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Women's Commensality in the Ancient Greek World

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 September 2009

Joan Burton
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Dining and drinking rituals in the ancient world have been the subject of much recent discussion, and the significance of these rituals, particularly for males, has been extensively studied. Scholars have often slighted the topic of women's part in the history of ancient Greek dining and drinking parties, however, and the broad generalization ‘Citizen women were never present at Greek symposia’ is not uncommon. Admittedly, women other than hetairai, slaves, hired entertainers, etc., are not conspicuous in the evidence from which we must draw our history of ancient Greek symposia. The evidence, however, both written and visual, was created and preserved predominantly by males. Also, the view that there was a fairly narrow participation of women often seems based largely on evidence taken from fifth and fourth century B.C. Athens. Yet the roles of women at Greek dining and drinking partieschanged over time and place. This paper provides a survey, with examples, of the variety of women's dining occasions from the Homeric through to the Hellenistic age. The aim of this survey is to emphasize the value of paying closer attention to the female side of wining and dining in our discussions of occasions of commensality in the ancient Greek world.

Type
Research Article
Information
Greece & Rome , Volume 45 , Issue 2 , October 1998 , pp. 143 - 165
Copyright
Copyright © The Classical Association 1998

References

Notes

1. Useful collections of articles on the ancient symposium include Murray, O., ed., Sympotica: a Symposium on the Symposion (Oxford, 1990)Google Scholar; Slater, W. J., ed., Dining in a Classical Context (Ann Arbor, 1991)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Murray, O. and Tecuşan, M., edd., In Vino Veritas (London, 1995)Google Scholar.

2. Murray, O., ‘Forms of Sociality’, in Vernant, J.-P., ed., The Greeks, tr. Lambert, C. and Fagan, T. L. (Chicago, 1995), 230Google Scholar. See also, e.g., Fantham, E., Foley, H. P., Kampen, N. B., Pomeroy, S. B., Shapiro, H. A., Women in the Classical World: Image and Text (New York, 1994), 280Google Scholar.

3. On Athenian dining customs, with attention to women's roles, see Dalby, A., in Mars, G. and Mars, V., edd., Food: Culture and History, vol. i (London, 1993), 165 ffGoogle Scholar.

4. For example, as Page points out in a discussion of Sappho fr. 31, ‘We have no reason to suppose that in Lesbos, at the beginning of the sixth century B.C., a man might not sit opposite a woman and converse with her, whether he loved her or not and whether he was married to her or not’ (Page, D., Sappho and Alcaeus: an Introduction to the Study of Ancient Lesbian Poetry [1955Google Scholar; reprint, Oxford, 1979], 32).

5. For the use of the term symposium ‘to denote not only the drinking phase but the preceding dining phase as well, i.e. the entire feast’, see B. Bergquist, in Murray (n. 1 above), 37.

6. On ancient Greek public banquets (and their linkage with male citizenship), see Pantel, P. S., La Cité au banquet: Histoire des repas publics dans les cités grecques (Rome, 1992)Google Scholar.

7. As Hunter observes, ‘it is clear that New Comedy characters are placed in situations which are within the possible experience of the audience’ (Hunter, R. L., The New Comedy of Greece and Rome [Cambridge, 1985], 12)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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9. Fraenkel contrasts this with Athenian custom: ‘The part played by the daughter in the sacrificial ritual of a company of men consisting by no means solely of her near relations … would be hardly conceivable within the limits of Athenian custom’ (E. Fraenkel, ed., Aeschylus:Agamemnon, reprint, with corrections, 3 vols. [Oxford, 1962], vol. ii 141 n. 245 ff.).

10. See too, e.g., the Codrus Painter's red-figure cup (Vulci; London, British Museum E 82; ARV 2 1269.3) depicting goddesses (seated) and gods (reclining) at a symposium (pictured in Robertson, M., The Art of Vase-Painting in Classical Athens [Cambridge, 1992], 220 fig. 227)Google Scholar.

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13. On how women's ‘presence at men's drinking-parties exposed them to importuning, mauling, kidnapping (an occasion for fighting between rival males)’, see Dover, K. J., Greek Popular Morality in the Time of Plato and Aristotle (Berkeley, 1974), 210Google Scholar. On depictions of sexual abuse of females on painted sympotic ware, see Keuls, E. C., The Reign of the Phallus: Sexual Politics in Ancient Athens (New York, 1985), 174 ffGoogle Scholar. On the relative rarity of depictions of sexual abuse of males (by males), see Sutton, R. F. Jr, ‘Pornography and Persuasion on Attic Pottery’;, in Richlin, A., ed., Pornography and Representation in Greece and Rome (New York, 1992), 12 ffGoogle Scholar. For a fictive flutegirl's vantage on male violence (due to sexual jealousy) at a Greek dinner party, see Lucian, Dial. Meret. 15Google Scholar.

14. Thus, in the fourth century B.C., Demosthenes (19.196ff.) discredits Aeschines in court by reporting how Aeschines had a woman beaten almost to death for refusing to sing at a symposium (another symposiast intervenes to save her life). Aeschines' response (2.158) shows that he recognizes that such abusive behaviour (if true) would bring public disgrace.

15. This argument was advanced, for example, against Neaira, a Corinthian prostitute whom Stephanos, an Athenian citizen, had claimed as his lawful wife (Dem. 59.33, Against Neaera). See also, e.g., Isaeus 3.13–14 (On the Estate of Pyrrhus).

16. On hetairai at symposia, see, e.g., K. Schneider, ‘Hetairai’, RE, esp. 1347–50; Keuls (n. 13 above), esp. 160ff. ; Peschel, I., Die Hetäre bei Symposion und Komos in der attisch-rotfigurigm Vasenmalerei des 6.–4. Jahrh. v. Chr. (Frankfurt am Main, 1987)Google Scholar.

17. The English translation is taken from Rolfe, J. C., ed. with translation, Cornelius Nepos (1929; Cambridge [Mass.], 1984), 5Google Scholar.

18. Men, . ap. Ath. 71efGoogle Scholar; Sandbach, F. H., ed., Menandri Reliquiae Selectae 2 (Oxford, 1990), 304–305CrossRefGoogle Scholar (no. 209).

19. The English translation, rev., is taken from Forster, E. S., ed. with translation, Isaeus (Cambridge [Mass.], 1927), 85Google Scholar.

20. For the claim regarding certain respectable Athenian women that they were known by not only relatives but also clansmen and most of the demesmen, see Isaeus 6.10.

21. For the story of Hipparchia, see Diog. Laert. 6.96–8.

22. For discussion, see Henry, M. M., Prisoner of History: Aspasia of Miletus and Her Biographical Tradition (New York, 1995), esp. 24 ffGoogle Scholar.

23. On the Pythagorikai, see Diog. Laert. 8.41. On the admission of women to the Epicurean community, see, e.g., Frischer, B., The Sculpted Word: Epicureanism and Philosophical Recruitment in Ancient Greece (Berkeley, 1982), 61 ffGoogle Scholar. For discussion of women philosophers, see Pomeroy, S. B., Goddesses, Whores, Wives, and Slaves: Women in Classical Antiquity (New York, 1975), 131 ff.Google Scholar; Hawley, R., in Archer, L. J., Fischler, S., and Wyke, M., edd., Women in Ancient Societies: ‘An Illusion of the Night’ (New York, 1994), 70 ffCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

24. On the topic of recruitment to the Epicurean community, Frischer comments that ‘It would be hard to overemphasize the appeal of a school that was willing to grant females full rights of participation in all of its activities’ (Frischer [n. 23 above], 62).

25. Pomeroy (n. 23 above), 81. For Agariste's testimony, see Andocides 1.16;cf. MacDowell, D., Andokides: On the Mysteries (Oxford, 1962), 75 n. 16Google Scholar.

26. See, e.g., Pomeroy (n. 23 above), 125–6, 130.

27. On Arsinoe's rotunda at Samothrace, see McCredie, J. R. et al. , The Rotunda of Arsinoe, vol. viiGoogle Scholar of Lehmann, K. and Lehmann, P. W., edd., Samothrace: Excavations Conducted by the Institute of Fine Arts of New York University (Princeton, 1992)Google Scholar. On the significance of Arsinoe's sponsorship of a public Adonia, see section 5 below.

28. See, e.g., Pomeroy, S. B., Women in Hellenistic Egypt: from Alexander to Cleopatra (New York, 1984), esp. 83 ffGoogle Scholar.

29. On Hellenistic poetry's reflection of contemporary social and gender issues, see Burton, J. B., Theocritus's Urban Mimes: Mobility, Gender, and Patronage (Berkeley, 1995)Google Scholar.

30. On non-elite symposia before the Hellenistic period, see E. Pellizer, in Murray (n. 1 above), 181.

31. For discussion of gender and social issues raised in Idyll 14, see Burton, J. B., GRBS 33 (1992)Google Scholar, esp. 236 ff.; id. (n. 29 above), esp. 25–6, 46 ff.

32. Cameron, A., ‘Asclepiades' Girl Friends’, in Foley (n. 11 above), 277Google Scholar; reprinted in an expanded version as ‘Appendix C’ in A. Cameron, Caltimachus and his Critics (Princeton, 1995), 497. For an interesting parallel, see the custom Theopompus notes among the Etruscans: ‘women dine not with their husbands, but with any men who happen to be present, and they pledge with wine any whom they wish’ (ap. Ath. 517d; tr. Gulick, C. B., ed. with translation, Athenaeus: the Deipnosophists, 7 vols. [Cambridge, Mass., 1927–1941], vol. v, p. 329)Google Scholar.

33. For discussion, see Pantel (n. 6 above), esp. 126 ff., 130.

34. For the inscription, with commentary, see Ferguson, W. S., Harv. Theol. Rev. 37 (1944)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. 73 ff., 81 .

35. Ferguson (n. 34 above), 78, 81. Detienne suggests that the women here ‘are admitted into the larger circle of commensals only by the intermediary of someone having the right to obtain for them this favored treatment’ (Detienne, M., in Detienne, M. and Vernant, J.-P., edd., The Cuisine of Sacrifice among the Greeks, tr. Wissing, P. [Chicago, 1989], 132)Google Scholar. For a reminder that it is not certain that the women actually attended the sacrifice, seeOsborne, R., CQ 43 (1993), 400CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

36. See Rolley, C., ‘Le Sanctuaire des Dieux Patrôoi et le Thesmophorion de Thasos’, Bulletin de correspondance hellénique 89 (1965), 447, 462–3CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For the suggestion that only wives could participate, see Detienne (n. 35 above), 131; on the inclusion of single women (both widows and spinsters), see Osborne (n. 35 above), 392, 405.

37. Plut, . Thes. 23Google Scholar. 2–3; for discussion, with references, see Parke, H. W., Festivals of the Athenians (Ithaca, 1977), 77–78Google Scholar.

38. For a private celebration of the rural Dionysia, see, e.g., Ar, . Ach. 237–79Google Scholar (Dikaiopolis, his daughter, and two family slaves hold a sacrificial procession, and Dikaiopolis' wife supervises).

39. For further discussion of these examples, see Dalby (n. 3 above), 172.

40. On the exclusion of males from this festival, see, e.g., Ar. Thesm. ; Burkert, W., Greek Religion, tr. Raffan, J. (Cambridge [Mass.], 1985), 242Google Scholar.

41. On females presiding at the Thesmophoria, see Ar, . Thesm. 372 ff.Google Scholar, Isaeus 8.19; on males financing the Thesmophoria, see Men, . Epit. 149Google Scholar, Isaeus 3.80.

42. Paus. 4.17.1; for discussion, see Detienne (n. 35 above), 130; see also Osborne (n. 35 above), 401.

43. On male sponsorship of the Skira, see Men, . Epit. 749–750Google Scholar. On female activities at the Skira, seeBurkert, W., Homo Necans: the Anthropology of Ancient Greek Sacrificial Ritual and Myth, tr. Bing, P. (Berkeley, 1983), esp. 145Google Scholar. On the Skira, see also Parke (n. 37 above), 156 ff.; L. Deubner, Attische Feste (1932; reprint Berlin, 1956), 40 ff .

44. Our best source for the Haloa festival is Rabe, H., ed., Scholia in Lucianum (1906Google Scholar; reprint, Stuttgart, 1971), 279 ff. (to Dial. Meret. 7.4); for an English translation, with discussion, see Winkler, J. J., ‘The Laughter of the Oppressed: Demeter and the Gardens of Adonis’, in The Constraints of Desire: the Anthropology of Sex and Gender in Ancient Greece (New York, 1990), 194–195Google Scholar.

45. For discussion, see Detienne (n. 35 above), 132–3. On priestesses consuming the innards of sacrificial victims, see Osborne (n. 35 above), 401–2.

46. For the inscription, see Sokolowski, F., Lois sacrées de I'Asie Mineure (Paris, 1955), 170ff.Google Scholar, no. 73; for discussion of the political nature of this sacrifice, see Detienne (n. 35 above), 136.

47. On dining quarters at Brauron, with references, see Goldstein, M. S., The Setting of the Ritual Meal in Greek Sanctuaries: 600–300 B.C. (Ann Arbor, 1978), 114ffGoogle Scholar. On dining buildings in the sanctuary of Demeter at Corinth, see Bookidis, N. and Fisher, J. E., Hesperia 41 (1972), 288 ffCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

48. All-night festivals, considered characteristic of Greek women (see Men, . Dysk. 857)Google Scholar, often included dining and drinking (thus the Thesmophoria, the Haloa, and the Skira, as discussed above). Adonia festivals, like Dionysia, seem also to have encouraged a mixing of social classes. For (fictive) married women attending Adonia hosted by less respectable women, see Men, . Sam. 35–41Google Scholar(a married neighbour woman and her daughter attend a concubine's Adonia); see alsoAlciphron, , Ep. Meret. 14.2–3, 8Google Scholar.

49. Henderson, J., ed., Aristophanes: Lysistrata (Oxford, 1987), 162 n. 700–5CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

50. For visual illustrations of women's symposia, see, e.g., the Curtis Painter's cup (Basel, Market 1877) depicting partially unclothed, reclining women, with cups and musical instruments (pictured in Keuls [n. 13 above], 166 fig. 140). See also the psykter, with Euphronios' signature (Leningrad, Hermitage 644, ARV 2 16.15), depicting unclothed, reclining women, with cup and flute (pictured in Boardman, J., Athenian Red Figure Vases: the Archaic Period [New York, 1975], 40 fig. 27)Google Scholar; the cup (Madrid, Museo Arqueológico Nacional 11.267, dated 520–510 B.C.) depicting unclothed, reclining women, with cup and flute (pictured in Fantham et al. [n. 2 above], 118 fig. 3.26); Phintias' red-figure hydria (Munich 2421) depicting partially unclothed, reclining women playing kottabos (pictured in M. Robertson [n. 10 above], 27 fig. 20). Cf. the Etruscan black-figure ‘Pontic’ amphora that depicts clothed, reclining women banqueting (New York, Metropolitan 55.7; pictured in Charbonneaux, J., Martin, R., Villard, F., Archaic Greek Art [620–480 BC], tr. Emmons, J. and Allen, R. [New York, 1971], 98 fig. 108)Google Scholar.

51. M. Robertson (n. 10 above), 27

52. On votive relief gifts from Eleusis, Delphi, Thasos, and Lesbos that depict women at sacred meals, see Cooper and Morris (n. 12 above), 80 (Plate 6 shows a votive relief from Thasos that depicts reclining men in the upper register and seated women in the lower).

53. On seated dining (rather than reclining) as the custom for ancient Greek women, seeDentzer, J.-M., Le Motif du banquet couché dans le Proche-Orient et le monde grec du VIIe au IVe siècle avant J.-C. (Paris, 1982), 432Google Scholar; see also Cooper and Morris (n. 12 above), 80–1.

54. An additional phrase ‘for my boon-companions and yours’ may have further strengthened the sympotic tone of this fragment: see Ath. 463e, where Plutarch cites Sappho's call to Aphrodite with this phrase added (on the possibility that ‘this phrase may also have been in S.'s poem’, see Campbell, D. A., ed. with translation, Greek Lyric, vol. i [Cambridge, Mass., 1982], 59)Google Scholar. This additional phrase, if originally in the feminine, as elsewhere in Sappho (see, e.g., Ath. 571d), would underscore the female camaraderie of this drinking occasion.

55. Arist, . Pol. 1269b6Google Scholar; translation by E. Barker, The Politics of Aristotle, reprint (London, 1958), 75.

56. There are many vase paintings showing women involved in Dionysiac rites: for an example of women serving one another wine from a stamnos, see Bérard, C., Bron, C., Durand, J.-L., Frontisi-Ducroux, F., Lissarrague, F., Schnapp, A., and Vernant, J.-P., A City of Images: Iconography and Society in Ancient Greece, tr. Lyons, D. (Princeton, 1989), 19 figGoogle Scholar. 18 (Ashmolean Museum, Oxford). On ritual maenadism, see Henrichs, A., HSCP 82 (1978), 121 ff.Google Scholar; see also R. S. Kraemer, Her Share of the Blessings: Women's Religions among Pagans, Jews, and Christians in the Greco-Roman World, reprint (New York, 1993), 36 ff.

57. See Daux, G., ‘La Grande Démarchie: un nouveau calendrier sacrificiel d'Attique (Erchia)’, Bulletin correspondance hellénique 87 (1963)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. 606, 609. For discussion, see also Detienne (n. 35 above), 132; Osborne (n. 35 above), 399.

58. On the calming effect of the eating and drinking rituals at Plutarch's Agrionia, see Burkert (n. 43 above), 176: ‘Here, everything happens between women, and they themselves direct the shift from wild behavior to that controlled by the Muses.’

59. Burkert (n. 40 above), 163 f.

60. Cf. the story of how the women of Amphissa fed the maenadic Thyiads of Delphi when they awoke in Amphissa's marketplace, during the Sacred War(Plut, . Mul. virt. 13, 249ef)Google Scholar.

61. For discussion of these two passages, see also Detienne, M., The Gardens of Adonis: Spices in Greek Mythology, tr. Lloyd, J. (Atlantic Highlands [N.J.], 1977), 65Google Scholar.

62. Dioscorides, Epigrams 3Google Scholar and 4 Gow and Page (= A.P. 5.53 and 5.193); see too Ov. Ars. Am. 1.75.

63. For discussion, see Glotz, G., REG 33 (1920), 169 ffCrossRefGoogle Scholar. (for a summary, see Gow, A. S. F., Theocritus 2 [Cambridge, 1952], ii. 262 ff)Google Scholar.

64. For Greek text with commentary, see Gow, A. S. F., ed., Machon: the Fragments (Cambridge, 1965), fr. 16Google Scholar.

65. For the suggestion that this was a private party in celebration of the Haloa (and not the sanctuary feast itself), see Brumfield, A. C., The Attic Festivals of Demeter and their Relation to the Agricultural Year (Salem [N.H.], 1981), 115Google Scholar.

66. See, for example, the initiation of Scyles, a Scythian king, in Greek Olbia, mid-fifth century B.C. (Hdt. 4.78–80). On male participation in mixed thiasoi (groups of Dionysiac worshippers), see Burkert (n. 40 above), 291; Henrichs, A., in Evjen, H. D., ed., Mnemai: Classical Studies in Memory of Karl K. Hulley (Chico, 1984), esp. 70–1Google Scholar; Kraemer (n. 56 above), 38 ff.

67. The father also expects to attend the lunch, but arrives too late (Men, . Dysk. 775–80Google Scholar). For the view that the men and women ate together at this luncheon, see Gomme, A. W. and Sandbach, F. H., Menander: a Commentary (Oxford, 1973), 228CrossRefGoogle Scholar n. 608, 265 n. 871. For the view that the men and women ate separately (women before men), see Dalby, A., Siren Feasts: a History of Food and Gastronomy in Greece (London, 1996), 5Google Scholar.

68. On Gorgias' reluctance to join respectable women at a ‘wine-party’, see Gomme and Sandbach (n. 67 above), 265 n. 871; see also Handley, E. W., TheDyskolos of Menander (Cambridge [Mass.], 1965), 282Google Scholar n. 871f, who links Gorgias' hesitation with his rusticity: ‘A party of this kind, with ladies present, is something outside his experience’. On male vs. female activity on this occasion, see Borgeaud, P., The Cult of Pan in Ancient Greece, tr. Atlass, K. and Redfield, J. (Chicago, 1988), 168Google Scholar. For the suggestion that ‘The distinction between a drinking party for the men and an all-night revel for the women is here one of name rather than nature …; they sit separately, but share the same celebration’, see Handley, , op. cit., 280–281Google Scholar n. 856–9.

69. For women presiding over all-women feasts (such as at the Thesmophoria and the Skira), see section 3.

70. As Borgeaud emphasizes, ‘the women are in charge; they make the rules and determine the sequence of events’ (Borgeaud [n. 68 above], 168).

71. For discussion of I. Magn. 215, with attention to the use of the masculine form kataibatai, see Henrichs (n. 56 above), esp. 133–4.

72. On this tradition, see, e.g., Arend, W., Die typischen Scenen bei Homer (Berlin, 1933), 34 ff.Google Scholar; see also Hollis, A. S., Callimachus: Hecale (Oxford, 1990), 341 ffGoogle Scholar.

73. On Aspasia as hetaira, see Ath. 533d; on Aspasia as bawd, see Ar, . Ach. 526–527Google Scholar, Plut, . Per. 32.1Google Scholar. For discussion of Aspasia's status, see, e.g., Henry (n. 22 above), esp. 26 ff.

74. For example, Aristotle wrote a treatise on manners as well as one on drunkenness (see Ath. 186b, 464c, 496f), and Xenocrates (another pupil of Plato) also wrote a treatise on symposium manners (Ath. 186b).

75. On Gnathaena's treatise, see Ath. 585ab; the title of the treatise here is taken from Gulick (n. 32 above), vol. vi, p. 155 (Ath. 585b).

76. On the decrees passed in honour of Archippe, see Robert, J. and Robert, L., ‘Bulletin epigraphique’, REG 81 (1968), 504Google Scholarff., nos. 444, 445; see also Pomeroy (n. 23 above), 125.

77. See also Plut, . Ant. 26.6Google Scholar; for discussion, see Martin, P. M., Antoine et Cléopâtre: la fin d'un rêve (Paris, 1990), 132Google Scholar; Hughes-Hallett, L., Cleopatra: Histories, Dreams and Distortions (New York, 1990), 63 ffGoogle Scholar. Both Lamia's and Cleopatra's parties are cited in a discussion of ‘displays of excess’ as a ‘historiographical motif’ (G. Paul, in Slater [n. 1 above], 162).

78. On the public nature of Arsinoe's Adonia, see Burton (n. 29 above), esp. 134 ff.

79. See Plut, . Mul. virt. 17Google Scholar, 254b–f (FGrH 500 Fl); Parth, . Amat. Narr. 9Google Scholar(Andriskos FGrHV2).

80. N. Robertson, in Slater (n. 1 above), 43.

81. On possible dining arrangements, both separate and joint, for men and women in Demeter's sanctuary at Corinth, see N. Bookidis, in Murray (n. 1 above), 91.

82. For the inscription, with commentary, see Sokolowski, F., Lois sacrées des cités grecques (Paris, 1969), 120 ffGoogle Scholar. (esp. 126, no. 65, lines 95–8); on the inscription's shared sacrificial feast, see Bookidis (n. 81 above), 91; on the inscription's significance, see also Burkert (n. 40 above), 279.

83. As Henrichs notes, ‘By the third century B.C., joint participation in non-maenadic Dionysiac rites by men and women alike must have been the norm rather than an exception’ (Henrichs [n. 66 above], 70).

84. On the presence of women at wedding feasts, see Oakley, J. H. and Sinos, R. H., The Wedding in Ancient Athens (Madison, 1993), 22Google Scholar ff.; Cooper and Morris (n. 12 above), 80 n. 46. On the probable absence of women from the sacrificial feast given during the Apaturia, a festival of the phrateres (clansmen), to mark new marriages, see Parke (n. 37 above), 89–90; for the view that the husband introduced his new wife to his phrateres on this occasion, see Burkert (n. 40 above), 255. Cf. Murray (n. 2 above), 230: ‘There is no evidence to suggest that they [Greek citizen women] even attended wedding feasts and funeral feasts’.

85. The English translation is taken from Hoffleit, H. B., ed. with translation, Plutarch's Moralia, vol. viii (Cambridge [Mass.], 1969), 335Google Scholar.

86. For illustrations, see Oakley and Sinos (n. 84 above).

87. On this citation, see also, e.g., Oakley and Sinos (n. 84 above), 22. For separate couches of men and women at a Greek wedding feast, see too Lucian Convivium 8.

88. See, e.g., Eur, . Iph. Aul. 1036–1079Google Scholar; Ap. Rhod. 4.805–9. See also the visual representations on the François vase and two dinoi of Sophilos (e.g., Boardman, J., Athenian Black Figure Vases [London, 1974]Google Scholar, illustrations 24, 25, and 46). For discussion of Sophilos' dinoi, with good pictures, see Williams, D., Greek Vases in the J. Paul Getty Museum, vol. i (Malibu [Calif.], 1983), esp. 22 ffGoogle Scholar.

89. Gulick (n. 32 above), vol. iii, p. 117.

90. Gomme and Sandbach (n. 67 above), 693.

91. For the inscription, see IG 12.3.330; for a French translation with commentary, see Dareste, R., Haussoullier, B., and Reinach, T., Recueil des inscriptions juridiques grecques, 2d series (Paris, 1898; Rome, 1965), 77 ff.Google Scholar; for discussion, see, e.g., Garland, R., The Greek Way of Death (Ithaca, 1985), 108 ffGoogle Scholar. On the little we know regarding the perideipnon (funeral feast), seeKurtz, D. C. and Boardman, J., Greek Burial Customs (Ithaca, 1971), 146Google Scholar.