¹ retract., prol. §3.

² There appears to be no earlier treatment of this exact topic. Valuable material may be found in many works dealing with related subjects.

A. Works not limited to Augustine's early period. Adam, K., Die geistige Entwicklung des heiligen Augustinus (Augsburg, 1931)Google Scholar; Arendt, H., Der Liebesbegriff bei Augustin (Berlin, 1929)Google Scholar; Hofmann, F., Der Kirchenbegriff des hl. Augustinus in seinen Grundlagen und in seiner Entwicklung (München, 1933)Google Scholar; Holl, K., “Augustins innere Entwicklung” in his Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Kirchengeschichte (Tübingen, 1928) Vol. III, 54–116Google Scholar; Pegis, A., “The Mind of St. Augustine” Mediaeval Studies VI (1944) 1–61CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ritter, J., Mundus Intelligibilis (Philosophische Abhandlungen VI) Frankfurt, 1937Google Scholar; Scheel, O., Die Anschauungen Augustins über Christi Person und Werk (Tübingen, 1901)Google Scholar; Theiler, W., Porphyrios und Augustin (Schriften der Königsberger Gelehrten Gesellschaft, geisteswiss. Kl., XI, 1(1933))Google Scholar.

B. Works dealing with the period 386–400 A.D. Alfaric, P., L'evolution intellectuelle de saint Augustin (Paris, 1918)Google Scholar; Becker, H., Augustin. Studien zu seiner geistigen Entwicklung (Leipzig, 1908)Google Scholar; Courcelle, P., Recherches sur les Confessions de saint Augustin (Paris, 1950)Google Scholar with full bibliography; Guzzo, A., Agostino dal ‘Contra Academicos’ al ‘De vera religione’ (Firenze, 1925)Google Scholar; Hultgren, G., Le commandement d'amour chez Augustin. Interprétation philosophique et théologique d'après les écrits de la période, 386–400 (Paris, 1939)Google Scholar; Janssen, K., Die Entstehung der Gnadenlehre Augustins (Rostock, 1936)Google Scholar; Lother, H., “Augustins Entwicklung als Christ” Neue Kirchliche Zeitschrift XXXVII (1926) 429–42Google Scholar; 449–74; Pincherle, A., La formazione teologica di Sant'Agostino (Roma, 1947)Google Scholar; Thimme, W., “Augustins geistige Entwicklung in den ersten Jahren nach seiner Bekehrung,” Neue Studien zur Geschichte der Theologie und der Kirche III(1908)Google Scholar.

The present article is not concerned with the problem of Augustine's specific sources. A good brief account, with bibliography, of his relation to the Greco-Roman tradition may be found in Capelle, B., “Augustinus” Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum, Fasc. VII (1944) 981–93Google Scholar. Two significant later articles should be added: Courcelle, P., “Plotin et saint Ambroise” Revue de Philologie LXXXVI (1950)29–56Google Scholar; Lorenz, R., “Die Herkunft des augustinischen FRUI DEO,” Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte LXIV(1952–53) 34–60Google Scholar.

For works dealing with Augustine's theory of the two cities, see note 193, below.

³ The dates given are those of G. Bardy in his edition of the retractationes in the Oeuvres de Saint Augustin (Bibliothèque Augustinienne) Vol. XII (Paris, 1950). There is in some cases dispute about the absolute dating, but the relative order is well-established. For a fuller discussion of the chronology of Augustine's writings, see Zarb, S. M., “Chronologia Operum S. Augustini,” Angelicum X (1933) 359–96Google Scholar; 478–512; XI (1934) 78–91. For a bibliography of textual studies, see Clavis Patrum Latinorum (Sacris Erudiri III,1951)50–74.

⁴ For the dating of the various parts of the lib. arb., see W. Thimme, op. cit. (note 2 B.) p.6–10.

⁵ c. Acad. III,20,§43; compare c. Acad. II,2,§5, and ver. relig. 5,§8. Sic enim creditur et docetur, quod est humanae salutis caput, non aliam esse philosophiam, id est sapientiae studium, et aliam religionem.…

⁶ c. Acad. III,20,§43 ita enim iam sum affectus, ut quid sit uerum non credendo solum sed etiam intelligendo apprehendere impatienter desiderem. Compare c. Acad. II,2,§4 f.; lib. arb. I,2,§4 f., II,2,§5 f.

⁷ c. Acad. III,19,§42. For the return to heaven, compare II,1,§2 ergo non erumpet aliquando ista uirtus et… rursus proiecto totius corporis onere recurret in caelum. 11,8,§22 de uita nostra de moribus de animo res agitur, qui se superaturum inimicitias omnium fallaciarum et ueritate comprehensa quasi in regionem suae originis rediens triumphaturum de libidinibus atque ita temperantia uelut coniuge accepta regnaturum esse praesumit securior rediturus in caelum. In the retract. I,1,§3 Augustine observes that he should have said iturus in caelum and not rediturus.

⁸ anim. quant I,§2 utrumnam quasi regionem ejus (sc. animae) et patriam, unde hue venerit, nosse desideras… Propriam quamdam habitationem animae ac patriam, Deum ipsum credo esse a quo creata est. Compare mag. 8,§21… vires et mentis aciem, quibus regionis illius, ubi beata vita est, calorem ac lucem non modo sustinere, verum etiam amare possimus. In lib. arb. III,9,§27–28 Augustine speaks of the habitatio caelestis of the soul; in sol. I,1,§4 he prays to God as … domus mea, patria mea, salus mea.

⁹ b. vit. I,§1–2. The portus philosophiae appears also in c. Acad. II, 1, § 1; for the portus sapientiae, see c. Acad. I,1,§1 and III,2,§3. For the notion of pilgrimage, compare anim. quant. 31,§63, where Augustine urges the soul not to plunge too deeply into the senses, donec corrigas firmesque vestigia, quae usque ad ipsum deum animum ducunt: ne ab illo secretissimo et tranquillissimo mentis habitaculo, a quo nunc, dum haec incolit, peregrina est… avertaris; epist. II (386–87 A.D.) … ut se totus animus, etiam dum hoc corpus agit, in ea quae semper eiusdem modi sunt neque peregrino pulchro placent, feratur atque aestuat. In b. vit. 1,§2 (possibly in sol. I,1,§1) Augustine speaks of the cives of the fatherland.

¹⁰ c. Acad. III,17,§37. The civiles virtutes are not mentioned again in the early works. For an interesting later usage see epist. CXXXVIII,3,§17.

¹¹ c. Acad. III,18,§40. Compare lib. arb. III,9,§28 Ideo quanquam orbis iste terrenus rebus corruptibilibus deputatus sit, tamen servans quantum potest imagines superiorum, exempla nobis et indicia quaedam demonstrare non cessat; div. quaest. 83, §53,2.

¹² sol. I,1,§3. For Augustine's later revision of these statements, see retract. 1,4,§2. Compare also ord. I,11,§32 esse autem alium mundum ab istis oculis remotissimum, quern paucorum sanorum intellectus intuetur, satis ipse Christus significat, qui non dicit, “Regnum meum non est de mundo,” sed: “Regnum meum non est de hoc mundo.” Here too Augustine later revises his statement, retract. 1,3,§8.

¹³ ord. II,8,§25.

¹⁴ For some useful comments on the organization of the De ordine, see Dyroff, A., “Über Form und Begriffsgehalt der augustinischen Schrift De Ordine” in: Aurelius Augustinus, Festschrift der Görresgesellschaft zum 1500 Todestag des hl. Augustinus (Köln, 1930) 15–62Google Scholar. For the concept of ordo here, see Hultgren, op. cit. (note 2 B.) p.25 f.

¹⁵ ord.I,7,§18;II)4, §12.

¹⁶ ord. I,8,§26.

¹⁷ ord. II,5,§14.

¹⁸ ord. II,8,§25. There is a somewhat cryptic reference to Pythagorean politics at the very end of the De ordine. II,2O,§54… mirari et paene cotidianis, ut scis, ecferre laudibus soleo, quod regendae rei publicae disciplinam suis auditoribus ultimam tradebat iam doctis iam perfectis iam sapientibus iam beatis.

¹⁹ lib. arb. I,16,§35. Compare §34 utrum sit aliud male facere, quam neglectis rebus aeternis, quibus per seipsam mens fruitur, et per seipsam percipit, et quas amans amittere non potest, temporalia et quae per corpus hominis partem vilissimam sentiuntur, et numquam, esse certa possunt, quasi magna et miranda sectari. Nam hoc uno genere omnia malefacta, id est peccata, mihi videntur includi.

²⁰ lib. arb. 1,6,§15. For a useful description of Augustine's texts on the eternal law, see A. Schubert, Augustins Lex-aeterna-Lehre (Beiträge zur Geschichte der Philosophie des Mittelalters XXIV,2 (1924)). Augustine does not at this time appear to have any separate concept of a lex natwalis; compare div. quaest. 83, §53, 2.

²¹ E.g., lib. arb. I,6,§15. Simul etiam te videre arbitror in illa temporali (sc. lege) nihil esse justum atque legitimum, quod non ex hac aeterna sibi hominess derivarint; I,15,§31; ver.relig.31,§58.

²² lib. arb. I,15,§32. Compare I,5,§13. Ea enim vindicanda sibi haec lex populi assumit, quae satis sint conciliandae paci hominibus imperitis, et quanta possunt per hominem regi.

²³ lib. arb. I,15,§32. It is not clear what Augustine thinks of the implied contrast with celestial peoples and cities. In lib. arb. III,20,§57 he mentions civitatis beatissimae gloriam, but this is in a later section of the De libero arbitrio, dated by Thimme in Augustine's priesthood, op. cit. (note 2 B.) p.9.

²⁴ lib. arb. I,16,§34 et rerum duo genera, aeternarum et temporalium, duoque rursus hominum, aliorum aeternas, aliorum temporales sequentium et diligentium, satis aperteque distincta sunt. Compare I,15,§31. Cum igitur manifestum sit alios esse homines amatores rerum aeternarum, alios temporalium… nam beatos illos ob amorem ipsorum aeternorum sub aeterna lege agere existimo, miseris vero temporalis imponitur. In the last part of the argument Augustine seems to be thinking not so much of the law of human society as of the law of God's providence which is imposed on those who will not accept it freely. See, e.g., mus. VI,10,§3O, where the sinner, Turpis enim factus est voluntate, universum amittendo quod Dei praeceptis obtemperans possidebat, et ordinatus in parte est, ut qui legem agere noluit, a lege agatur. Compare also en. in psalm. I,§2; div. quaest. 83,§27; mus. VI,14,§48.

²⁵ Compare lib. arb. I,16,§34. quid autem quisque sectandum et amplectandum eligat, in voluntate esse positum consistit, nullaque re de arce dominandi rectoque ordine mentem deponi nisi voluntate.

²⁶ lib. arb. II,16,§41. The reference to wisdom is a reminiscence of Wisdom VI,17; for other similar reminiscences, see lib. arb. III,16,§42 and 17,§45. For the general approach, compare ord. 1,8,§25 quid enim non ambiunt, qua non peragrant oculi amantum, ne quid undeunde innuat pulchritudo rationis cuncta scientia et nescientia modificantis et gubernantis, quae inhiantes sibi sectatores suos trahit quacumque atque ubique se quaeri iubet?

²⁷ retract. I,5,§6 (= ed. Maur. 1,6) Augustine here speaks of moving quibusdam quasi passibus certis. His more usual expression is that found e.g. in mus. VI, 1, §1 ut… non praepropere, sed quibusdam gradibus a sensibus carnis… avellerentur.

²⁸ retract. I,10,§1 (ed. Maur. I, 11, § 1).

²⁹ mus. VI,5,§13. Compare anim. quant. 36,§80. Deus igitur summus et verus lege inviolabili et incorrupta, qua omne quod condidit regit, subjicit animae corpus, animam sibi, et sic omnia sibi…; serm. CCXIV,2 (391 A.D.) Haec omnia fecit omnipotens, mediis ima et summa conjungens.

³⁰ mus. VI,13,§40 Generalis vero amor actionis quae avertit a vero, a superbia proficiscitur, quo vitio Deum imitari quam Deo serviri anima maluit.

³¹ mus. VI,14,§48; VI,16,§53. Compare lib. arb. I,6,§14 Porro si paulatim depravatus idem populus rem privatam rei publicae praefert… II,16,§41 ut non jam privato suo gaudeat quod implicavit rebus transeuntibus sed exuta omnibus temporum et locorum affectionibus apprehendat id quod unum atque idem semper est; ver. relig. 46,§88. The contrast is developed at length in the probably later div. quaest. 83, §79,1.

³² mus. Vl,13,§41.

³³ mus. VI,15,§50.

³⁴ mus. VI,14,§46. Compare §43.

³⁵ mus. VI,14,§45. Augustine makes the statement in terms of the technical distinction between the four “numbers” of rhythm, but he actually organizes his ideas around a triple classification of the lusts (see note 42 below).… homo … qui omnes illos numeros qui sunt de corpore, et adversus passiones corporis, et qui ex his memoria continentur, non ad carnalem voluptatem sed ad salutem tantum corporis refert: omnesque illos qui de adjunctis animis operantur, vel qui ad adjungendas exseruntur (see mus. VI,13,§41–42 for the distinction) non ad superbam excellentiam suam, sed ad ipsarum animarum utilitatem redigit.…

³⁶ mus. VI,14,§45. For the notion of a common bond, see ord. II,12,§35; epist. XXXIII.i.

³⁷ mus. VI,14,§46. Compare mor. eccl. cath. 1,26,§48 … ut nullus certior gradus ad amorem Dei fieri posse credatur, quam hominis erga hominem charitas; De utilitate credendi 10,§24 CSEL XXV,1 p. 30; Contra Adimantum §6 CSEL XXV,i p. 126.

³⁸ On the De vera religione, see Dörries, H., “Das Verhältnis des Neuplatonischen und Christlichen in Augustins ‘De vera religione’” Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft XXIII (1924) 64–102Google Scholar and W. Theiler, op. cit. (note 2 A.) p.7 f.

³⁹ ver. relig. 29,§52. In a part of the section closer to the terminology of the De musica, Augustine declares: In quorum consideratione non vana et peritura curiositas exercenda est, sed gradus ad immortalia et semper manentia faciendus.

⁴⁰ ver. relig. 52,§101. Compare ord. 11,19,§51. … promitti nobis aspectum pulchritudinis, cuius imitatione pulchra, cuius conparatione foeda sunt cetera.

⁴¹ ver. relig. 39,§72.

⁴² ver. relig. 38,§69 Serviunt enim cupiditati triplici, vel voluptatis, vel excellentiae, vel spectaculi. §70… vel libidine, vel superbia, vel curiositate damnati. In §70 Augustine uses I John II,16 as biblical authority and in §71 he links the classification to the triple temptation of Christ. For a philosophic derivation of it, see lib. arb. II, 19,§53 with parallels in mus. VI,14,§45. On occasion, Augustine links the lusts with certain of the animals of the creation story, e.g. Gen. c. Man. I,23,§40; en. in Psalm. VIII,13. See W. Theiler, op. cit. (note 2 A.), p. 36 f.

⁴³ ver. relig. 45,§84.

⁴⁴ ver. relig. 45,§85; compare 52,§101.

⁴⁵ ver. relig. 46,§86 f. §89 ipsa igitur natura humana sine carnali conditione diligenda est, sive sit perficienda sive perfecta. For a penetrating analysis of Augustine's thought in this area, see H. Arendt, op. cit. (note 2 A.).

⁴⁶ ver. relig. 47,§91. Et quamquam temporalia non diligit, ipse recte utitur temporalibus, et pro eorum sorte hominibus consulit.

⁴⁷ ver. relig. 48,§93.

⁴⁸ See p. 258 above.

⁴⁹ See p. 262 above. Compare Gen. c. Man. 1,3,§6 Illud autem lumen non irrationabilium avium oculos pascit, sed pura corda eorum qui Deo credunt, et ab amore visibilium rerum et temporalium se ad ejus praecepta implenda convertunt. Quod omnes homines possunt si velint.…

⁵⁰ See p. 258 above. Compare div. quaest. 83,§25. Sapientia Dei hominem ad exemplum, quo recte viveremus, suscepit.; §43; In ver. relig. 16,§32–17,§33 Augustine explains the Incarnation as illustrating disciplina morum, disciplina naturalis, and disciplina rationalis. Valuable material on the problem may be found in O. Scheel, op. cit. (note 2 A.) p. 1–149.

⁵¹ Compare the use of schola Dei in serm. II,4,§5 (c. 391 A.D.) and in serm. CCXCII, 1, § 1 (393–405 A.D.). For an analysis of Augustine's thought about the ecclesia in this period see F. Hofmann, op. cit. (note 2 A.) p. 36 f.

⁵² E.g. mag. 12,§39 Namque omnia quae percipimus aut sensu corporis aut mente percipimus. Illa sensibilia, haec intelligibilia, sive, ut more auctorum nostrorum loquar, ilia carnalia, haec spiritualia nominamus. Compare De duabus animabus §12 CSEL XXV.1 p. 66.

⁵³ E.g. mor. eccl. cath. I,22,§40. Sed inter omnia quae in hac vita possidentur, corpus homini gravissimum vinculum est, justissimis Dei legibus, propter antiquum peccatum, quo nihil est ad praedicandum notius, nihil ad intelligendum secretius. Compare anim. quant. 28,§55; 33,§76.

⁵⁴ serm. CCXVI,4,§4.

⁵⁵ See note 26 above.

⁵⁶ serm. CCXVI, 1,§1… ut inhabitem in domo Domini omnes dies vitae meae. Atque hujus regionis et habitationis beatitudinem explanans.… Compare the probably contemporary serm. CCXIV,8–9 for similar expressions, and see note 8 above.

⁵⁷ serm. CCLIX,2–3. If Augustine had written retractationes on the sermons he would probably have changed the rediemus of §2, as in the contra Academicos he changed rediturus in caelum. See note 7 above. For the eighth day as a return ad caput, see serm. in mon. I,4,§12. For chiliastic parallels, see div. quaest. 83, §57,2; en. in psalm. VI,1 f.

⁵⁸ Compare, for example, serm. CCXIV,§11 (391 A.D.) Sanctam quoque ecclesiam matrem vestram, tanquam supernam Jerusalem sanctam civitatem Dei honorate, diligite, praedicate; CCCLIII,2,§4 (391–96 A.D.); CXC,3,§3 (391–400 A.D.); CCLII,7,§7 (396 A.D.). There are also a few references in other writings, e.g. lib. arb. III,20,§57. God prepares, civitatis beatissimae gloriam triumphantibus de illo qui primum hominem ad istam miseriam perduxit.; Gen. c. Man. II, 10,§13; De fide et symbolo 6,§13 CSEL XLI,15; serm. in mon. I,15,§41; II,25, §84; en. in psalm. XV,3.

⁵⁹ It appears that in this period Augustine usually speaks of the ecclesia simply as a preparation for the heavenly city of God; he does not identify the ecclesia with the heavenly city. Compare, e.g. en. in psalm. V,8… quibus civitas ilia constabit, quam nunc parturit et paulatim parit ecclesia; exp. Galat. §24 (with the variant readings); div. quaest. 83, §61,2. Whether Augustine does or does not call the ecclesia on earth a city of God is perhaps merely a question of style. In serm. L,8,§11 (394–95 A.D.) there is an account of three “houses” of the Lord:… in domo ejus, id est in ecclesia,.… Prima enim domus, id est, cives terrenae Jerusalem.… ad aeternam gloriam domus novissimae. It would seem to take no more than a change in terminology to make this a doctrine of three “cities.” It would take more than a change of terminology for Augustine at this time to speak of a single society which includes both the angels in heaven and the Christians on earth; for this development see the discussion of the De catechizandis rudibus, p. 309 below. Serm. XV,3 (before 400 A.D.) illustrates the later approach; however the argument of the sermon is close to that of the Contra Faustum (see below p. 305 f.), and it should not be dated much before 400.

⁶⁰ div. quaest. 83, §49.

⁶¹ div. quaest. 83, §64,2… quoniam omnia visibilia ad exteriorem hominem pertinent, quibus Christiana disciplina renuntiatur.… quoniam et nobis vocatis a Christo visibilium delectatio minuitur, ut invisibilium amore homo interior recreatus, ad interiorem lucem quae numquam occidit, revertatur; en. in psalm. I,4… quia ut haec terra visibilis exteriorem hominem nutrit et continet, ita illa terra invisibilis interiorem hominem; ver. relig. 39,§72; mag. 1,§2.

⁶² div. quaest. 83, §36,2; §64,2; ver. relig. 26,148–49; mor. eccl. cath. 1,19,136.

⁶³ On this theory, see Scholz, H., Glaube und Unglaube in der Weltgeschichte (Leipzig, 1911) p.154 f.Google Scholar; Oeuvres de Saint Augustin (Bibliothèque Augustinienne) Vol. XI (Paris, 1949)552–4. Most of the extensive bibliography of Augustine's ideas of history deals only with his later position; however there is an excellent statement of the differences between the De vera religione and the De civitate Dei in the important work of Kamlah, W., Christentum und Geschichtlichkeit, 2nd ed. (Stuttgart, 1951) p. 302Google Scholar f. and particularly 311 f.

⁶⁴ Gen. c.Man. 1,23,§35 f.

⁶⁵ ver. relig. 26,§48.

⁶⁶ ver. relig. 26,§49.

⁶⁷ ver. relig. 26,§49. Augustine on a number of occasions works out schemes of progress and ascent, and many of these show similarities with the schemes of the Gen. c. Man. and of the ver. relig. Compare for example anim. quant. 33,§70 f. and doctr. christ. II,7,§9 f. On the general topic, see Hendrikx, E., Augustins Verhältnis zur Mystik (Cassiciacum I,1936) p. 110–123Google Scholar; Pépin, J., “Primitiae Spiritus. Remarques sur une citation paulinienne des ‘Confessions’ de saint Augustin” Revue de l'histoire des religions CXL (1951) 155–202CrossRefGoogle Scholar p. 193 f. with note 2.

⁶⁸ ver. relig. 26,§49. It must be remembered that Augustine still defines sin as in the passages cited note 19, above.

⁶⁹ ver. relig. 27,§5O. At about this time, Augustine frequently distinguishes the two aspects of God's providence, individual and public. Compare ver. relig. 25,§46. Quoniam igitur divina providentia non solum singulis hominibus quasi privatim, sed universo generi humano tanquam publice consulit.; div. quaest. 83,§44 Aliud enim est quod divina providentia quasi privatim cum singulis agit, aliud quod generi universo tanquam publice consulit.

⁷⁰ ver. relig. 27,§50.

⁷¹ For the lib. arb., see p. 264 above. The distinction between the impious and those devoted to the true God is not utilized in Augustine's outline of history, and he treats the Jews and the Christians as if together they constituted the human race. In ver. relig. 28,§51 he remarks of the prophets, Quisquis autem populi terreni temporibus usque ad illuminationem interioris hominis meruit pervenire, genus humanum pro tempore adjuvit…

⁷² serm. in mon. I,2,§9. Compare with the homo ordinatissimus of lib. arb. I,8,§18 f.

⁷³ E.g., ver. relig. 28,§51 Non enim honoribus suis vanis consulunt et inanibus laudibus, sed utilitati eorum cum quibus societatem vitae hujus inire meruerunt; Gen. c. Man, I,25,§43 propter utilitatem fraternae societatis; mor. eccl. cath. I,26,§48.

⁷⁴ serm. in mon. I,15,§41.

⁷⁵ ver. relig. SS,§III. Compare en. in psalm. II,9.

⁷⁶ E.g. De utilitate credendi 12,§27 GSEL XXV,i p.34; exp. Galat. §36; Contra Epistulam Fundamenti 4, CSEL XXV,1 p. 196. On the general development see F. Hofmann, op. cit. (note 2 A.) p. 99 f.

⁷⁷ Compare serm. in mon. I,12,§34; Contra Fortunatum Disputatio §22, CSEL XXV p. 104 f. On the development, see K. Janssen, op. cit. (note 2 B.) p. 96 f.

⁷⁸ Compare O. Scheel, op. cit. (note 2 A.) p. 79 f.

⁷⁹ Compare F. Hofmann, op. cit. (note 2 A.) p. 76 f.

⁸⁰ E.g. div. quaest. 83, §58,2; §64,2; serm. CCLIX.2 (c. 393 A.D.); contra Adimantum 2 CSEL XXV,118.

⁸¹ The most important texts are listed in H. Scholz, op. cit. (note 63) p. 154 f.

⁸² exp. prop. Roman §13–18 with frequent later allusions: 130,35,45–46,51, and 53. Compare also exp. Galat. §46 and §61; div. quaest. 83, §61,7 and 66,3. On Augustine's use of this scheme of history, see Platz, P., Der Römerbrief in der Gnadenlehre Augustins (Cassiciacum V,1938) p. 123 fGoogle Scholar.

⁸³ div. quaest. 83, §66,3 Ex quo comprehendimus, quatuor esse differentias in uno homine quibus gradatim peractis in vita aeterna manebitur. Augustine appears in this scheme to have placed the Jews in pueritia and the Christians in juventus; see div. quaest. 83, §44,§49; exp. Galat. §28; retract. 1,25§44 (= ed. Maur. 1,26).

⁸⁴ See above, p. 274 f.

⁸⁵ mor. eccl. cath. 1,28,§56; ver. relig. 4,§9; 17,§33; serm. in mon. I,1,§2; de utilitate credendi 3,§9 CSEL XXV,12; exp. Galat. §19,§22; div. quaest. 83, §61,1.

⁸⁶ exp. Galat. §58. Compare §7 non per illam spiritualem legem quam acceperunt Judaei.… Lex enim spiritualis est nee carnaliter se cogit intelligi, sed illorum vitium est, qui et ilia quae acceperunt carnaliter sentiunt.

⁸⁷ exp. prop. Roman. §52. Augustine does not wish to set up a merely comparative distinction between the Jews (spiritus servitutis) and the Christians (spiritus adoptionis). Nam si spiritum servitutis ipsum spiritum hominis intellexerimus, incipit spiritus adoptionis ipse intelligi tanquam in melius commutatus.

⁸⁸ exp. Galat. §40. It will be noted that Augustine does not yet say what he does in the De baptismo contra Donatistas (401 A.D.) 1,15,§24 CSEL LI,168 Ecclesia uero, quod est populus Dei, etiam in istius uitae peregrinatione antique res est.…

⁸⁹ exp. Galat. §23. On the general problem, see Beumer, J., ‘Die Idee einer vorchristlichen Kirche bei Augustinus” Münchener Theologische Zeitschrift III (1952) 161–75Google Scholar.

⁹⁰ For explicit statements of Augustine's changed attitude toward the six ages, compare the later texts: Quaestionum Libri VII, V1I,§49 CSEL XXVIII.2 p. 500. … ex omnibus quippe aetatibus ecclesia congregatur. In Joannis Evangelium, Tract. IX,6 PL XXXV,1461. Illa ergo tempora sex, quasi articulis distributa atque distincta, quasi vasa essent inania, nisi a Christo implerentur.

⁹¹ massa peccati is used div. quaest. 83, §68,3… et omnes una massa luti facti sumus, quod est massa peccati.

⁹² exp. prop. Roman. §44,155.

⁹³ exp. prop. Roman. §55; §60 f.

⁹⁴ Augustine was well aware of the importance of the Ad Simplicianum in his development. Compare retract. II,27,§3 (= ed. Maur. II,1, §1) in cuius quaestionis solutione laboratum est quidem pro libero arbitrio uoluntatis humanae, sed uicit dei gratia…; De praedestinatione sanctorum 4,§8 (PL XLIV,965 f.) Videtis certe quid tune (= exp. prop. Roman.) de fide atque operibus sentiebam, quamvis de commendanda gratia Dei laborarem: in qua sententia istos fraters nostros esse nunc video; quia non sicut legere meos libros, ita etiam in eis curaverunt proficere mecum. Nam si curassent, invenissent istam quaestionem secundum veritatem divinarum Scripturarum solutam in primo libro duorum, quos ad beatae memoriae Simplicianum scripsi…; De dono perseverantiae 20,§52 (PL XLV,1026).

⁹⁵ Simplic. I,2,22.

⁹⁶ Simplic. I,2,19.

⁹⁷ Augustine cites the passage as follows: Et omnes homines de solo, et ex terra Adam creatus est. In multitudine disciplinae Dominus separavit eos, et immutavit vias eorum. Et ex ipsis benedixit et exaltavit, et ex his sanctificavit et ad se applicavit, et ex ipsis maledixit et humiliavit: et convertit illos ad dissensionem illorum. Quasi Iutum figuli in manu ipsius plasmare illud et disponere, omnes viae ejus secundum dispositionem ejus; sic homo in manu illius qui se fecit, et reddet illi secundum judicium suum. Contrarium malo bonum est, et contra mortem vita est; sic et contra virum justum peccator. Et sic intuere in omnia opera altissimi: duo, duo; unum contra unum.

⁹⁸ Simplic. I,2,20.

⁹⁹ Ibid.

¹⁰⁰ Simplic. I,2,20–21.

¹⁰¹ See above, p. 273 f.

¹⁰² Simplic. 1,2,20. Similar statements are found in the roughly contemporary Contra Epistulam Fundamenti §33 (CSEL XXV,236–37) applied to a prince of the Manichaean realm of evil. Lauda tu mecum speciem, distinctionem, ordinationem, pacem, unitatem formarum, membrorum congruentias et numerosas parilitates, uitalia spiramenta et nutrimenta, temperamentum salutis, regimen et moderamen animae famulatusque corporis,… adtendite quanta laudabilia remanebunt: compago corporis, membrorum hinc atque inde congruentia, formae unitas et pax contextarum inter se partium, animae regentis et uegetantis famulantisque et uegatati corporis ordo et dispositio.

¹⁰³ Simplic. I,2,18. Compare the definition of sin with that given above p. 262 and note 19; there is a new emphasis on the contrast between creator and creature as fundamental.

¹⁰⁴ Simplic. I,2,16.

¹⁰⁵ Simplic. I,2,16. In ipsis rebus humanis terrenisque contractibus… in quibus nisi supernae justitiae quaedam impressa vestigia teneremus, numquam in ipsum cubile ac penetrale sanctissimum atque castissimum spiritualium praeceptorum nostrae infirmitatis suspiceret atque inhiaret intentio.… Haec imago vel, ut supra dixi, vestigium negotiis hominum de fastigio summo aequitatis impressum est. For a similar passage, probably somewhat earlier, see div. quaest. 83, §53,2. Ex hac igitur ineffabili atque sublimi rerum administratione, quae fit per divinam providentiam, quasi transcripta est naturalis lex in animam rationalem, ut in ipsa vitae hujus conversatione moribusque terrenis homines talium distributionum imagines servent.

¹⁰⁶ Simplic. I,2,16… quod Deus “cujus vult miseretur et quem vult obdurat,” hoc est, cujus vult miseretur et cujus vult non miseretur, esse alicujus occultae atque ab humano modulo investigabilis aequitatis.… Eorum autem non miseretur, quibus misericordiam non esse praebendam, aequitate occultissima et ab humanis sensibus remotissima judicat. Inscrutabilia enim sunt judicia ejus, et investigabiles viae ipsius (Romans XI,33).

In the writings of the preceding period Augustine sometimes speaks of “hiddenness” in a similar context but its meaning is different: e.g. div. quaest. 83, §68,4 Prorsus cujus vult miseretur et quem vult obdurat; sed haec voluntas Dei injusta esse non potest. Venit enim de occultissimis meritis…; exp. prop. Roman §63; possibly serm.CCXIV,3(391.A.D.). Here it is the “facts” which are hidden, and if Augustine knew them he would understand the Why of God's action; in the case of Jacob and Esau, there are no facts, and the Why of the action must remain incomprehensible.

The notion of incomprehensibility as it appears in the Ad Simplicianum should, I think, be distinguished from Neoplatonist unknowability as it is found in the De ordine II,16,§44; 18,§47 in relation to God. Similarly this “measure” which cannot be grasped is to be distinguished from the “measure without measure” of De Genesi ad Litteram IV,3,§7. On this last, see J. Ritter, op. cit. (Note 2 A.) p. 11.

¹⁰⁷ Simplic. I,2,22. In contrast, compare the early ord. II,7,§24. et tamen etiam ista omnia, quae fatemur esse peruersa, non esse praeter diuinum ordinem alta quaedam et a multitudinis uel suspicione remotissima disciplina se ita studiosis et deum atque animas tantum amantibus manifestaturam esse promittit, ut non nobis summae numerorum possint esse certiores.

¹⁰⁸ On the Confessiones in general, see P. Courcelle, op. cit. (note 2 B.) with full bibliography; Cayré, F., “Le sens et l'unité des Confessions de saint Augustin” L'année théologique augustinienne XIII(1953) 13–32Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁹ conf. I,1,§1. There are some comments on the interpretation of Psalm CXLVI,6 in en. in psalm. CXLVI, §11. Ergo intelligentiae ejus non est numerus. Conticescant humanae voces, requiescant humanae cogitationes: ad incomprehensibilia non se extendant quasi comprehensuri, sed tanquam participaturi; … dictum est de Jerusalem, cujus dispersiones colligit, dictum est de ilia quiddam magnum: Jerusalem quae aedificatur ut civitas, cujus participatio est in idipsum. (Psalm CXXI,3).

¹¹⁰ See p. 264 f. above.

¹¹¹ Book X stands somewhat apart from the rest of the work and will be treated separately; see p. 297 below.

¹¹² For the distinction, see note 69, above.

¹¹³ conf.VII,20,§26; 21,§27.

¹¹⁴ conf. VII,17,§23; 20,§26.

¹¹⁵ conf. IX,10,§23. On the vision at Ostia, see P. Courcelle, op. cit. (note 2 B.) p. 222 f.; J. Pépin, op. cit. (note 67, above).

¹¹⁶ conf. IX,10,§24.

¹¹⁷ conf. IX,13,§33.

¹¹⁸ conf. XI,2,§3 et considerem mirabilia de lege tua ab usque principio, in quo fecisti caelum et terram, usque ad regnum tecum perpetuum sanctae civitatis tuae. Compare X,43,§70. ecce domine, iacto in te curam meam, ut vivam et considerabo mirabilia de lege tua.

There has been surprisingly little scholarly study of Books XI–XIII of the Confessiones. See however Lipgens, W., “Die Bekenntnisse Augustins als Beitrag zur christlichen Geschichtsauffassung” Münchener Theologische Zeitschrift (II (1951)164–77)Google Scholar; Le Blond, J.-M., Les Conversions de Saint Augustin (Paris, 1950) Part IIIGoogle Scholar.

¹¹⁹ conf.XI,2,§4.

¹²⁰ On Augustine's doctrine of time, particularly in the Confessiones, see Brunner, P., “Zur Auseinandersetzung zwischen antikem und christlichem Zeit- und Geschichtsverständnis bei Augustin” Zeitschrift für Theologie und Kirche N.F. XIV (1933) 1–25Google Scholar; Callahan, J. F., Four Views of Time in Ancient Philosophy (Cambridge, 1948)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, Chapter IV; Rau, C., “Theories of Time in Ancient Philosophy” Philosophical Review LXII (1953) 514–25CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹²¹ Compare p. 264 f, above, on the De musica, and mus. VI,ii,§29.

¹²² conf. XI,22,§38.

¹²³ Ibid.

¹²⁴ conf. XI,29,§39…

¹²⁵ conf. XI,29,§39… praeterita oblitus, non in ea quae futura et transitura sunt, sed in ea quae ante sunt non distentus sed extentus, non secundum distentionem sed secundum intentionem sequor ad palmam supernae vocationis… Augustine's experience of his eternal calling to the heavenly Israel seems regularly to be stated through some use of Philippians III,12–14. Compare e.g. conf. IX,10,§23 (see p. 289 above); conf. XII,16,§23… et recordans Hierusalem extento in earn sursum corde…; doctr. christ. 1,34,§38 (see p. 306 below). For other possibly contemporary interpretations of the text, see serm. CCLV,6,§6 (418 A.D., but see Kunzelmann, op. cit. (p. 257 above) p. 479.); serm. Denis XVIII,2 (at latest 399 A.D.).

It will be noted that Paul has a simple contrast between the things which are past and the things which are before, and the things which are before serve to express man's heavenly calling. Augustine's scheme is more complicated. He has the contrast between past and future and the corresponding actions of memory and expectation. However both memory and expectation are grouped together as distention, and Augustine's distention in time is contrasted with his intention (sometimes extention) on his eternal calling.

In his early period, Augustine makes use of a simpler interpretation which harmonizes well with his Platonism of the time: Gen. c. Man. 11,9,§12. … anima quae debet in ea quae anteriora sunt se extendere, id est, in Deum, et ea quae posteriora sunt oblivisci, id est, corporeas voluptates.

¹²⁶ conf. XI,29,§39 at ego in tempora dissilui, quorum ordinem nescio,…

¹²⁷ conf. XI,31,§41.

¹²⁸ conf. XII,9,§9.

¹²⁹ conf. XII,11,§12.

¹³⁰ conf. XII,11,§12.

¹³¹ conf.XII,16,§23.

¹³² See the account of the dialogue at Ostia, p. 288 f. above.

¹³³ conf.XII,32,§43.

¹³⁴ conf. XIII,8,§9; compare XIII,2,§3.

¹³⁵ conf. XIII,10,§11.

¹³⁶ conf. XIII,14,§15.

¹³⁷ conf. XIII,20,§28. It will be noted that Augustine is making use of the triple classification of the lusts; see note 42 above.

¹³⁸ conf. XIII,17,§20.

¹³⁹ conf.XIII,17,§20.

¹⁴⁰ conf. XIII, 17,§21. In conf. XIII,23,§33 Augustine identifies the land with the ecclesia.

¹⁴¹ conf.XIII,15,§16.

¹⁴² conf.XIII,15,§18.

¹⁴³ conf.XIII,17,§21.

¹⁴⁴ conf. XIII,18,§23. In XIII,20,§27, Augustine groups sapientia and scientia together in contrast to operationes corporales.

¹⁴⁵ conf. XIII,20,§27.

¹⁴⁶ conf. XIII,21,§29.

¹⁴⁷ conf. XIII,21,§30–31. Particularly interesting is Augustine's statement on “knowledge”: §31… et serpentes boni non perniciosi ad nocendum, sed astute ad cavendum et tantum explorantes temporalem naturam, quantum sufficit, ut per ea quae facta sunt, intellecta conspiciatur aeternitas. In the early works (see e.g. p. 265 above) such an ascent leads to the highest point of the Christian's life on earth; here in the Confessiones, it has in some way been “secularized.”

¹⁴⁸ conf.XIII,23,§34.

¹⁴⁹ conf. XIII,18,§23.

¹⁵⁰ conf. XIII,29,§44. Compare XIII,18,§22. Tu autem idem ipse est et in annis tuis qui non deficiunt, horreum praeparas annis transeuntibus.

¹⁵¹ conf.XIII,34,§49.

¹⁵² conf. XIII,32,§47.

¹⁵³ conf. XIII,31,§46.

¹⁵⁴ conf.XIII,21,§29.

¹⁵⁵ conf.XIII,27,§42.

¹⁵⁶ For its place in the whole work and the argument that Book X is a later addition, see Williger, E., “Der Aufbau der Konfessionen Augustins” Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft XXVIII(1929)81–106Google Scholar.

¹⁵⁷ conf. X,6,§10. sed amore subduntur eis et subditi iudicare non possunt. Contrast this with the earlier account of Romans 1,20 in ver. relig. 52,§101. Imo vero commemorati ab iis quae judicamus.…

¹⁵⁸ conf. X,24,§35.

¹⁵⁹ conf. X, 26,§37.

¹⁶⁰ Compare notes 42 and 137 above. For a comparison of the argument in the conf. with that in the ver. relig. see W. Theiler, op. cit. (note 2 A) p. 40 f.

¹⁶¹ See above p. 267 f.

¹⁶² conf. X,36,§59. For the phrase humanae societatis officia, see mor. eccl. cath. I,26,§49.

¹⁶³ c. Faust. XV,8; compare XVII,6; XIX.7; XXII,6. For an assimilation of the Old Testament heroes to the Christians, see XIX,14; for the absence of any emphasis on the progressive character of the five ages, see XII,8 and 14.

¹⁶⁴ c. Faust. XXII,27,28,30,43,61,73, and 78.

¹⁶⁵ One might here notice the contrast between the earlier statement of the De ordine II,18,§47 hic est ordo studiorum sapientiae, per quern fit quisque idoneus ad intelligendum ordinem rerum, id est ad dinoscendos duos mundos et ipsum parentem uniuersitatis… and div. quaest. 83, §81,1 Omnis sapientiae disciplina, quae ad homines erudiendos pertinet, est creatorem creaturamque dignoscere, et ilium colere dominantem, istam subjectam fateri. Compare note 119, above.

¹⁶⁶ c. Faust. XXII,72. Compare XXI,2–3.

¹⁶⁷ c. Faust. XXII,78.

¹⁶⁸ c. Faust. XXII,71.

¹⁶⁹ c. Faust. XXVI,3.

¹⁷⁰ c. Faust. XXII,27.

¹⁷¹ c. Faust. XXII,75.

¹⁷² c. Faust. XXII,75. Compare XXII,74… salutis publicae defensores; XXII,31… in caeteris actibus ad humanam pacem pertinentibus.

¹⁷³ Compare e.g. exp. prop. Roman, §72,§74. exp. Galat. §28.

¹⁷⁴ c. Faust. XIX,24 et diligamus inimicum propter id quod in eo bonum est, id est, socialem rationalemque creaturam.

¹⁷⁵ c. Faust. XXII,76. Compare XII,32… quia ecce conspicimus leges ipsas regni terreni quae aduersus Christum ante fremuerant, nunc jam perempta feritate dulcedini evangelicae praedicandae etiam munimenta praebere.

In the passage quoted in the text, Augustine speaks of the civitas impiorum. There are other passages in which Augustine indicates that he is still making use of a dualist interpretation of history; see for example the contrast between corpus diaboli and corpus dominicum in XXII,93. However there was no need to emphasize this dualism in answering the Manichaean arguments, and Augustine may have deliberately avoided it as dangerously close to the Manichaan argument on two kingdoms.

¹⁷⁶ See above p. 273 f.

¹⁷⁷ There are a few passages before the Contra Faustum which suggest that Augustine has modified his earlier position; e.g. conf. XIII,14,§15 speaks of interius nostrum tenebrosum et fluvidum. In div. quaest. 83,§64,2 Augustine still writes, Et quoniam exterior est homo vetus, et novus interior.

¹⁷⁸ c. Faust. XXIV.i. Compare with Faustus' position the earlier statement of Augustine himself, div. quaest. 83, §36,2. Tune jam persuadendum est fidelibus praecedentibus regenerationis sacramentis, quae necesse est plurimum moveant, quid intersit inter duos homines, veterem et novum, exteriorem et interiorem…; §51,1.

¹⁷⁹ c. Faust. XXIV,2 Paulus quidem apostolus interiorem hominem per spiritum mentis, exteriorem uero in corpore atque in ista mortali vita uult intelligi; non tamen utrumque horum simul duos homines eum dixisse aliquando in eius litteris legitur, sed unum, quem totum Deus fecerit, id est, et id, quod interius est, et id, quod exterius.

¹⁸⁰ c. Faust. XXIV,2 item cum de terreno et caelesti homine dissereret idem Paulus inter mortalem immortalemque discernens, inter id quod in Adam sumus, et illud quod in Christo erimus. For Augustine's earlier use of the outer-inner contrast in this same context, see div. quaest. 83, §51.1.

¹⁸¹ c. Faust. XXIV,2 ergo totus ille homo, id est, et interiore et exteriore sui parte, inueteravit propter peccatum…

¹⁸² c. Faust. XIII,7. Compare XIII,9 … Domini, qui per reges terrae, secundum eandem prophetiam, iam sibi seruientes seque adorantes, seuerissimis legibus terrain confringit, id est, terreni cordis frangit audaciam; XXII,38. serm. XLIV,2 (c. 400A.D.).

¹⁸³ c. Faust. XII42; XXII,60,76.

¹⁸⁴ cons, evang. I,13,§20.

¹⁸⁵ doctr. christ. I,4,§4–10,§10. Compare with p. 259 above and with c. Acad. II,1,§1.

¹⁸⁶ doctr. christ. I, 11, §11 Cum ergo ipsa sit patria, viam se quoque nobis fecit ad patriam.

¹⁸⁷ doctr. christ. I,34,§38 Christ… non solum pervenientibus possessionem, sed etiam viam praebere se voluit venientibus ad principium viarum.… There are close connections between the argument here and the analysis of time in Book XI of the Confessiones. Compare conf. XI.29,§39 with doctr. christ. I,34,§38. Apostolus igitur, quamvis adhuc ambularet in via et ad palmam supernae vocationis sequeretur vocantem Deum, tamen ea quae retro sunt oblivescens et in ea quae ante sunt extentus (Philipp. III,12–14), jam principium viarum transierat; hoc est, eo non indigebat a quo tamen aggrediendum et exoriendum iter est omnibus qui ad veritatem pervenire, et in vita aeterna permanere desiderant. The notion of Christ as both patria and via appears in a number of sermons dating roughly c. 400 A.D.: serm. XCII,3§3 (391–405 A.D.); serm. Denis VIII, 1 (393–405 A.D.). For an early statement of the same point in terms of time and eternity, see cons, evang. I,35,§53. For a discussion of Augustine's later use of the idea, see Comeau, M., “Le Christ, chemin et terme de l'ascension spirituelle d'après saint Augustine,” Recherches de Science Religieuse XL(1952)80–89Google Scholar.

¹⁸⁸ See p. 264 f. above.

¹⁸⁹ doctr. Christ. II,23,§35 f.; 39,§58 f.

¹⁹⁰ doctr. Christ. I,23,§23.

¹⁹¹ doctr. Christ. I,24,§25.

¹⁹² doctr. Christ. II,39,§58.; 25,138 f.

¹⁹³ catech. rud. 19,§31. I have in general followed the translation by J. P. Christopher in his edition in the Catholic University of America Patristic Studies, Vol. VIII (Washington, 1926). Another general statement on the two cities, possibly almost as early as that of the De catechizandis rudibus is found in De Genesi ad Litteram XI, 15,§20 (CSEL XXVIII,347 f.)

The bibliography on Augustine's theory of the two cities is very extensive, but most of the writings concentrate their attention on the De civitate Dei. Some discussion of the earlier period may be found in the following. Scholz, H., Glaube und Unglaube in der Weltgeschichte (Leipzig, 1911)Google Scholar; Kamlah, W., Christentum und Geschichtlichkeit, 2nd ed. (Stuttgart, 1951)Google Scholar; Gilson, E., Les metamorphoses de la cité de Dieu (Paris, 1952)Google Scholar; Bardy, G., “La formation du concept de ‘Cité de Dieu’ dans l'oeuvre de saint Augustin” L'année théologique augustinienne XII(1952) 5–19Google Scholar.; Lauras, A. and Rondet, H., “Le thème des deux cités dans l'oeuvre de saint Augustin” in Études Augustiniennes, H. Rondet etc. (Paris, 1953) 99–160Google Scholar. An article by Ratzinger, “Les origines de l'idée des deux cités et la notion des deux cités chez st. Augustin” has been announced for publication in the Congrès International Augustinien (to appear September, 1954).

¹⁹⁴ See p. 306 above.

¹⁹⁵ catech. rud. 19,§33. neque tune sane defuerunt justi qui Deum pie quaererent, et superbiam diaboli vincerent, cives illius sanctae civitatis… Ex quibus Abraham pius… For the earlier development in exp. Galat., see p. 281 above.

¹⁹⁶ Compare catech. rud. 3,§6 ecclesia id est populus Dei per omnes gentes, quod est corpus ejus; adjunctis etiam et annumeratis omnibus sanctis, qui etiam ante adventum ejus in hoc saeculo vixerunt…; 19,§33.

¹⁹⁷ catech. rud. 19,§33.

¹⁹⁸ For the six ages, see 17,§28 and 22,§39.

¹⁹⁹ cons, evang. I,13,§20.

²⁰⁰ catech. rud. 21,§37. For the general exegesis, compare c. Faust. XII,36.

²⁰¹ catech. rud. 21,§37.

²⁰² See catech. rud. 20,§36.

²⁰³ catech. rud. 22,§40.

²⁰⁴ catech. rud. XXII40. An identification of Babylon with terrena civitas is found in the Adnotationum in lob Lib. I:3 (CSEL XXVIII,2 p. 511); compare 6 (P. 519). This is exceptional for the period 386–400, and it will be remembered that Augustine does not revise nor take responsibility for the work: see retract II,39,i (= ed. Maur. II,13).

²⁰⁵ It is difficult to determine just what Augustine's position on this point is in about 400. Sometimes he seems to admit the vision and deny that it saves; sometimes he seems to deny the vision and admit that it saves. Compare, for example, doctr. christ. I,4,§4; conf. VII,20,§26; X,6,§10; XIII,21,§31; De Trinitate IV,16,§20 f. (PL XLII,901 f.) For the early dating of this book, see Hendrikx, E., “La date de composition du De Trinitate de S. Augustin” L'année théologique augustinienne XII(1952)305–16 part. 309–10Google Scholar.

²⁰⁶ For the place of the ecclesia and the sacraments, compare Simplic. I,2,2 and 2,22; conf. XIII,21,§29; on the ecclesia and rule, compare conf. XIII,23,§33.