, their wills misapplied now as they were also in the crucifixion. Consider Thomas Aquinas, III Sent. d. 20, art. 5, sol. 1 ad 3, sol. 2 ad 3; Summa theologica, Ilia q. 47, art. 5, 6 (the cooperation of an evil Jewish will with a good divine will i n the crucifixion); Summa theologica Iallae q. 98 a. 2; q. 100 a. 12; q. 101 a. 3 (the role of ancient Jewish law in disposing Jews to believe in Christ and enjoy justification thereby); Summa theologica Iallae q. 103 a. 4 (the sinfulness of observing Jewish ceremonial law after the advent of Christ).

¹⁰⁹ The work of Henricus de Segusio Cardinalis Hostiensis (Summa [Lyons, 1537; reprinted Darmstadt: Scientia, 1962] f. 236ra) illustrates Jewish contemp t for Christianity by telling the story that Jews force Christian wet nurses after receiving the eucharist to discharge their milk for three days before feeding Jewish boys. Hostiensis thinks that Jews are entertaining a eucharistic fallacy (that the body of Christ could pas s throug h a woman's milk to a child); therefore, he takes this as a Jewish attempt to force Christia n wome n to put Christ in a latrine: “Licet ergo propria culpa iudeos seruituti subiecerit, ipsos tamen tolerat pietas Christiana. Sed ipsi ingrati pro gratia reddunt contumeliam, pro familiaritate contemptum, inpendentes nobis illam retributionem quam iuxt a vulgare prouerbium, mus in pera, serpens in gremio, ignis in sinu suis consueuerunt hospitibus exhibere… Nam sunt quida m qui, quod nephandum est dicere, nutrices Christianas habentes non permittunt lactare filios eum corpus christi sumpserunt, nisi primo per triduum lac effuderint in latrinam quas i intelligunt quod corpus christi incorporetur et ad secessum descendat.” He then notes that such transmission of the body of Christ through a woman's milk is impossible and claim s tha t Jews do many other detestable things. The prohibition of Jewish employment of Christian wet nurses can be traced to synodal legislation of the late eleventh century, namelya Council of Rouen held in 107 4 ( Blumenkranz, Bernhard, “The Roman Church and the Jews,” in Roth, Cecil, ed., The Dark Ages: The Jews in Christian Europe, 711-1096 [Jerusalem: Masada, 1966] 69–99Google Scholar; reprinted in , Cohen, Essential Papers, 193–230Google Scholar, esp. 203). Innocent III may be Hostiensis’ sourc e for the allegation that Jews order Christian wet nurses to purge themselves after receiving the eucharist (Pakter, Canon Law, 134-35). I am grateful to Thomasin Alyxander for bringing this to my attention.

¹¹⁰ Hostiensis Summa, ff. 235vb-237ra. Martin, Herve, Le métier de prédicateur á la fin du Moyen Age, 1350-1520 (Paris: du Cerf, 1988) 323–30Google Scholar. Schreckenberg, Heinz, Die christlichen Adversus-Judaeos-Texte, 344Google Scholar, 503, 513 (contrast 534, 539). Mormando, Franco (“Witches, Jews, and Sodomites in Early Renaissance Italy: The Preaching Campaigns of Bernardino of Siena” [Licentiate in Sacred Theology thesis; Jesuit School of Theology at Berkeley, 1994] 79–159Google Scholar) demonstrates, contrary to received opinion, that Bernardino maintained the formal doctrine of tolerance while publicizing and advocating enforcement of canon law restrictions and while promoting (albeit in very few sermons) a vivid image of the Jew as a danger to Christians, especially with regard to money-lending. Cf. , Hofer, Capistran, 2. 225Google Scholar(for Capistrano's attempts to isolate Jews from Christians in various places, consider also 1.136, 2.5, 2.293; for his role in the prosecution and persecution of Jews in Breslau in conjunction with an accusation of host desecration in 1453, 2.209–28, 414–24, which offers a useful presentation of sources, although it is glaringly apologetic). See Kirn, Hans-Martin (“Antijudaismus und spa'tmittelalterliche BuBfrommigkeit: Die Predigten des Franziskaners Bernhardin von Busti [urn 1450-1513],” ZKG 108 [1997] 147–75)Google Scholar for Bernhard of Busti, whose sermons represent the work of traveling observant Franciscan preachers in northern Italy in the 1480s and 1490s, in response to the immigration of Jews recently exiled from German towns. Taylor, Larissa (Soldiers of Christ [New York: Oxford University Press, 1992] 153–54)Google Scholar noted that negative stereotypes of Jews in French sermons that she studied emphasized their role in the crucifixion and the hypocrisy of the Pharisees, but primarily as part of the moral harangue of Christians, which presupposes the undesirability of similarity and contact between Christians and Jews. Papal bulls from 1422, 1429, 1459 addressed to Italian cities and clergy assert that preachers incite Christians against Jews and prohibit all interaction between Christians and Jews; it would seem that this activity was more prominent in Italy than in Germany and carried over from the former to the latter through the activity of a few itinerant preachers. Simonsohn, Apostolic See, 711-13 no. 614, 771-74 no. 658, 1053-54 no. 858. Popular German poetry—for example, Konrad von Ammenhausen's Schachzabelbuch of 1337, and songs of Michel Beheim (died between 1474 and 1478)–also warned against all forms of social contact with Jews ( , Schreckenberg, Adversus-Judaeos-Texte, 371–72, 551)Google Scholar. Synodal legislation, especially i n regions such as the south of France, took great interest in the imposition of rules requiring distinctive clothing (the basis of segregation); secular law took a harsh view of sexual liasons between Christians and Jews; canonists by contrast seemed singularly disinterested (, Pakter, Medieval Canon Law, 289–304)Google Scholar.

¹¹¹ , Aronius, Regesten, 165 no. 372Google Scholar.

¹¹² Lauwers, Michel, ‘“Religion populaire,’ culture folklorique, mentalites,” RHE 82 (1987) 221–58Google Scholar; Camporesi, Piero, Rusticie buffoni (Turin: Einaudi, 1991) 3–33Google Scholar.