¹ M.P.G. 10, 1051–1104.

² M.P.G. 10, 987–1018.

³ M.P.G. 10, 1019–1048.

⁴ Pitra, J. B., Analecta Sacra, IV (1883)Google Scholar, Syriac text, pp. 103–120; Latin version, pp. 363–376.

⁵ M.P.G. 46, 909–910.

⁶ So Bardenhewer, O., Geschichte der altkirchlichen Literatur, II (1903), pp. 281–282Google Scholar and 279–280, and Sagarda, N. I., Svjatyj Grigórij Čudotvórec (1916), pp. 326–340Google Scholar. With more reserve, as touching To Theopompus, Puech, A., Histoire de la Littérature grecque Chrétienne, II (1928), pp. 506–508Google Scholar. For the authenticity of the Creed, Caspari, C. P., Quellen zur Geschichte der Glaubensregel (1879), pp. 25–64Google Scholar, and Froidevaux, L., in Recherches de Science Religieuse, XIX (1929), pp. 193–247Google Scholar.

⁷ M.P.G. 46, 893–958.

⁸ M.P.G. 46, 909 A and 897 C.

⁹ M.P.G. 46, 944 A.

¹⁰ M.P.G. 46, 904 A and 905 D.

¹¹ M.P.G. 46, 941D.

¹² De Spiritu Sancto, 29 (M.P.G. 32, 203 C).

¹³ De Spiritu Sancto, 74 (M.P.G. 32, 208): oὐκoῦν oὐ πρᾶξίν τινα, oὐ λóγoν, oὐ τύπoν τινὰ μυστικóν, παρ' δν ἑκεῖνoς κατέλιπε, τῆ ἑκκλησίᾳ πρoσέθηκαν. ταύτη τoι καὶ πoλλὰ τῶν παρ' αὐτoῖς τελoυμένων ἑλλειπῶς έχειν δoκεῖ διὰ τò τῆς καταστάσεως άρχαιóτρoπoν. And see Epp. 28, 207 and 210 (M.P.G. 32, 303–310, 764 and 772).

¹⁴ Père H. Delehaye gives an account of this in his Légendes grecques des Saints militaires (1909).

¹⁵ Op. cit., pp. 18–48, for the Theodores, whose legend connects them with Euchaita, while Basiliscus belongs to Comana. Chrysostom was buried at Comana.

¹⁶ Koetschau, Paul, Zur Lebensgeschichte Gregors des Wunderthäters, in Zeitschrift für wissenschaftliche Theologie, XLI (1898), pp. 211–250Google Scholar; Poncelet, Albert, La Vie Latine de saint Grégoire le Thaumaturge, in Recherches de Science Religieuse, I (1910), pp. 132–160Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Codex MCMXVIII, 2, add. 14648. A translation of the Syriac life into German was published by Ryssel, Victor, Eine syrische Lebensgeschichte des Gregorius Thaumaturgus, in the Theologische Zeitschrift aus der Schweiz, XI (1894), pp. 228–254Google Scholar. The MS. is described in Wright's catalogue of Syriac MSS. in the British Museum, p. 1091.

¹⁸ The stories are an addendum to Book VII, c. 28. The text is given in Eusebius, II, in Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller, edited by E. Schwartz, 1903.

¹⁹ M.P.G. 46, 915 B.

²⁰ M.P.G. 46, 924 C.

²¹ M.P.G. 46, 956 A.

²² It occurs in the Syriac Testament of St. Ephraem Syrus. For the text, see Assemani, J. S., Ephraem Syri Opera Omnia, II (1743), pp. 399–400Google Scholar. For the authenticity of this part of the Testament see Lamy, Mgr in Compte Rendu du IVme Congrès Scientifique de Catholiques (1898), p. 202Google Scholar, and Duval, R. in Le Journal Asiatique (1901), pp. 234–242Google Scholar. In the Funeral Oration on St. Ephraem attributed to Nyssen the passage from the Testament is reproduced in a form which very closely resembles the passage in the Panegyric. It μὴ ίδίᾳ τῷ αώματί μoυ τάϕoν ἑργάσησθε, λóγoν γὰρ έχω μετὰ θεoῦ αὐλισθῆναί με σύν τoῖς ξένoις (M.P.G. 46, 837 D ).

²³ For this trait in Nyssen's writing, see Méridier, L., L'Influence de la Seconde Sophistique sur Grégoire de Nysse (1906), c. xvGoogle Scholar.

²⁴ M.P.G. 46, 953 B.

²⁶ M.P.G. 46, 956.

²⁶ See Anderson, J. G. C. and Cumont, P., Studia Pontica, I (1903), p. 67Google Scholar and passim.

²⁷ Travels in little-known parts of Asia Minor, II (1870), p. 288Google Scholar.

²⁸ H. Omont, Catalogus Codicum Hagiographicorum Graecorum in Bibliotheca Nationali Parisiensi (1896), p. 889.

²⁹ Bernard de Montfaucon, Bibliotheca Coisliniana (1715), pp. 78–80. Montfaucon is corrected by Gallandius (Bibl. Vet. Patr. III, p. 466) in his supposition that the anecdote is peculiar to this MS. It is so, only in its position and omissions.

³⁰ ἀλλoτρίων τάϕων is another example of the ‘plural of vagueness,’ and may be translated ‘of some tomb made for another.' The omission of τάϕων leaves ἀλλoτρίων πάρoικoς as a colourless phrase continuing the idea of ‘stranger and sojourner’ μετὰ θάνατoν.

³¹ In Bibliotheca Casinensis, III (1877), florilegium, p. 179.

³² K. C. Doukakes, Mέγας Συναξαρίστης, XI (1895), p. 408, based on the Παράδεισoς of Agapius, monk of Crete, 1797.

³³ Historia Ecclesiastica, Book II, c. 54 (M.P.G. 861, 209). Perhaps because earthquakes are a boon to chronographers, the story was repeated; by the early 9th century Theophanes, Chronographia, M.P.G. 108, 346 B; the 11th century George Cedrenus, Historiae Compendium, M.P.G. 121, 684; and Gregory Bar-Hebraeus, Chronicon Syriacum, Dynasty VIII, edited by P. J. Brans and G. G. Kirsch (1789), II (Latin version), p. 80. In Sir E. A. W. Budge's Chronography of Abul Faraj (1982), I, (English version), p. 73, the translation is given as ‘when Neocaesarea was overwhelmed, besides the church of St. Gregory’ — which can hardly represent the original text.

³⁴ The travels of Macarius of Antioch, by Paul of Aleppo, 1682, edited and translated by F. C. Belfour (1836), II, (English version), p. 439. Macarius' party dared not enter Neocaesarea, and only saw ruins from a distance.

³⁵ F. Cumont, Studia Pontica, I, p. 261.

³⁶ V. Cuinet, La Turquie en Asie, p. 733, and Travels of Macarius, II, p. 442.

^{page 237 note 1} M.P.G. 46, 912 D.

^{page 237 note 2} M.P.G. 36, 164 D.

^{page 237 note 3} M.P.G. 36, 420 A.

^{page 237 note 4} J. D. Mansi, Concilia, IV (1760 ed.), p. 1101.

^{page 237 note 5} J. Tixeront. Précis de Patrologie (1918), p. 235.

^{page 238 note 6} Historia Ecclesiastica, Book VII, c. 27 (M.P.G. 67, 1501).

^{page 238 note 7} Narrated in Nyssen's Panegyric, M.P.G. 46, 939 C.

^{page 238 note 8} Historia Ecclesiastica, Book IV, c. 27 (M.P.G. 67, 536).

^{page 239 note 9} M.P.G. 32, 203 C.

^{page 239 note 10} M.P.G. 46, 980.

^{page 239 note 11} M.P.G. 67, 536 C.

^{page 239 note 12} M.P.G. 46, 916 D.

^{page 240 note 13} E. Schwartz, Prozess des Eutyches, Sitzungsberichte der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1929, p. 12.

^{page 240 note 14} M.P.G. 861, 209. The church is called oἶκoς τoῦ Θαυματoυργoῦ.

^{page 240 note 15} The Sixth Book of the Select Letters of Severus of Antioch edited and translated by E. W. Brooks (1903), p. 393.

^{page 240 note 16} Patrologia Orientalis, VIII (Hymn 182), p. 643.

^{page 240 note 17} See N. Nilles, Kalendarium utriusque Ecclesiae (1896), which instances the Syrian Orthodox, Syro-Maronites, Armenians, Copts, Malabar Christians, Ruthenian Catholics, and Serbs. Also J. Forget, Synaxarium Alexandrinum (1921, in Arabic), and Sir Wallis Budge, Saints of the Ethiopian Church, I, pp. 266, 267.

^{page 241 note 18} Harduin, J., Conciliorum Collectio, II (1715), 1162Google Scholar. But it would be untrue to represent this plea as dressed to please Constantinople. It was a regular part of the Severian case. See B. Draguet, Julien d'Halicarnasse (1924), passim, for the use made of the pseudo-Gregory by the party.

^{page 242 note 19} S. Binius, Concilia, IV (1686), p. 146. Harduin and Mansi do not print the Palatina collection of documents. The Dictionary of Christian Biography, s.v. Gregory Thaumaturgus, wrongly cites this as referring to the Fifth Ecumenical Council, held at Constantinople in 553, whereas it belongs to the Fifth Session of the Council held under Mennas in 536.

^{page 242 note 20} C. P. Caspari, Quellen (1879), pp. 4–7, footnotes. He does not note the use by Macarius of Antioch, at the Ecumenical Council at Constantinople in 680, of the Revealed Creed, see Mansi, XI, 351.

^{page 242 note 21} For example, Johannes Veccius, In Camateri animadversiones (M.P.G. 141, 577), andNicetas Choniates, Liber Thesauri, II, 32 (M.P.G. 139, 1168).

^{page 242 note 22} For example, Constantine Meliteniota, De Processione Sancti Spiritus, Oratio I (M.P.G. 140, 1060), and Georgius Metochites, Contra Manuelen Cretensem (M.P.G. 140, 1389).

^{page 242 note 23} Acta Sanctorum, Tomus Novembris III, p. 880. The date of this libellus is discussed on p. 860. To the same century belongs the De Thematibus of Constantine Porphyrogenetes, which names the Thaumaturge as one of the ‘seven stars’ of Cappadocia, distinguishing Neocaesarea as his town (M.P.G. 113, 94).

^{page 243 note 24} M.P.G. 46, 908.

^{page 243 note 25} See, e.g., the picture of the approach of the principal men of the city to Gregory to be master of the city school (cf. Basil, Ep. ccx, Par 2) or of the disdain of the Athenian- taught youth for a country bishop, Alexander of Comana (cf. Vita Macrinae account of Basil on his return home). The descriptions of the turning from the world to the desert by Gregory (in the Panegyric) and Basil (in the Funeral Oration) are altogether parallel.

^{page 243 note 26} See Jugie, M., Les Homilies Mariales attributeées à Saint Grégoire le Thaumaturge, in Analecta Bollandiana, XLIII (1925), pp. 86–95Google Scholar; and J. Pitra, Analecta, III, pp. 122–169, 377–412.

^{page 244 note 27} M.P.G. 90, 147.

^{page 244 note 28} Analecta, I, p. 608.

^{page 244 note 29} Analecta, I, p. 666.

^{page 244 note 30} Analecta, II, p. 393.

^{page 244 note 31} In Diatriba de Psellis, M.P.G. 122, 520 A.

^{page 244 note 32} See the letter of Blemmides in M.P.G. 142, 606.

^{page 244 note 33} See H. O. Coxe, Catalogi codicum manuscriptorum Bibliothecae Bodleianae (1858). The codex is 14th century. Item 152 is a Canon, with the Incipit ταῖς τῶν λóγων σoῦ πλóκαις published by Bury, J. B. in Byzantinische Zeitschrift, VI (1895), pp. 531–537Google Scholar. Item 154 is a hymn with the heading εἰς τòν ἄγιoν Γρηγóριoν τòν θαυματoυργóν with the Incipit Mωσῆν, πάτερ σoϕέ, σε γιώσκoμεν, published by A. Heisenberg, in the Teubner edition of Blemmides (1895), pp. 127 ff.

^{page 244 note 34} Text and translation in G. B. Woodward, Hymns of the Greek Church (1921).

^{page 244 note 35} Hymn lxviii, M.P.G. 99, 1798.

^{page 245 note 36} M.P.G. 86, 901.

^{page 245 note 37} See note 33 above.

^{page 245 note 38} See B. E. C. Miller, Mss. grecs de l'Escurial (1848), pp. 19, 289.

^{page 246 note 39} F. J. Goar, 'Eυχoλóγιoν (1647), pp. 729–731 and note p. 786.

^{page 246 note 40} Arnauld, L. in Recherches de Science Religieuse, III (1913), p. 301Google Scholar.

^{page 246 note 41} The catalogue was published as Harvard Theological Studies, No. 12 (1925). The MSS. are described on pp. 107 and 135. They are 684. H. 29, ff. 37–54. (πρoσευχὴ καὶ ἀϕoρκισμòς τoῦ ἁγίoυ Γρηγoρίoυ τoῦ θαυνατoυργoῦ ἑκ χειμαζoμένων ὑπò πνευμάτων ἀκαθάρτων — dated 1475), 950. Θ. 88, Item 15 (undated) and 882. 6. 20, ff. 114–124 (dated 1735).

^{page 246 note 42} Described in J. Iriarte, Regii Bibliothecae Matritensis Codd. Graec. Mss. (1769), pp. 422, 423.

^{page 246 note 43} Barroccianus 8 (see Coxe, op. cit.). This is a 16th century codex ending with a book of exorcisms.

^{page 246 note 44} Item (η) in the above. Compare the Panegyric, M.P.G. 46, 944A.

^{page 246 note 45} One copy occupies nine pages of the codex Γβ, 14 in the library of Grottaferrata. For the text, see Schermann, T., in Texte und Untersuchungen, Ser. III, Bd. IV (1909), pp. 18–21Google Scholar (part of the text, only). Another is in the llth-13th century MS. No. 855 of the Russian Hostel of the Holy Sepulchre at Stamboul, as in N. I. Sagarda, Svjatyj Grigórij Čudotvórec (1915), pp. 563–564. The ‘Theologus’ copy is in the 13th century Milanese codex Ambrosianus 709 and is called πρoϕυλακτήριoν. oἴκoυ. For the codex, see the Catalogus Codd. Graec. Bibliothecae Ambrosianae, E. Martini e A. M. D. Bassi (1906), II, p. 822. Part of this copy is printed by S. Schneider in Eos, XIII (1907), pp. 135–138.

^{page 247 note 46} F. Pradel, Graecische und Süditalienische Gebete (1907), pp. 18, 19; from the 16th century Cod. Marc. gr. app. D 163.

^{page 247 note 47} A. Vassiliev, Anecdota Graeca Byzantina (1893), p. 342.

^{page 247 note 48} See F. Feron and F. Battaglini, Codd. Mas. Graeci Ottoboniani (1893). The codex is 16th century and the prayer occupies ff. 58–67.

^{page 247 note 49} R. Reitzenstein, Poimandres, pp. 292–296; and see note on p. 19.

^{page 247 note 50} Sagarda, op. cit., p. 561, notes the following MSS.: Barberini 233 (12th century) Codex Vaticanus 1554, Codex Ottobonianus 290 and the Grottaferrata codex Ba. 23.

^{page 248 note 51} This exorcism is in the Gregorovitch MS. 819, and is headed, A Prayer for deliverance from all evil, and from the power of the enemy, and against the aura of the evil demon. There follow three forms, of which the first lays a spell upon any aviso of the demon, on the masculine aura and the feminine aura, on the aura of water and the aura of blood, of cooked food and of cold food, the aura of cattle and the aura of adjuration and any kind of aura. ‘It turns back with the terrible sickle the tongue and tail and talons of the demon so that he cannot make them straight again, nor move his tail.’; The spell then invokes three hundred angels to hurl thunderings and lightnings upon the unclean spirits, and then passes into exorcism. ‘Hark you, Harmful One, let go and depart from the servant of God, N, and from his house.’

The second form is for maladies of the head, and binds the aura of any beast, even asp or basilisk, or the aura of burning fire or of blood, and so on. It is in oratio obliqua as follows: This aura came out of the deep and the chief archangel Michael met her and said to her, Whence comest thou and whither goest thou? Thou black aura, turn thee back, hairy head! And she said, I go to eat the bones of the man N and to break up his body. And the archangel Michael said to her, Mayest thou have no power at all to eat this man's bones or to break up his body, but may the Lord God pour down upon thee from heaven fire to destroy thy malice. Depart thou to the deep; depart from the limbs and from the bones of the servant of God N!

The third form is against the aura that may be encountered in travel or that crosses one's path, the (masculine) aura of the serpent, the aura of the spring, the aura of noonday and of the road: Depart and go forth from the servant of God N and from his flesh and from his bones. Depart to the high mountain and hide in the dragon and eat his bones and drink his blood. Return not to the servant of God N nor into his house.

The Thaumaturge is only mentioned as one of the saints empowering the exorcisms, and one may conjecture that the visits of Russian pilgrims to Hagia Sophia may be the explanation of his presence here.

^{page 249 note 52} Lethaby, W. R. and Swainson, H., The Church of Sancta Sophia, Constantinople (1894), pp. 276–277Google Scholar, 279–287.

^{page 249 note 53} Ch. Bayet, Peinture et Sculpture Chrétiennes avant la querelle des Iconoclastes (1879), pp. 87–88, and see below.

^{page 250 note 54} M.P.G. 122, 1190–1315.

^{page 250 note 55} M.P.G. 122, 1293.

^{page 251 note 56} M.P.G. 122, 1301, 1305.

^{page 251 note 57} Auguste Choisy, L'Art de bâtir chez les Byzantins (1883), p. 138.

^{page 251 note 58} Lethaby and Swainson, op. cit., pp. 128–129.

^{page 251 note 59} Banduri, A. M., Imperium Orientate, III (1711)Google Scholar, reprinted as the introduction to the Anonymous in M.P.G. 122.

^{page 252 note 60} M.P.G. 122, 1293 BC.

^{page 252 note 61} M.P.G. 122, 1292 D–1298 A.

^{page 253 note 62} Translated in Mme. B. de Khitrowo, Itineraires Russes en Orient (1889), p. 90.

^{page 254 note 63} Acta Sanctorum, Propylaeum ad mensem Novembris, p. 231.

^{page 254 note 64} Fossati published his brief notes on these mosaics in Relievi storico-artistici sulla Architettura Bizantina (1890) from jottings in his portfolio. W. Salzenberg's Altchristliche Baudenkmale von Constantinopel (1864) is an unreliable book, but the author had the opportunity of ascending the scaffolding in the south wall while the mosaics were uncovered. ‘Ignatius Oneos’ gives the measure of the historical insight of the architects, but helps to confirm the dating of the mosaics in question. The Patriarch Ignatius was the favoured of Rome against Photius, and his honouring as the ‘New’ St. Ignatius is in accord particularly with the ecclesiastico-political situation of the reign of Basil II.

^{page 254 note 65} Salzenberg, op. cit., pp. 103–105.

^{page 254 note 66} The figure of Patriarch Methodius stands for this, as much as that of Ignatius does for the cause of reunion with the West, so important to the Macedonian dynasty.

^{page 255 note 67} See the Constantinopolitan Synaxary passim in Acta Sanctorum, Propylaeum ad mensem Novembris.

^{page 255 note 68} As may be seen in de Khitrowo, op. cit.

^{page 255 note 69} Comte de Riant, Exuviae Sacrae Constantinopolitanae (1878).

^{page 255 note 70} Miklosich, F. and Müller, J., Acta Patriarchatus Constantinopolitani, 1315–1402 (1862), pp. 566–570Google Scholar.

^{page 256 note 71} Travels, translated by Von Hammer (1834), pp. 59 and 68.

^{page 257 note 72} Travels (7th Edition, 1678), p. 25.

^{page 257 note 73} Ottoman Empire (1709), p. 138.

^{page 258 note 74} Reported in an article in Zeitschrift des deutschen Palästina-vereins, XVII (1894).

^{page 258 note 75} This fact is reported by Dr. Guthe in the above article.

^{page 258 note 76} Constantinople, II (1895), p. 550.

^{page 259 note 77} Three volumes, in modern Greek, copiously illustrated, and published in Paris in 1907–1909. The section on St. Gregory's column is vol. II, pp. 226–228.

^{page 260 note 78} De Graccae Ecclesiae hodierno statu (1698), p. 42.

^{page 261 note 79} Hill, op. cit., p. 127.

^{page 262 note 80} In the article cited.

^{page 263 note 81} Hasluck, F. W. and Hasluck, M. M., Christianity and Islam under the Sultans, I (1929), pp. 9, 10Google Scholar (footnotes not to be trusted).

^{page 263 note 82} In the Bυζἀντινoν 'Eoρτoλóγιoν (N. Gedeon, 1899). November 17 is devoted to Lazarus Zographus. Professor D. S. Balanos, of Athens, told the present writer in 1932 that he did not know of any existence of cultus-interest in the Thaumaturge among the present-day Orthodox.

^{page 263 note 83} Some further indications of the position occupied by the Thaumaturge in Constantinopolitan thought are as follows: In the sixth century, the African correspondents with the imperial city in the affair of the Three Chapters, Facundus of Hermiane and Liberatus, Deacon of Carthage, bring what little they know about the Thaumaturge into play, and each mentions his Greek title Θαυματoυργóς (Facundus, M.P.L. 67, 787 and Liberatus, M.P.L. 68, 991). By this title he is named in the second section of the First Canon of the Trullan Council of 692 (Mansi, XI, 940 E). Germanus, Patriarch of Constantinople, 715–730, driven out by the Iconoclasts, in his De Haeresibus, treats the Revealed Creed as the ‘knock-out blow’ for Arianism (M.P.G. 98, 48–49). George the Syncellus of Tarasius, Patriarch of Constantinople, 784–806, began a Chronographia from the time of Diocletian, but he died before completing it. Theophanes subsequently continued from the point where he left off. Some of George survives in the Historia Ecclesiastics of Anastasius Bibliothecarius, including a passage in which George considers the anomaly that Eusebius should not relate the miracles of the Thaumaturge, and accepts as the only solution that Eusebius was so infected with the errors of Origen and Arius that the glory of Gregory was distasteful to him. Nicetas Choniates, 12th—18th century, makes the Revealed Creed the starting point of his theology, Thesaurus, Liber II, c. 32; M.P.G. 139, 1168. The Menology of Basil II made a hagiographical knowledge of the Thaumaturge general in the 10th century. (See his μνήμη, M.P.G. 117, 165 B.)

^{page 264 note 84} The iconographic evidence for Byzantine interest in the Thaumaturge belongs to the period between the 10th and 12th centuries. Examples are the beautiful ikon reproduced as frontispiece in Sagarda, belonging to the 11th century, two ivory diptychs of the mid 10th century published by A. Goldschmidt and K. Weitzmann, Die Byzantinischen Elfenbeinskulpturen (1934), and the mosaic of the reign of Basil II in the Catholicon of 'Oσως Λoυκάς at Stiris; O. Wulff, Altchristliche und Byzantinische Kunst (1922), pp. 554, 555.

^{page 265 note 1} La Grande Grèce (1880), II, p. 373.

^{page 265 note 1} Op. cit., pp. 355–371.

^{page 265 note 3} So G. Marafioto, Croniche ed Antichità di Calabria (1601), p. 143 and Luigi Grimaldi, Studi archeologici sulla Calabria (1845), s.n. Squillace.

^{page 265 note 4} Historia Ecclesiastics Tripartita, Book VIII, c. 8 (M.P.L. 69, 1116 A) depending upon Socrates, Hist. Eccl. IV, 27.

^{page 265 note 5} F. Ughelli, Italia Sacra, IX (1721), p. 426.

^{page 265 note 6} G. Minasi, Cassiodoro (1895), pp. 208, 220. The see of Squillace has now passed under the administration of the archbishop of Catanzaro.

^{page 266 note 7} Lenormant, op. cit., pp. 417–435.

^{page 267 note 8} An excellent summary of this local history is to be found in D. Spanò Bolani's Storia di Reggio di Calabria (1857), of which torn. I, pp. 118–126, deals with the period of Saracen rule.

^{page 267 note 9} Spanò Bolani, op. cit., pp. 134–137 from Gaufredus Malaterra, De rebus gestis Roberti et Rogerii, Book I, cc. 35–36.

^{page 268 note 10} Dr. Julius Groeschel of München wrote on Roccella in Z. f. B., 1903 (pp. 429–448) and drew the fire of Dr. Strzygowski in the same year (Z. f. B., pp. 629–634) and of Baurat F. Priess of Magdeburg in the following year (Z. f. B., 1904, pp. 441–448). Strzygowski stood by his view in his Kleinasien, which appeared in 1903 (pp. 221 ff.); Groeschel replied at length in the Z. f. B. in 1904, and the editor then closed the discussion.

^{page 268 note 11} G. Foderaro, La Basilica della Roccelletta presso Catanzaro (1890), and Enrico Caviglia, in Rassegna d'Arte, III (1903), pp. 51 ff.

^{page 268 note 12} L'Art dans l'ltalie méridionale (1904), pp. 127–128 and passim.

^{page 268 note 13} In his admirable study entitled The Greek monasteries of South Italy, in the Journal of Theological Studies, IV (1903), pp. 345 ff.Google Scholar, 517 ff., and V (1904), pp. 22 ff., 189 ff.

^{page 269 note 14} Ughelli, op. cit., p. 429.

^{page 270 note 15} Op. cit., pp. 429–430.

^{page 270 note 16} F. Trinchera, Syllabus Graecarum Membraneum (1865), pp. 182–185.

^{page 271 note 17} Ughelli, op. cit., p. 443.

^{page 271 note 18} P. Batiffol, L'Abbaye de Rossano (1891), passim.

^{page 271 note 19} Lenormant, op. cit., pp. 387–486. Minasi, Cassiodoro, c. xvii.

^{page 272 note 20} Reference may be made to c. v, ‘Les moines grecs en Calabre et la colonisation religieuse Byzantine’ in Jules Gay, L'ltalie méridionale et l'empire Byzantin, 867–1071 (1904).

^{page 273 note 21} Vita S. Basilii Magni (1681), p. 828. Agresta calls the place Chigliodromi, which is recognizable as the old name of Ikos, Kheliodromi, and mentions two other island houses of the Basilian order that had been dedicated to a St. Gregory unspecified. Agresta was Roman Archimandrite-general of the Basilian order, and it is to be presumed that the bouses of which he had such knowledge were formerly in some way related to the Basilianism of the West.

^{page 273 note 22} As it appears from Malaterra, I.e.

^{page 274 note 23} Trinchera, op. cit., pp. 408, 406 respectively. It seems impossible that Trinchera can be right in printing πóλεως σκὑλλακoς at the head of the earlier deed. It is παλεoῦ σκύλλακoς in the other. In these deeds people seem to describe themselves as of the χώρα and not of the πóλις of Squillace.

^{page 274 note 24} Trinchera, op. cit., pp. 69, 70.

^{page 274 note 25} Op. cit., pp. 86, 87.

^{page 274 note 26} Camillo Tutini, Prospectus Historiae Ordinis Carthusiani (1638), sub annis 1194–1514.

^{page 275 note 27} P. Rodota, Dell' origine di rito greco in Italia (1758), passim.

^{page 275 note 28} Lake, in the last section of the article cited.

^{page 275 note 29} Batiffol, op. cit., p. xxxiii. In 1192, only S. Maria de Carra from this see appears on the tax-roll, See P. Fabre, Liber censuum (1889), p. 22.

^{page 275 note 30} Jules Gay, in Byzantinische Zeitschrift, IV (1895), p. 63.

^{page 275 note 31} Batiffol, op. cit., p. 107 from the MS. Vaticanus 9239.

^{page 275 note 32} Augustin Lubin, Abbatiarum Italiae brevis notitia (1693), p. 374.

^{page 276 note 33} Ughelli, op. cit., pp. 488–489.

^{page 276 note 34} A copy of the text of the Santa Visita report in the hand of the Archimandritegeneral Pietro Menniti is bound up in the volume Nouveau Fonds Latin, 13081 in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris. Batiffol prints it, op. cit., pp. 109–116. For the general policy of which this visitation was a part see V. Schwartz, Zur Geschichte der Reform unter Julius III (Görresgesellschaft, 1907).

^{page 277 note 35} Batiffol, op. cit., pp. xii, xxxiii.

^{page 277 note 36} So R. Romano (see below). Others identify it either with the Roman Scyllaceum or with ‘Lissitania’ (Grimaldi, op. cit., p. 59), while others, as V. D'Amato (see below), have been content to suppose that Palaeopolis was the name of the city. L. Giustiniani identifies it with the ancient Amphissa.

^{page 278 note 37} Cassiodore, Ep. xv, ad Maximum praepositum (M.P.L. 69, 866).

^{page 278 note 38} Trinchera, op. cit., pp. 199–202 and 366.

^{page 279 note 39} Batiffol, op. cit., p. xxxiii.

^{page 280 note 40} P. 276 of Aceto's edition of 1737 of Bari's De antiquitate et situ Calabriae (1571).

^{page 280 note 41} Giuseppe Cappelletti, Le chiese d'ltalia (1870), XXI, s.n., Squillace.

^{page 281 note 42} Enciclopedia dell' Ecclesiastico (Naples, 1845, no name), IV, p. 1016, under ‘Chiesa di Squillace.’ The editor of this survey was Vincenzo d'Aveno.

^{page 282 note 43} R. Romano, see below. For the raid as a whole, see Spanò Bolani, op. cit., pp. 288–291. G. Moroni, in the Dizionario di Erudizione Storico-ecclesiastica, s.n. Squillace, states that Squillace was ‘quasi atterrata dai Turchi’ in 1595.

^{page 282 note 44} This was realized by one Domenico Martire, of Cropani, who proceeded in a thorough and modern way to collect the local antiquities of Calabria, at some time in the middle 17th century. He left manuscript which was published at Cosenza in 1876 under the title La Calabria Sacra e Profana. He knew of a great deal of unpublished matter on Calabria written by Cardinal Sirleto. In his Book II, c. 5, note 13, he discusses the topography of Cassiodore's monastery, and decides that the ‘chiesetta sotto il titolo di S. Maria Vetere’ surrounded by signs of other buildings, on a promontory at the foot of which beats the sea, is part of the site; and that the two monasteries of S. Maria Vetere, and San Gregorio di Stalletti represent the dual monastery of Cassiodore. His description of the position of S. Maria Vetere shews that it is the same as Romano's S. Maria del Mare.

^{page 283 note 1} The text is given in E. Schwartz' edition of Eusebius, Historia Ecclesiastica, as an appendix to Book VII, c. 28, in Die griechischen Schriftsteller, Eusebius, II (1903), pp. 952–956.

^{page 283 note 2} In his Epistula paraenetica ad Valerianum, M.P.L. 50, 718.

^{page 283 note 3} Dialogorum liber I, c. 7, M.P.L. 77, 183.

^{page 283 note 4} In Marcum XI, M.P.L. 92, 247.

^{page 283 note 5} This strange story forms a principal theme in H. Quentin, Les Martyrologes historiques (1908), passim.

^{page 283 note 6} For the original text S. P. N. Gregorii miraculorum factor under November 17, see the Bollandist text in M.P.L. 94, 1105–1106. In that position it was taken for a reference to St. Gregory of Tours. And under Adonic influence, the Thaumaturge reappeared in Bedan calendars under July 3. See Morin, Dom in the Revue Bénédictine, VIII (1891), pp. 481–493Google Scholar, 529–537 for the evidence of the Gospel book of St. Cuthbert.

^{page 284 note 7} This opinion was expressed in a personal note in 1930. ‘Si on ne la recommit pas à la première lecture, elle n’échappe pas à un œil exercé.'

^{page 284 note 8} M.P.G. 98, 696. S. A. Morcelli made the edition from the 9th century Ms. belonging to the monastery of St. Saba at Rome.

^{page 285 note 9} First published by A. S. Mazzochi, In vetus marmoreum sanctae Neapolitanae Ecclesiae Kalendarium (1744). There is a recent critical edition by H. Achelis, Marmorkalendar von Neapel (1929).

^{page 285 note 10} In Rivista di archeologia Cristiana (1934), pp. 119–150.

^{page 285 note 11} The text is in Mai, A., Scriptorum veterum nova Collectio, V (1881), pp. 58–65Google Scholar.

^{page 286 note 12} Dreves, G. M., Analecta hymnica medii aevi, XIV (1893), p. 62Google Scholar. There are two exemplars written between 1000 and 1080, only one of which contains the hymn for the Thaumaturge.

^{page 286 note 13} Because the archetype is in the library of Monte Cassino.

^{page 286 note 14} Telfer, W., in the Journal of Theological Studies, XXXI (1930), pp. 142–155CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 354–363.

^{page 287 note 15} Parascondolo, L., Memorie della Chiesa di Napoli, III (1851), p. 223Google Scholar.

^{page 288 note 16} In the Rivista di Scienza e Lettere, Naples, 1932–1935.

^{page 288 note 17} Four or five are at the Escurial. One, used by Voss for his edition, passed into the library of Cardinal Colonna.

^{page 288 note 18} Gentien Hervet, a Frenchman, born in 1499, went to Rome as a tutor in the household of Cardinal Pole, and in a long life spent chiefly about the Roman Court, did a great deal of translation of Greek patristics.

^{page 288 note 19} L. Sifani and J. Leunclavius, Gregorii Nysseni Opera, published at Basle in 1571.

^{page 288 note 20} L. Surius, De probatis sanctorum historiis (1576). The lection is placed under July 3, in torn. IV.

^{page 289 note 21} G. Voss, S. Gregorii episeopi Neocaesariensis opera omnia (1604).

^{page 289 note 22} G. Calenzio, La Vita e gli Scritti del Cardinale Baronio (1907), pp. 683–684. This is based on the MS. ‘Memorie’ of Pietro Consolini, Oratorian, in the Biblioteca Vallicellana.

^{page 290 note 28} Annales Ecclesiastici (1788 edn.), II, p. 515.

^{page 291 note 24} The way had been pioneered by the Dialogi of the Englishman Alanus Copus, published at Antwerp in 1566. Centuriae, Book III, c. 18 attacks Rufinus for his stories about the Thaumaturge; Narrationes de Gregorio mendaces et superstitiosas, quales monachorum otiosum genus finxit. To the Centuriasts, Rufinus' additions appeared typical monkish corruption of good church history. Copus beat them by knowing Nyssen. The Dissertatio de S. Gregorio Thaumaturgo, of J. L. Boye, Jena, 1709, of which a copy is in the Bodleian, under the class-mark Diss. K. 112, shews knowledge of the strong Roman interest in the Thaumaturge, and its reason. The Jesuit Peter Halloix was at one time promising to publish a Life of the saint.

^{page 291 note 25} Hymnorum libri tres in universos sanctos, quos hodierni Breviarii Calendarium continet. The hymn for the Thaumaturge is on p. 199. The preoccupations of the age ring out in the last verse:

Seu tuis miris, prece seu potenti

Haereses fac in tenebras recedant.

Utque, sub nostro cadat ense fractus

Barbarus hostis.

Obrizius' Hymnorum libri septem in Christi Jesu, Virginis Deiparae, divorumque gloriam was printed at Orchies, near Lens, and is used, for example, by Tamayus de Salazar in his work on Spanish saints. The hymn Fulserit haec sine nube dies occupies pp. 213–215.

^{page 292 note 26} Historia Clericorum Regularium, III (1666), p. 599Google Scholar. Grasso entered the Order in 1617 and died in 1651. His book was published by Ottavio Beltrano, but neither the Biblioteca Nazionale, nor the Universitaria, nor the Gerolomini at Naples has a copy. Connections between Squillace and Naples were not wanting, and in particular the Theatine Marcello Megalio (1591–1643) from Squillace was resident in Naples at the same time as Grasso. An incentive may therefore have come from Squillace.

^{page 292 note 27} Vezzosi, A. P., I scrittori de' Chierici regolari, II (1780), pp. 4–23Google Scholar. Maggio was born 1612, professed 1631, served in the Theatine Mission in Georgia, 1636–1643, and at Palermo till his death in 1686. He published some seventy works, but nothing else on St. Gregory.

^{page 292 note 28} Vezzosi, op. cit., I, pp. 336–338, and Antonio Mongitore, Bibliotheca Sicula (1707) s.n. Falcone was a Syracusan noble born 1623, professed 1647, died 1699. His Vita di San Gregorio was the last of some dozen published works. A copy of it survives, bound up in a white vellum-covered volume marked Miscellanea, Vol. 16 (which was its class-mark in the Biblioteca Universitaria at Palermo) now in the Biblioteca Municipale at Palermo.

^{page 293 note 29} The Calabrian writer Romano, ten years before Falcone, uses this catchword, and says that St. Gregory is invoked under this title in many places. It may be of Neapolitan origin.

^{page 239 note 30} At this stage in the Counter-reformation such a movement gave to the educated the feeling of the power of Holy Church to ‘bring out of her treasures things new and old’ (Matt. 13. 52), whence its value in the hands of the Theatines.

^{page 293 note 31} A legal tract in the Biblioteca Municipale at Palermo shews the Theatines contesting for their right to appoint the University Chaplain, in the mid-nineteenth century.

^{page 294 note 32} A summary of the case is printed, under the title ‘Per la real casa Teatina, contro i Sign’ D'Espinosa e Lucifero, Gran Corte Civile.' It is pamphlet 26 in the volume LXI. D. 52 in the Biblioteca Municipale.

^{page 295 note 33} Alessio Narbone, Bibliografia Sicola sistematica (1854), p. 421. There is no copy in the library at Palermo.

^{page 295 note 34} Agostino Inveges, in Palermo Sacro (1650), deals with the hagiological interests of his time in great detail. Five times (pp. 235, 237, 239, 241, 256) he cites Baronius' Annales on St. Gregory Thaumaturgus, but in a purely historical way, shewing no hagiological knowledge of him. Equally silent is Rocco Pirro, Sicilia Sacra (1630, revised edn., 1733). So also F. Baronius, De Majestate Panormitana (1630), Antonio Mongitore, Martyrologium Panormitanum, Sanctorum Civium et Patronum urbis (1742), and the modern Giuseppe Pitré, Feste Patronali in Sicilia (1900).

^{page 295 note 36} F. G. Holweck, Biographical Dictionary of the Saints (1924), p. 450.

^{page 295 note 36} Pietro Naselli, Kalendarium sacrum Constantinianum (1859).

^{page 295 note 37} U. Chevalier, Répertoire des sources du Moyen Age (1877–86), col. 920. There was a Roman edition in 1729 (Sommervogel, Bibliothèque de la C. de J., VI, p. 366). Patrignani died in 1733. I have not discovered a copy of the book existing.

^{page 296 note 38} U. Chevalier, Repertorium hymnicum (1920), under the Incipit, Magne virtutum Pater intuere. The collection is called Hymnorum sacrorum libri quatuor de sanctis. The hymn is on p. 374.

^{page 296 note 39} The volume Nouveau Fonds Latin 14840 is the second of three manuscript books of hymns written or copied by Gourdain, and formerly belonging to the abbey library of St. Victor. Gourdain was a Canon-regular of St. Victor and died in 1729. The hymn Non obsolescet Gregorii fides is on p. 882.

^{page 296 note 40} Of the continuance of a special interest in Naples itself there is evidence in the reprint in 1793 by Paolo Severino of Naples of Falcone's Compendio (without acknowledgment), changing only the rubrics of the Soliloquies to make them serve daily for a week for any person, and not seven Wednesdays for different classes of persons.

The taking by Neapolitan ecclesiastics, when made prelates in partibus, of the titular archbishopric of Neocaesarea may reflect the same interest; e.g., Gregorio Carbonelli, under Paul V (Aceto, op. cit., p. 74), and Cardinal Mario Alberico, in 1674.

^{page 296 note 1} The substance of this section is predominantly drawn from the little book of Raimundo Romano described in this section. As the Naples copy appears possibly the only one in existence, no reference to chapters and pages is made; and in the absence of reference, it is to be assumed that the matter is drawn from Romano.

^{page 296 note 2} L. Giustiniani, Dizionario Geografica-ragionata del Regno di Napoli (1805), s.n. Stalletti.

^{page 297 note 3} Domenico Feudale, Scylacenorum antistitum chronologia (1783), sub anno 1635.

^{page 298 note 4} Born 1604, became archpriest of Bologna 1635, and died 1687.

^{page 287 note 5} For this detail in the story the source is Vincenzo d'Amato, Memorie della città di Catanzaro (1670), p. 280. A copy of this rare work was brought to England by Sir Richard Colt Hoare, who gave it in 1825 to the British Museum.

^{page 298 note 6} A Bolognese Jesuit, born in 1621, younger brother of Cardinal Sforza Pallavicino, historian of the Council of Trent. For the family see I. Affo's Life of the Cardinal. For Nicolo see C. Sommervogel, Bibliothèque des écrivains de la Compagnie de Jesus (1869), s.n. Nicolo was considered, himself, for the Sacred College. His Life of the Thaumaturge was his first published work. His last was published in 1692, the year of his death.

^{page 299 note 7} Copies of both editions are to be found in the Biblioteca Apostolica at the Vatican. The Roman edition is Stamp. Barb. T. iv. 84 and the Bolognese is Ferraioli vi. 84.

^{page 300 note 8} M.P.G. 46, 956 A.

^{page 301 note 9} J. Quetif and J. Echard, Scriptores Ordinis Praedicatorum (1721), s.n. who know only this work.

^{page 302 note 10} Angelo Zavarroni, Bibliotheca Calabra (1753), s.n., mentioning only these last two works. Chevalier, Répertoire, l.c, mentions the Vita di San Gregorio.

^{page 302 note 11} Class-marked XLVIII. a. 36.

^{page 304 note 12} This was Francisco Borgia, son of Don Juan, Count of Ficalho, grandson therefore of St. Francis Borgia. He married Anna, daughter of Prince Pedro, heiress to the Princedom of Squillace, and took the title. He was viceroy from 1651 to 1658, when he died. The title passed to Maria, who died in 1685, from whom it went to Francesca, who died in 1695. The family was absent from Calabria from the death of Prince Pedro. See Monumenta Historica Societatis Jesu, S. Franciscus Borgia, I (1894), p. 772.

^{page 305 note 13} Here again Romano took a deposition upon oath.

^{page 305 note 14} Naples was therefore known to be authoritative for matters connected with this cultus.

^{page 305 note 15} A man of some mark who initiated the Accademia degli Aggirati, in 1661, at Catanzaro (V. d'Amato). But on his going to Naples the institution failed, the Theatines starting an Accademia degli Aggirati in their church of Santa Caterina (Giustiniani, op. cit., III, S90–S91).

^{page 306 note 16} On the other (S-W) side of the Capo di Stalletti, some eight miles from Squillace. D. Martire (see below) derives Coscia from the Casse in which the saints came to shore!

^{page 308 note 17} The restorers had thus, before 1644, had recourse to Naples. D'Amato, op. cit., p. 229, while saying that in 1644 the churches were trapazzate con indecoro, attributes the iconoclasm to the second landing, in 1645.

^{page 308 note 18} D'Amato states categorically that the Turks were led by an Italian renegade, with a score to pay off. Romano mentions that there were various such conjectures.

^{page 310 note 19} Which they sacked, as also Gasparina (D'Amato).

^{page 310 note 20} M.P.G. 46, 948. But the account of the Turks' movements is irreconcìlable with the supposition that it was a slave-raid.

^{page 312 note 21} Speculum Historiale, Book ix, c. 87. As Romano knows, this is in the Legenda Aurea, also, of Giacomo di Voragine (Book ii). The Studite does not say that the four saints came from the same place as the Apostle, but merely that they had been cast out by the heathen for a like σημειoύργια. The legend as regards St. Bartholomew, but not his companions, was known to Gregory of Tours in the 6th century. M.P.L. 71, 734.

^{page 312 note 22} He had Symeon Metaphrastes on St. Bartholomew ‘apportato dal P. Tommaso Trugillo nel suo Santuario.’ This is the Spaniard Tomas de Truxillo, who flourished at the end of the 16th century. His Conciones, printed in Barcelona, 1591, were popular, and a book on dress, translated into Italian, was published at Venice in 1610 under the title Delle Pompe.

^{page 313 note 23} D'Amato, op. cit., p. 228.

^{page 313 note 24} Caraffa, op. cit., p. 73.

^{page 313 note 25} Gaetano, op. cit., II, p. 148.

^{page 313 note 26} Iteina, op. cit., II, p. 199.

^{page 314 note 27} Paolo Belli, Gloria Messinensium (1647), pp. 63 and 72.

^{page 315 note 28} Cassiodoro, c. xvii.

^{page 316 note 29} Salazar, J. Tamayus de, Anamnesis omnium sanctorum Hispanicorum, III (1655), pp. 115, 122, 123Google Scholar, under May 8, tells of relics of St. Acacius at Avila and Concha. Those at Avila he says were from Squillace (cujus sacra pignora primum ad Scyllaceum litus delata), and adds that he had their authentication under the hand of Sanchez d'Avila y Toledo, bishop of Plasencia. Sanchez held Plasencia for the last three years of his life, 1622–1625. Thus the identification of Sant' Agazio of Squillace with the Studite's Acacius got to Avila with a relic from Squillace by the beginning of the 17th century. And Romano seems to imply that he got the theory from de Truxillo, whose name is derived from a village in the diocese of Plasencia. Thus there are two strands of Spanish evidence of the Squillace interpretation of the Studite legend before the end of the 16th century, when the Sirletos were in office. G. Fiore, Delia Calabria Illustrata (1743), p. 189, reproduces the whole theory, and flouts the Messinese view.

^{page 316 note 30} M.P.L. 69, 866–868.

^{page 316 note 31} Lenormant, op. cit., III, p. 227.

^{page 317 note 32} Giulio Gianneli, Culti e Miti della Magna Grecia (1924), p. 202, argues that' Athena of ‘Scillezio’ was worshipped here as a patroness against shipwreck, in pre- Roman days. In Roman times it was Scyllaceum Minervaeum. It is likely enough that Vulcan was associated in this patronate against shipwreck, and the Thaumaturge seems thus to succeed to it.

^{page 320 note 33} R. Cotroneo, in Rivista Storica Calabrese (1902), pp. 57 and 244–245.

^{page 320 note 34} For what follows see the Cronachetta, in Spanò Bolani, op. cit., pp. 1S9,140,265. An account of Cumbo is given on pp. 198–208. He died in 1686.

^{page 321 note 35} The Enciclopedia is founded on Richard and Giraud, but adds a fourth volume of Italian diocesan histories by local writers. This passage is on p. 1016 of this volume.

^{page 322 note 36} In Kivista Storica Calabrese (1903), p. 428.

^{page 323 note 37} Lenormant, op. cit., III, p. 369, and Holweck, I.c.

^{page 324 note 1} See W. Telfer, Treasure of Sao Koque (1932), for the full story.

^{page 324 note 2} Chronica da Companhia de Jesu da Provincia de Portugal (1648), Part II, p. 118.

^{page 324 note 3} Antonio Franco, Synopsis Annalium S. J. in Lusitania, 1540–1725 (1726), p. 146.

^{page 326 note 4} Telfer, op. cit., pp. 135–136, for the text of the deed.

^{page 325 note 6} Telfer, op. cit., pp. 65–66.

^{page 326 note 6} The relics from Toreello of St. Barbara (op. cit., pp. 135–138).

^{page 327 note 7} A. Ciacone, Vitae Pontificum Romanorum et S. R. E. Cardinalium (1677), III, p. 975.

^{page 327 note 8} From Guardevalle; Feudale, op. cit., sub anno 1568.

^{page 327 note 9} This Funebris oratio was printed in 1585, and there is a copy in the Acton collection at Cambridge.

^{page 327 note 10} Cesare d'Engenio, Descrittione del Regno di Napoli (1671).

^{page 328 note 11} Monumenta Historica Societatis Jesu, Lainii Monumenta, III (1913), pp. 61 and 95Google Scholar, V (1915), pp. 230 ff. and 394.

^{page 328 note 12} Mon. Hist. Soc. Jesu, S. Franciscus Borgia, I (1894), p. 629.

^{page 328 note 13} The Sirletos were close friends of the Jesuits: Mon. Hist. Soc. Jesu, Salmeron, II (1907), pp. 424, 428. For their commission from Cardinal Sforza to combat heresy, see F. Schinosi, Istoria della Compagnia di Gesu appartinente al regno di Napoli (1706), p. 49.

^{page 328 note 14} Schinosi, op. cit., p. 168. Bobadilla was working from Catanzaro from 1552.

^{page 328 note 15} He was the fourth prince. See the notes to the Will of St. Francis Borgia in Mon. Hist. Soc. Jesu, S. Franciscus Borgia, I, p. 772.

^{page 328 note 16} Mon. Hist. Soc. Jesu, Bobadillae Monumenta (1913), p. 408, letter of May 27, 1562; p. 412, later in the same year, P. F. Petrarca informs Bobadilla of a letter of St. Francis to Don Antonio Borgia.

^{page 329 note 17} Op. cit., p. 452. Marafioto, op. cit., pp. 143–144, eulogizes Prince Pedro as a helper of ecclesiastical causes.

^{page 329 note 18} Bobadillae Monumenta, pp. 516 and note 2 on p. 556.

^{page 329 note 19} Schinosi, op. cit., II, p. 126.

^{page 329 note 20} Telfer, op. cit., p. 138 needs qualification, as regards the likelihood of an Oriental source.

^{page 329 note 21} Barbier de Montault, L'Annee Liturgique à Rome (1870), p. 95.

^{page 329 note 22} B. de Montault, op. cit., p. 168 (Ostension of the relic on November 17).

^{page 330 note 23} Letter of July 7, 1983. The Roman edition of Patrignani's Vita di San Gregorio says that its contents are broken up ‘in dicesette mercoledi che si fano all’ altare del Santo nella Chiesa di S. Ignazio.' There was therefore an active Jesuit appropriation of the cultus.

^{page 330 note 24} Rome in the early 17th century was wide awake to the possibilities of Calabria. Bishop Fabricio Sirleto of Squillace, 1603–1686, sent many Greek codices to Rome.

^{page 330 note 25} B. de Montault calls for correction in assigning a relic of the Thaumaturge to S. Maria in Campitelli. The Parroco says (letter of July 10, 1933) that the relic is of Nazianzen. Also in assigning an altar in San Marco to the Thaumaturge. This is due to confusion with the Blessed Gregorio Barbarigo (letter of Sig. Hernanin of July 12, 1933).

^{page 331 note 26} B. de Montault, op. cit., p. 324.

^{page 331 note 27} Letter of July 21, 1933.

^{page 339 note 1} M.P.G. 46, 953.

^{page 339 note 2} M.P.G. 46, 941 D.

^{page 340 note 3} M.P.G. 46, 917 B, C.

^{page 340 note 4} M.P.G. 46, 932 B.

^{page 340 note 5} M.P.G. 46, 929.

^{page 340 note 6} So P. de Tchihatcheff, Description Physique de l'Asie Mineure (1867), I, p. 667; II, p. 104. J. G. Skene, Anadol (1858), pp. 120, 157. J. G. Taylor, in the Royal Geographical Society Journal, XXXVIII, p. 297. W. J. Hamilton, Researches in Asia Minor (1842), p. 326.

^{page 341 note 7} It is described in the Travels of Macarius (II, p. 440), where it is mentioned that both the Thaumaturge and St. Chrysostom are reputed to have transported the rock. The author says, mysteriously, ‘at the top is an image of this miraculous saint (Gregory) as is mentioned in his history, and known by all to the present time.’ Later travellers mostly report the Chrysostom legend; Hamilton, op. cit., p. 350; James Morier, Journey through Persia, Armenia and Asia Minor (1812), pp. 340–343; Van Lennep, op. cit., I, p. 323; Sir William Ouseley, Travels (1823), p. 468; J. Tavernier, Travels (1679, original French), p. 6 of the English translation; Gustav Hirschfeld, in the Berlin Academy Sitzungsberichte, 1888, p. 891; Studia Pontica, I, p. 253; Cuinet, op. cit., p. 712.

^{page 342 note 8} Henry Carnoy and Jean Nicolaides, Traditions populaires de l'Asie Mineure (1889), pp. 196–197.

^{page 342 note 9} Diogenes Laertius, VIII, 84.

^{page 342 note 10} M.P.G. 46, 917 D.