Marshall's work on citizenship has become a cornerstone of most contemporary discussions of citizenship. Yet, in this article, it is argued that his work is frequently misunderstood, or misinterpreted. I argue that Marshall presents a normative argument that citizenship should be seen as a unified but dynamic concept. The unified nature of citizenship should not, however, obscure the tensions within the concept. These tensions are negotiated, so that citizenship should be seen as a complex relationship where tensions and webs of interdependence co-exist. This, it is argued, is an important theoretical framework with which to consider a issues such as the impact of the restructuring of welfare.

The Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act (BCRA) of 2002 was the first major change in US federal campaign finance law in a quarter of a century. Many attempts at reform had failed in that period. Few members of Congress were enthusiasts for reform, the two parties and two chambers had conflicting interests to protect, successive presidents did not promote the issue and public pressure for reform was weak. When reform was achieved in 2002, many of these formidable obstacles remained in place. This paper draws on the literature of public interest reform and policy innovation to attribute the change to a policy entrepreneur whose resources had undergone a sharp increase, the neutralization of opposition, the impact of an event (the bankruptcy of the Enron Corporation) and membership turnover in Congress. The substantial support for the bill in Congress from Democrats, the party with most to lose from reform, is attributed to the inescapability of past commitments.

The November 2002 general elections in Turkey produced an Islamic-leaning government, supported by one of the biggest majorities, bringing the relationship between Islam and democracy under scrutiny. This paper examines the nature of this relationship and the current political situation in Turkey. It argues that Turkey's long-running aspiration for democratization has now a reasonable chance of success. This argument is supported by the findings of a Q study, conducted in Turkey during the 2002 election campaign, indicating strong support for dialogue, particularly within the Turkish Muslim community. Yet, it will also argue that turning this possibility into a success depends on the implementation of the right deliberative framework. Habermas's discourse theory of democracy provides the essentials for this. However, particularly in the context of a divided society, like Turkey, it has to be complemented with a better emphasis on deliberation as a social learning process, as in Dryzek's theory of discursive democracy.

Sweden's referendum on whether to join EMU produced an emphatic No. The murder of one of the Yes side's leading representatives thus appeared not to have affected the result. Cleavages exposed in the referendum on EU membership nine years previously were even more apparent this time; yet No-voters were also to found across the political, regional and social spectrums. As well as describing the campaign and explaining the outcome, this article focuses on the campaign strategies adopted by parties and other actors. Lessons from previous campaigns had been learned by the opponents of EMU, but largely forgotten by its supporters.

Following scandals concerning extensive corruption, electoral fraud and manipulation by the security services, Alberto Fujimori's authoritarian regime collapsed in November 2000, throwing Peru into political turmoil. A fresh ballot organised in 2001 led to the election of Alejandro Toledo as president. Assessments of the Toledo administration's performance and the health of Peruvian democracy in the post-Fujimori period have been overwhelmingly pessimistic. Recent political developments are analysed to argue that such negativity is mistaken. Apart from recording strong economic growth, under Toledo civilian control over the military and intelligence services has increased markedly. Greater horizontal and vertical accountability has produced a more open polity. Citizen's rights are better secured. Despite ongoing problems, post-Fujimori a process of democratic ‘deepening’ has occurred.

In this article, we discuss strategies for resisting further encroachment on Indigenous existences by Settler societies and states – and as well multinational corporations and other elite organizations controlled by state powers and other elements of the imperial institutional network; and we focus on how Indigenous communities can regenerate themselves to resist the effects of the contemporary colonial assault and regenerate politically and culturally. We ask the fundamental question: how can we resist further dispossession and disconnection when the effects of colonial assaults on our own existences are so pronounced and still so present in the lives of all Indigenous peoples?