¹ J. R. Green, Short History of the English People, chap. viii. Sec. 1. Cf. his England, Book VII, chap. I.

² Croese, G., The General History of the Quakers, 1696, p. 14Google Scholar.

³ According to Charles Doe, his first biographer, the other book was Foxe's Book of Martyrs: “I surveyed his library, the least and yet the best that I ever saw, consisting only of two books.” But Bunyan himself writes, “My Bible and my Concordance are my only library in my writings.”

⁴ In course of time the Puritan aversion to the Apocrypha was expressed by editions in which it was omitted. The British and Foreign Bible Society has copies bound without Apocrypha as early as 1599 (Geneva) or 1629 (A.V.). Such a copy of the King James Bible printed in 1698 was owned by William Penn and is preserved in the Pennsylvania Historical Society.

⁵ The Non Conformist's Memorial, etc. by Edmund Calamy, ed. by Samuel Palmer, London, 1775, I. p. 42.

The use of the Apocrypha in the lections is attacked in Henry Hickman, Apologia pro Ministris in Anglia (vulgo) Non-Conformistis, 1664, and defended in William Falkner, Libertas Ecclesiastica, 1674, William Clagett, An Answer to Dissenters' Objections against the Common Prayers, 1683. The objection to the Apocrypha is voiced also by John Canne, the separatist, in 1634, in his A Necessitie of Separation from the Church of England, pp. 108f., one of the books owned by George Fox. See note 35.

⁶ At the last conference in the Jerusalem Chamber in 1689 one of the Puritan proposals was the omission from the calendar of all lessons from the Apocrypha. See Westcott, B. F., The Bible in the Church, edit, of 1901, p. 291Google Scholar.

⁷ A Brief History of the Voyage of Katharine Evans and Sarah Cheevers to the Island of Malta, 1715, pp. 56f.

⁸ A Gagg for the Quakers, 1659, p. 16, criticizing George Whitehead and Parrot (should be Parnel) who in Goliah's Head Cut Off, 1655, P. 63, cited Wisdom iv. 8, 9. This is repeated in [Blome, R.], Fanatick History, 1660, p. 183Google Scholar.

⁹ That the Apocrypha of the Old Testament was for Friends generally on a par with non-canonical literature is confirmed by the fact that the few quotations from it come generally in the same writings as show elsewhere a dependence on wide reading or even on scholarly use of many books. Thus “the Son of Syrach” (= Ecclus. xix. 30) is quoted by Ambrose Rigge in the most learnedly annotated of the pieces (True Christianity Vindicated, 1679) collected in his Works (Constancy in the Truth, 1710, p. 254). In like manner of hundreds of Scripture texts occurring in Richard Claridge's Life and Posthumous Works (edited by Joseph Besse, 1726, with index of quotations), there is just one from the Apocrypha, viz. Ecclus. vii. 25 on p. 292. Those editions of Barclay's Apology which undertake to give an index of passages of Scripture mention one from the Apocrypha (Wisdom, ii. 21, Prop. V and VI $ xx).

¹⁰ In Farnsworth, R., The Pure Language of the Spirit, 1656, p. 8Google Scholar.

¹¹ Annual Catalogue of George Fox, 1939, No. 8, 165 F (1671).

¹² Epistle 320 (1676). For isolated references to the Apocrypha in Fox's Doctrinals (published in folio in 1706 as Gospel-Truth Demonstrated) I am indebted to A. Neave Brayshaw (cf. his Personality of George Fox, 1919, p. 16, note 6), viz. p. 260 f. (2 Mace. vii. 30), 414 (2 Esdr. i. 30; vii. 26, 28f. Wisd. ii. 12–20), 517 (“in Maccabees”). The three instances on p. 414 belong to the time of Fox's imprisonment at Worcester during which he had access apparently only to a Geneva Bible. While other citations show the influence of his knowledge of the A.V. (see Journal of Friends Historical Society xxi. 1924, p. 2) those from the Apocrypha do not. Presumably he did not recall its wording from memory.

¹³ George Fox in his pamphlet Something in Answer to that Book, called the Church-Faith: Set Forth by Independents and Others, etc., answered immediately and almost sentence by sentence the Congregational statement adopted at the Savoy in October 1658. But for the sentence declaring the Apocrypha to be not of divine inspiration, no part of the canon of scripture, and of no authority (Chap. I, Sect, iii) he offers no criticism.

¹⁴ Folio 1705, Second Edition, 1720, p. 512.

¹⁵ Cf. examples in Daubney, W. H., The Use of the Apocrypha in the Christian Church, 1900, pp. 71ffGoogle Scholar.

¹⁶ Muggleton and Reeve with their sense of their own commission as prophets were too critical of canonical scriptures even for the Friends, as the following pamphlet dialogue on words of Solomon (Proverbs vi. 23 and Ecclesiastes xii. 7) suggests: A Letter of Samuel Hooton and W. S. (Quakers) to Lodowick Muggleton: “For first, the Law is light, saith Solomon.” (The Neck of the Quakers Broken, by Lodowick Muggleton, Amsterdam, 1663, p. 9.) Muggleton: “your ignorance and darkness is plainly discovered, in that you quote Solomon to prove your Scripture, light and knowledge of Christ, that which is no Scripture no more than the Apocrypha is, but I perceive it as good Scripture to you as any.” (Ibid, p. 24.) The discussion continues in a later exchange of pamphlets.

¹⁷ 1660. Four exercitations, preface and appendix totaling 888 quarto pages of fine print. In the folio edition of Samuel Fisher's works, The Testimony of Truth Exalted, 1679, pages 27 to 772.

¹⁸ Faldo, John, Quakerism no Christianity, 1673, p. 82Google Scholar.

¹⁹ This book was evidently a favorite with Fisher as he quotes it in various other contexts. John Etherington, a contemporary sectary, believed that “the books of Esdras are and ought to be esteemed part of the canonical scriptures” (quoted from Whiting, C. E., Studies in English Puritanism, 1931, p. 289Google Scholar).

²⁰ This work was introduced into England in 1242 by Robert Grosseteste in a Latin version. The Greek text was not published until 1698 by Grabe, but a Greek MS was kept at Cambridge to support the authenticity of the Latin translation. A striking evidence of the interest of a Quaker publisher and of a largely Quaker reading public is shown by the fact that an English translation of the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs was published by the first Philadelphia printer, William Bradford, before 1688. This was probably the form Englished by Antony Gilby with a preface by Richard Day. It was first published in London in 1581 and went through at least eight editions in a century. Like Enoch this work was esteemed authentic by the Muggletonians, but its more general popularity is attested by its frequent reprinting. No doubt this English version was known to Samuel Fisher, or the Latin version. The Bradford imprint would be very precious if a copy could be found. It is not even listed in the bibliographies. No copy was known to the expert in Bradford, the late Henry F. De Puy of New York. But it is definitely advertised at the back of the rare work by Daniel Leeds, mentioned below, p. 204. An edition, “the three and fortieth,” printed and sold by William and Andrew Bradford in New York, 1712, is known through a copy in the Huntington Library, California. Perhaps one of these was the edition of which the Germantown Quaker Francis D. Pastorius (1651–1719/20) left two copies. See M. D. Learned, Pastorius, p. 280, No. 31.

²¹ In this he is unlike John Milton who probably knew the long quotation from Enoch in the Chronography of Georgius Syncellus. See Saurat, D., Milton, Man and Thinker, 1925, p. 254Google Scholar. McColley, G., “The Book of Enoch and Paradise Lost,” Harvard Theological Review, xxxi, 1938, 21ffCrossRefGoogle Scholar. The fuller Ethiopic text was first published in England by Laurence in translation in 1821, in transcription in 1838.

²² The same position is implied though not explicitly stated in Barclay's Apology, Proposition III, Sect. i.

²³ This spelling as a variant of Abgar goes back to the Greek MSS of Eusebius, from whose Church History (a), (b) and (c) are derived.

²⁴ I do not identify the source of the brief narrative quoted.

²⁵ Pp. 373–375. It contains after (h) a Hebrew quotation and a Greek not found in the pamphlet. The pamphlet has one more example in (h) and three more in (i). Cf. Journal of Friends Hist. Society, xxi. 1924, p. 2Google Scholar.

²⁶ This Epistle, with a similar reference to “the oldest Bible that was printed at Worms” is prefixed to a still older Quaker pamphlet, viz. Henry Clark, A Rod Discover'd, 1657 (also reprinted 1659). It was also published separately about 1681 by the Quaker printer John Bringhurst. This may refer to one of the Bibles in Latin, or in German printed at Worms. In the latter language the early versions frequently included “Laodiceans.” Of English versions not only the octavo edition of Tyndale's New Testament, 1525, was printed at Worms, but probably the Quarto of the same date begun at Cologne was finished there, but I am not aware that either contained the epistle to the Laodiceans.

²⁷ In some forms of the Wycliffite version (but not Purvey's revision) the Epistle of the Laodiceans followed Colossians in the MSS. On the history of this epistle see especially Lightfoot, Colossians and Philemon, pp. 274–300. Since MSS of the Wycliffite version are now quite rare we note that Fisher seems to have had access to one. Benjamin Furly also owned one. See Hull, W. I., Benjamin Furly, 1941, p. 149Google Scholar, note 81.

²⁸ This is easily identified as the second of the three 1538 Latin-English Testaments of Coverdale. It was published by Nicolson without the authority of Coverdale under the name of John Hollybushe (S.T.C. 2818; British and Foreign Bible Society Catalogue, No. 20). These editions were specifically intended, as Coverdale explains in the preface, to call attention to variants between the versions. This is manifestly a reference to the reading of Codex Bezae. Whether any other singular reading of that famous manuscript is cited by Coverdale I do not know. But even this one by itself is important, if it is correctly dated, in that it is several years earlier than the earliest known citation of this famous MS (Council of Trent, 1546, Stephanus, N.T., 1550) mentioned by J. R. Harris, A Study of Codex Bezae (Texts and Studies, ii. 1 = Haverford College Studies, No. 8) 1891, PP. 3. 36–39, or by J. H. Ropes, Beginnings of Christianity, Vol. Ill, 1926, pp. lvif. Yet so far as I can learn, the known copies of the Hollybushe Testaments have no such printed marginal note. Surely the author did not mean a handwritten note on a printed Bible. Perhaps he has confused the date and imprint of the Bible containing the printed note though his reference is perfectly explicit, but I cannot suggest the real solution. The reading occurs as a footnote from 1561 on in New Testaments containing Beza's Greek and Latin and the Vulgate. George Whitehead was criticized for trying to “prove the Breach of the sabbath lawful from a motheaten manuscript cited by Beza in his Annot. on Luke 6” (Henry Hallywell, An Account of Familism as it is Revived and Propagated by the Quakers, 1673, p. 121) and promptly defended by William Penn (Wisdom Justified, 1673, pp. 125f).

²⁹ I see belatedly that W. C. Braithwaite has an excellent summary of Fisher's work (Beginnings of Quakerism, 1912, pp. 288–294) and that he conjectures (p. 291 note) that the tract was by Fisher.

³⁰ Jos. Smith, Catalogue of Friends Books, 1867, i, pp. 39f. Jos. Smith evidently placed the original edition near 1675. The Catalogue of Printed Books in the British Museum dated it as “1660?” The new edition of the same, i. 1931, col. 334 dates it “1663 (?).” An edition is advertised in 1682 by the Quaker printer John Bringhurst. MS copies of some or all of this material are found belonging to William Briggins in 1671 (Eliot Howard, The Eliot Papers, ii, 1895, p. 19) and, with the addition of the thirteen letters between Paul and Seneca, to George Fox (Annual Catalogue, pp. 205f). Though they are probably copied out of the printed tract, one comes upon such items with some surprise in the written records of quite remote meetings in the American colonies. For example the Symous Creek, North Carolina, monthly meeting minute book includes (d), (e), (g), (h) and (f). It may be noted that other publications included parts of this list. John L. Nickalls calls my attention to the fact that item (g) occurs on p. 44 in a quarto tract of 1659 by Edward Billing, A Word of Reproof and Advice to my late Fellow-Souldiers, etc. (Smith, Cata. i. 269). Also items (d), (f), (g), (h) appeared anonymously in a tract with the imprint and date Andrew Sowle, 1680 (ibid. i. 40).

³¹ Emily Manners, Elizabeth Hooton, First Quaker Woman Preacher (1600–1672), 1914, p. 43. Cambridge Historical Society Publications, xxiv, 1938, p. 73. For the date see Bulletin of Friends Historical Association, xxvii, 1938, pp. 14f.

³² Danson, Thomas, The Quakers Folly, Second Edit., 1659, pp. 26fGoogle Scholar. The charge is repeated in [R. Blome] Fanatick History … of the Old Anabaptists and New Quakers, 1660, p. 173.

³³ A Discourse of the General Rule of Faith and Practice, 1699, p. 10.

³⁴ The list of apostolic martyrs in Fox's tract against the Conventicle Act of 1668 (Gospel-Truth Demonstrated, p. 302) rests ultimately largely on apocryphal Acts but probably the list came more directly to Fox from some mediate source like John Foxe's Book of Martyrs, Book I, or perhaps from the “Register of the Death Sufferings and Martyrdom of the Prophets and Apostles” in William Caton's Abridgement of Eusebius Pamphilus's Ecclesiastical History, 1661.

A much better known reference by Fox to early Christian martyrs is in connection with his walking barefoot in Lichfield crying “Woe unto the bloody city of Lichfield.” Apparently at the time (1651) he had no rationalization of his conduct, but later he explains (Camb. Journal, i. 16) “I came to see that there was 1000 martyrs in Dioclesians time was martyred in Lichfeilde and soe I must goe in my stockings through the Channel of there bloode and come into ye poole of there bloode … which had beene shed above a 1000 years before … & the antient records will testify how many of the (Christian) Britaines suffered there.” Here again we seem to have a hint of learned historical information which it has been supposed (W. C. Braithwaite, The Beginnings of Quakerism, p. 56) Fox had “learnt out of John Speed's Chronicle or some such source.” It has apparently been forgotten that the very name of the city, meaning ‘field of corpses,’ demanded an explanation and that almost certainly a popular etymology kept afloat the suggestion without recourse to records. Thus quite independently the same event is mentioned in a contemporary continental geographical work which I happen to possess (Rutgeni Hermannidae Britannia Magna, Amsterdam, 1661, p. 206): “Lichfeld locus martyrum sub Diocletiano cadaveribus Celebris.” As the use of cadaver in the Latin writing betrays the etymological motif in the background, so I think in Fox does the statement that the martyrs “lay colde in there streets.”

³⁵ The list has been published in full, with identifications, by Nickalls, John L. in the Journal of Friends Historical Society, xxviii (1931), pp. 3–21Google Scholar. This item may be easily identified as the same as an entry in the British Museum Catalogue, Vol. 52, part i, 1892, col. 271: “Nichodemus his Gospel [Translated into English and edited by J. Warren] by John Cousturier [Rouen, 1620 ?].” S.T.C. 18571.

³⁶ See M. R. James, The Apocryphal N.T. 1924, pp. 477f., who dates its origin as not earlier than the Thirteenth Century. R. Eisler, The Messiah Jesus, 1931, believes the description goes back to the official Roman report of the crucifixion.

³⁷ The Quakers Quaking. The quotation is taken from M. R. Brailsford, A Quaker from Cromwell's Army, 1927, p. 44. The original pamphlet — to be distinguished from one of like title and date by Jeremiah Ives — exists in the British Museum. See Jos. Smith, Bibliotheca Anti-Quakeriana, 1873, p. 12.

³⁸ Sathan Enthroned in His Chair of Pestilence, etc. London, 1657, p. 25Google Scholar.

³⁹ Extracted from the 26th ed., London, 1770, vol. vi., pp. 13–16, and published in the Journal of Friends Historical Society, viii, 1911, pp. 25ff.

⁴⁰ I may mention here, since it is not included in the Anti-Quaker bibliography nor used in the recent lives of Nayler, a French twelve page pamphlet without author's name or date, but with colophon “A Paris, Chez Alexandre Lesselin … Avec Permission.” The title reads: “Le Veritable Portrait et PHistoire de Iacques Nayler, Chef des Trembleurs & Pretendu Messie, Avec son Arrest de condamnation, prononcé par le Parlement d'Angleterre,” and under it is a large woodcut portrait of Nayler.

⁴¹ A True Narrative of the Examination, Tryall and Sufferings of James Nayler, 1657, p. 6. This part of the pamphlet is anonymous. It may be by Robert Rich or even George Fox, both of whom are signatories to later parts of it.

⁴² Norman Penney, First Publishers of Truth, p. 278. The journey was one from Worcester towards Tewkesbury in the year 1655.

⁴³ Centenary Edit. 1911, i. 28.

⁴⁴ Ibid, p. 29, with still further openings about physicians.

⁴⁵ See references in A. N. Brayshaw's Personality of George Fox, 1933, p. 114 and Bulletin of Friends Historical Society, iii, 1909, pp. 100f.

⁴⁶ The Cambridge Journal, 1911, ii, p. 355. Fox's relation to the medical art and medical profession will be discussed in my forthcoming work on George Fox's Book of Miracles.

⁴⁷ See Brinton, H. H., The Mystic Will, 1930, p. 68Google Scholar. For Boehme's influence on Friends see now G. F. Nuttall, The Holy Spirit in Puritan Experience, 1946, pp. 16–18. In September 1674 the morning meeting in connection with the draft of an Epistle to Behmenists by Ralph Fretwell expressed an adverse judgment on Boehme's writings.

⁴⁸ One of the works of F. M. van Helmont (see below) was on the first fourchapters of Genesis.

⁴⁹ See the appreciative references to Everard by Penn, William (Works, 1726, vol. II, pp. 395Google Scholar, 398). Another of the lost publications (cf. note 20) of the Quaker printer, William Bradford, was an English translation of Everard's Gospel Treasury Opened. It is advertised in 1694 “as printed and to be sold by” him. At a later date Anthony Benezet (1713–1784) was evidently a great admirer of Everard. He marked and distributed copies of the 1757 edition of “Some Gospel Treasures,” Christopher Saur, Germantown, and I suspect had promoted its publication. Cf. Brookes, G. S., Friend Anthony Benezet, 1937, pp. 223Google Scholar, 305.

⁵⁰ The works translated were, respectively, Franck's De Arbore scientiae boni et mali and Nicolas' Spiegel der Gerechtigkeit. Precisely these two works appear also in the list of George Fox's possessions, the former in the English translation of 1640, the latter, which was never published in English, in German. Journal of Friends Historical Society, xxviii, 1931, pp. 9, 18. Other works of Henry Nicolas were published in English and doubtless were known in circles of dissent. See C. E. Whiting, Studies in English Puritanism, 1931, p. 287. A quotation from Sebastian Franck's Chronicle occurs also in George Fox's letter to John III, King of Poland (John Sobieski) written in 1677, and later printed in German. But this and other quotations make it almost certain that Fox himself did not write the letter (Penney in Camb. Journal, ii, 466) though he alone signed it. This was already observed by Croese who regarded it as a mark of Fox's pride (General History of the Quakers, 1696, pp. 240ff.).

⁵¹ Signed J. F. “This book may justly challenge the first place for antiquity, from all the Books in the World, being written some hundreds of years before Moses his time, as I shall endevor to make good.”

⁵² Loc. cit. p. 76.

⁵³ P. 71.

⁵⁴ P. 82.

⁵⁵ Bugg, Francis, New Rome Unmasked, 1692, p. 23Google Scholar; Bugg, Francis, New Rome Arraigned, 1694, p. 47Google Scholar; Leslie, Charles, The Snake in the Grass, 1696, p. 142Google Scholar; Bugg, Francis, The Quakers Set in Their True Light, 1696, pp. 15f, 44Google Scholar; Leeds, Daniel, News of a Trumpet Sounding in the Wilderness, New York, 1697, p. 72Google Scholar; Charles Leslie, A Defence of … The Snake in the Grass, 1700, p. 145. George Whitehead in his Truth and Innocency Vindicated, 1699, p. 57, answering an anonymous attack, Some Few of the Quakers Many Horrid Blasphemies, etc. 1698/9, that had been delivered to the Houses of Parliament and that had quoted (p. 6) the same passage from The Quaker's Refuge attributing it to John White head, points out that the sentence ends: — “is not the subject of my argument at this time.” So also in his Antidote against the Venome of the Snake in the Grass, 1697, pp. 83ff.

⁵⁶ There is some reason to think that Milton's reference to ‘thrice great Hermes’ (II Penseroso 88) is due to the influence of a reference to Hermes in Lactantius. See Baldwin, E. C., Modern Language Notes, xxxiii, 1918, p. 185Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ This postscript is signed B[enjamin] F[urly] as well as G.K., and the quotations are, I think, due to the former. Another postscript by Benjamin Furly supplied a like reference to Hermes, declaring that he like Socrates and Plato knew Christ. This passage occurs at the end of the German tract by William Caton, Eine Beschirmung d' Unschuldigen, Amsterdam, 1664.

⁵⁸ In a letter that year Henry More writes to Lady Conway: “He [George Keith] gave me a little book which he had told into English, of the Orientall Philosophy, and particularly of the profound wisdom of Hai Ebn Yokdan.” Marjorie Hope Nicolson, Conway Letters, 1930, p. 392.

⁵⁹ For modern studies of this work see the Journal of Friends Historical Society, xxvii, 1930, pp. 65fGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁰ Propositions V & VI, xxvii. After some discussion the passage was officially excluded from later editions. See Joseph Smith, The Society of Friends, Robert Barclay and Hai Ebn Yokdan, 1862.

⁶¹ A similar attraction led Friends to publish the gentile apocryphon, The Upright Lives of the Heathen briefly noted: or Epistles and Discourses betwixt Alexander the Conqueror and Dindimus King of the Brachmans, Giving an account of what sort of People they are, their Divinity and Phylosophy with their manner of living, &c. Smith, Cata. i, 42, enters only one quarto edition as [1683]. But there is a dated edition of 1683 as well as an undated edition, whose advertisement includes books published as late as 1684. The latter in a postscript calls attention to “a paper lately published entitled, A Dialogue betwixt an East Indian Brachman and a Christian, price id.”

Almost in the same year as its first publication by the Quaker bookseller, Andrew Sowle, a more recent and authentic testimony to religion from a non-Christian source became available to Friends. Ockanickon the Indian chief, friend and neighbor of the colony at Burlington, East Jersey, died early in 1682. Before the year was out was published in London over the name of John Cripps of Burlington, A True Account of the Dying Words of Ockanickon, an Indian King, spoken to Jahkursoe, his Brother's Son, whom he appointed King after him (reprinted with facsimile, Journal of Friends Historical Society, ix. 164ft). This item and the preceding were combined by Charles Wolverton, another Friend, and published by A. and W. Bradford in Philadelphia, 1740.

⁶² See Saurat, op. cit., pp. 281ff. Cf. Fletcher, Harris F., Milton's Rabbinical Readings, 1930 (Urbana, Ill.Google Scholar)

⁶³ Besides his work with von Rosenroth there is attributed to him the publication in 1693 of Seder Olam, sive Ordo Seculorum.

⁶⁴ He was the son of Johannes Baptista van Helmont, “the last of the alchemists and the first of the chemists.” The material about him collected by the late Dr. F. S. Darrow, of Rochester, N. Y., has since his death come into the possession of Western Reserve University, Cleveland. It is difficult to point to any satisfactory account of the younger van Helmont, though I have not seen the monograph of Broeckx (1870). His works were several of them transited into English, one of them, Divine Being and its Attributes (1693), by an equally intermittent Quaker, Benjamin Furly. See Bibliotheca Furliana, p. 147, No. 823, cf. pp. 267f.

⁶⁵ Van Helmont apparently came to England in 1670 and returned to the continent in 1680.

⁶⁶ The True Christ Owned, 1679, p. 68. Another reference to “the Zohar and the mystical writings of the Jews” occurs in another connection in Keith's Truth Advanced in the Correction of Many Gross and Hurtful Errors, New York, 1694, p. 153. This book, said to be the first book printed in New York, belongs to the time when Keith had left Quakerism. But he had not forgotten his cabbalistic studies with their apocalyptic calculations. I may quote a memorandum of Theodor Sippel, dated London 15 October, 1928: “Already the first book of G. K. (Immediate Revelation, 1667) shows the cabbalistical background of his theology, and terms of the Jewish cabbala abound in it. All his later books are on the same line until he left Friends. The best exposition of his cabbalistic doctrine is the book of 1679, The True Light Owned. There he gives important quotations from his Jewish authorities.”

⁶⁷ It may be noted that all three of the persons named were unstable in their Quakerism, or at least sat very free as respects the corporate life of the Society. Unlike van Helmont, the others have become the subject of modern biographies: W. I. Hull, Benjamin Furly and Quakerism in Rotterdam, Swarthmore, Pennsylvania, 1941 (pages 105–123 are on van Helmont) ; E. W. Kirby, George Keith (1638–1716), New York, 1942. Another continental savant with cabbalistic leanings, who for a time was a Friend (in Rhode Island), was Christian Lodowick. See Journal of Friends Historical Society, xxxiii, 1936, 20ff. The library which Furly collected as disclosed by the catalogue of sale is astonishing. It is also very useful for this or any similar study of the reading of the day. Cf. note 64.

⁶⁸ G. Croese, General History of the Quakers, Parts II and III, pp. 37ff.

⁶⁹ This spelling is unchanged from the Latin of Croese. This is, of course, Isaac ben Solomon Ashkenazi Luria (1534–1572), “founder of the modern Cabala.’

⁷⁰ This was Anne, , Viscountess Conway (1631–1679)Google Scholar. See Marjorie Hope Nicolson, Conway Letters, 1930.

⁷¹ Croese, G., The General History of the Quakers, Eng. trans., London, 1696. pp. 168fGoogle Scholar (first occurrence of these pages in Books II and III). Caleb Pusey, who in his controversial works against George Keith and Daniel Leeds, constantly accuses Keith of holding this doctrine adduces “what he couched of this stuff in his books in the years 89 and 90 and his implicit acknowledgement in Truth and Innocency page 2 that he was concerned in writing that Revolution book, called 200 Queries” (Proteus Ecclesiasticus, [c. 1703], Phila., pp. 25–27).

⁷² Ibid., Appendix, p. 10. It is probable that his interest in the subject was due to his emphasis on the historic as contrasted with the inward Christ, for it was possible when asked whether ignorant savages and infants who had not heard of Christ in the New Testament could be saved, to reply that perhaps in a future state the same soul would be given an opportunity to receive this saving knowledge. Cf. I. Sharpless in The Quakers in the American Colonies, p. 446.

⁷³ “Hebraica and the Jews in Early Quaker Interest” in Children of Light, edited by Howard H. Brinton, 1938, pp. 133–164.

⁷⁴ Short Journal, p. 244.

⁷⁵ Ductor Dubitantium, i. p. 218.

⁷⁶ Quoted by Nicolson, M. H., Philosophical Review, xxxix, 1930, p. 54Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ Barclay's Inner Life of the Religious Societies of the Commonwealth, p. 479. Earlier Friends had both quoted Behmen with approval, e.g., F. Ellington, Christian Information concerning these Last Times, 1664, pp. 10ff, and had written against the Behmenists (John Anderdon, One Blow at Babel, in those of the People called Behmenites, 1662). Lodowick Muggleton, in retracting his accusation of Quakers of buying no books but their own, said (A Looking-Glass for George Fox, 1668, p. 5): “I suppose that Jacob Behmont's Books were the chief Books that the Quakers bought, for there is the principle of their Religion; for they cannot go beyond that but there they build, this I know by William Smith's letters to me.”

⁷⁸ Daniel Leeds was otherwise suspect, and a violent opponent of orthodox Friends like Chalkley. Perhaps also as publisher of an Almanac he was thought to come near the forbidden field of astrology. I know of few references to Friends interested in astrology. One is Joseph Helling an ex-Quaker who, in 1663, regarded “the conjunction of the stars as hopeful” for a plot against the king (Braithwaite, Second Period of Quakerism, p. 39 note). Others were dealt with by Horslydown meeting in London for “running into vain imaginations and studying astrology (ibid., p. 253). Of Helling Fox remarks in his list of renegades (Cambridge Journal, ii. p. 314): “1663. And about this time Jos: Hellen runn out … and he turned a very debauched and wicked man and a fortune teller.” When in 1695 some Quakers had recourse to astrology and other forbidden arts at Chichester, Pennsylvania, both the local meeting and the court intervened. See Gummere, A. M., Witchcraft and Quakerism, Philadelphia, 1908, pp. 40–47Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ All Slave-Keepers that Keep the Innocent in Bondage Apostates, 1737, pp. 166ff. The edition quoted by Lay, as reference to the initials J. F. signed to the preface indicates, is the Divine Pymander first published in English in 1650, republished in 1657.

⁸⁰ See Joseph Smith, Catalogue, i. 983. Cf. International Journal of Apocrypha, January, 1914. Yorkshireman i, 1833, 296ff.