Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 March 2014
Despite the dramatic final breakthrough in summer 1987, the democratization of South Korea (hereinafter Korea) displayed the hallmarks of a gradual or continuous transition from authoritarianism. These included: liberalization emanating from within the regime; continuity of personnel from the authoritarian ruling elite; continuity in economic and foreign policy; and the exclusion from power of the representatives of the economically disadvantaged groups. Such features of democratic deficit have been observed for Korea and for Brazil, two countries whose experiences of authoritarian developmentalism are commonly compared.
Events in recent years suggest the possibility of more fundamental reform of Korea's economic and political institutions. The financial crisis of late-1997 led to the most serious economic recession for 40 years. Held in the middle of the financial meltdown, the presidential election of December 1997 resulted in a victory for Kim Dae-Jung (or DJ as he is commonly known), a veteran dissident associated with the excluded constituencies (not only his own underdeveloped home region but also labour and progressivelyminded intellectuals and activists).
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4 A retired one star general, JP was a coup leader in 1961. Under President Park Chung-Hee’s leadership (1961–79), JP founded the KCIA and served as prime minister. Encountering persecution under the new military government of Chun Doo-Hwan (1980–87), JP reinvented himself as a democratic politician with an electoral base in his small home province of Chungchong.
5 Kyongsang was favoured for development since colonial times for its proximity to Japan. More recently, it was favoured as North Kyongsang was the home region of Presidents Park, Chun, Roh and many top military men.
6 ‘1992 Campaign Fund Re-emerging as Issue of Contention’, Korea Herald (KH), 1 May 1997.
7 Koh, B.C., ‘South Korea in 1996: Internal Strains and External Challenges’, Asian Survey, 370:1 (1997), pp. 1–9 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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12 ‘Editorial: Political Reform Going Astray’, KH, 17 December 1999.
13 The revised electoral law also stipulated that each party must nominate at least 30 per cent women in its slate of candidates while the number of legislators was reduced from 299 to 273, of which the number to be elected by national PR was left unchanged at 46. ‘Parties Reach Accord on Electoral Reforms’, KT, 16 January 2000; ‘Editorial: House Passage of Election Bills’, KT, 9 February 2000.
14 ‘Ruling MDP Takes Election Law to Constitutional Court’, KH, 23 February 2000.
15 ‘Ruling Coalition Ties Frayed Over Omission of Shift to Cabinet Government’, KH, 18 January 2000.
16 ‘Ruling Coalition Faces Rough Sailing’, KT, 23 December 1999.
17 ‘Lee Needs His Own Vision, Initiative to Tackle “Three Kims”: Opposition Leader in Political Pinch as Kim Young-Sam Moves to Form His Own Party’, KH, 17 August 1999.
18 A native of Chungchong like JP, Rhee’s decision to contest a legislative seat there was considered by JP as an encroachment on his power-base.
19 ‘Regional Antagonism, Exposure Tactics Plague Campaigns Despite Reform Pledges’, KH, 2 March 2000.
20 China was ranked as the most corrupt. See Transparency International, 1999 Bribe Payers Index, www.transparency.de.
21 Enhanced transparency in corporate governance, elimination of cross-loan guarantees, improved financial structures, concentration on core businesses, and tougher legal responsibility for management. See Jang, Ha-Sung, ‘Corporate Governance and Economic Development: The Korean Experience’,paper presented at International Conference on Democracy, Market Economy and Development, Seoul, 26–7 February 1999, www.democracy-market.org, pp. 14–19.Google Scholar
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24 ‘Samsung Completes Father to Son Succession Scheme’, KH, 9 October 1999.
25 ‘Chaebol Stunned by Government’s Hard Line on Reform, Hefty Tax Fines’, KH, 6 October 1999.
26 ‘Chaebol Breakup a Risky Policy, Report Says’, KH, 18 October 1999; ‘State Intervention Named as Worst Economic Policy’, KH, 20 December 1999.
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28 In fact the ultimate aims of corporate governance reform (e.g. managerial decision-making determined by share price) did not necessarily accord with labour interests in safeguarding employment. For example, labour unions joined with the Daewoo group in resisting the acquisition of the motors division by US giant General Motors in late-1999.
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32 ‘Civic Groups Deem Politicians’ Election Law Insufficient’, KH, 1 February 2000.
33 ‘Nation’s Largest Civic Alliance Calls Election Revolution a “Success” ‘, KH, 14 April 2000.
34 ‘Rival Camps Locked in Close Contest’, KT, 12 April 2000.
35 ‘Editorial: A Progressive Voice. Formation of Labour Party’, KH, 2 February 2000.
36 Federation of Korean Trades Unions, ‘21 Candidates Backed by the FKTU Win’, www.fktu.org.kr.
37 ‘Opposition GNP Remains Largest Party at Assembly’, KT, 14 April 2000.
38 Gibson, Edward L., ‘The Populist Road to Market Reform: Policy and Electoral Coalitions in Mexico and Argentina’, World Politics, 49:3 (April 1997), pp. 339–70;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Moore, Mick, ‘Leading the Left to the Right: Populist Coalitions and Economic Reform’, World Development, 25:7(1997), pp. 1009–28.CrossRefGoogle Scholar