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The Cold War: Lessons and Legacies1

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  02 January 2013

Abstract

The collapse of European communism two decades ago appeared to determine, once and for all, the fate of radical socialism in the modern world and to draw a line under the forty years of Cold War that had now ended. In an overview of both the course and end of this global confrontation, and of the legacy of communism itself, this article argues that many of the analytical and social dimensions of the Cold War have still to be adequately addressed, and that, while traditional Marxism has indeed been discredited, the need for critical and, where pertinent, utopian thinking remains as relevant as ever.

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Articles
Copyright
Copyright © The Author(s) 2010.

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Footnotes

1

This is a revised text of the Government and Opposition/Leonard Schapiro Memorial Lecture 2009, delivered at the PSA Conference, University of Manchester, 7 April 2009.

References

2 On the necessary combination – rather than contrast – of utopian and realist thinking, see the work of E. H. Carr, The Twenty Years Crisis, new edn, with an introduction by Michael Cox, Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan, 2004. Also F. Halliday, The World at 2000, Basingstoke, Palgrave, 2001, ch. 10.

3 This draws on themes I have developed earlier, notably in F. Halliday, The Making of the Second Cold War, 2nd edn, London, Verso, 1986; F. Halliday, ‘The Ends of Cold War’, in Robin Blackburn (ed.), After the Fall, London, Verso, 1991; F. Halliday, Rethinking International Relations, Basingstoke, Macmillan, 1994, ch. 8, ‘Intersystemic Conflict: the Case of Cold War’; F. Halliday, Revolution and World Politics, Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan, 1999, especially ch. 2, ‘An Alternative Modernity: The Rise and Fall of “Revolution” ’.

4 Prominent among the ‘revisionist’ historians were David Horowitz, Gabriel Kolko and Gal Alperovitz.

5 Raymond Aron, Peace and War, London, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1966.

6 See Halliday, F., Cold War, Third World, London, Radius/Hutchinson, 1989 Google Scholar; Halliday, The Making of the Second Cold War; Halliday, F., ‘Third World Socialism: 1989 and After’, in Lawson, George, Armbruster, Chris and Cox, Michael (eds), The Global 1989: Change and Continuity in World Politics, London, Routledge, 2010 Google Scholar.

7 I have included a discussion of these incidents in The Making of the Second Cold War, ch. 3, citing the list in B. Blechman and S. Kaplan, War Without War, Washington, DC, Brookings Institution, 1978, p. 48, but adding that of the USA in September 1970, during the crisis in Jordan and the apparently imminent Syrian invasion in support of the Palestinian forces.

8 One of the great mistakes to make about communism, one abetted by a retrospective denial by many who once espoused it that they were ever believers or supporters, is that it only commanded a following by coercion. See on this the very perceptive review of literature on Stalin's Russia: Jochen Hellbeck, ‘The Ice Forge’, The Nation, 3 March 2008. For non-partisan reconstructions of the history, appeal and global impact of communism see Archie Brown, The Rise and Fall of Communism, London, Bodley Head, 2009; and Robert Service, Comrades: A World History of Communism, London, Macmillan, 2007.

9 See Halliday, Rethinking International Relations, ch. 8.

10 Halliday, The Making of the Second Cold War, sought to articulate a multidimensional account of the Cold War, within which the nuclear arms race had an important, but not preponderant, part. Another claim is also being made here, against the new hegemony of the historians, such as John Lewis Gaddis, who claim that newly released archives will in some more definitive way resolve the debates on the Cold War. However much archival material we have, major debates of theory and interpretation will continue – as is the case with, say, the origins of the First and Second World Wars, or the origins of European imperialism.

11 The gendered dimensions of the Cold War certainly merit much greater attention: not only the role of rival images of the ‘modern’ woman projected by East and West, a contrast that provided the basis for the extraordinary ‘kitchen debate’ between Nixon and Khrushchev in the kitchen of the American exhibition in Moscow in 1959.

12 Echoed, of course, in the widespread post-Trotskyite view that the USSR was really another variant of capitalism, this time ‘state-capitalism’, and hence not really in conflict with the West at all. This was something that would have been a bit of a surprise to anyone who actually lived in such a society.

13 Edward Thompson et al., Exterminism and Cold War, London, Verso, 1983. C. Wright Mills was a prominent left-wing American sociologist who taught at Columbia University and who died in 1962 aged 43. His most famous book was The Power Elite, New York, Oxford University Press, 1956. He was also an early champion of the Cuban revolution, whose cause he popularized during a visit to the LSE in 1960. There he met the political sociologist Ralph Miliband, who, in homage to his American colleague, later gave the name ‘Wright’ as a middle name to his first son, David, the future British foreign secretary.

14 We may recall that in The Laws Plato recommended that no one under the age of 40 should be allowed to travel abroad, and then only to gather information on rival states.

15 Only in 1971 did all Swiss cantons grant voting rights to women.

16 Dudziak, Mary, Cold War Civil Rights: Race and the Image of American Democracy, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 2000 Google Scholar; Borstellman, Thomas, The Cold War and the American Color Lines: American Race Relations in the Global Arena, Harvard, MA, Harvard University Press, 2002 Google Scholar.

17 See Halliday, Rethinking International Relations, ch. 5, ‘International Society as Heterogeneity’, and ch. 8.

18 Edmund Burke, The Works and Correspondence of Edmund Burke, London, Francis and Rivington, 1852, vol. 5, pp. 320–1, quoted in Halliday, Rethinking International Relations, p. 110 (my italics); pp. 109–12 provides an analysis of Burke's general view.

19 In Foreign Affairs, July 1947, signed ‘X’.

20 On this see in particular Bisley, Nicholas, The End of the Cold War and the Causes of Soviet Collapse, Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan, 2004 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

21 The perceptions and calculations of German leaders at the time, and their sense that they were now pushing at an open door, are well reflected in the diaries of Kohl's security adviser, Horst Teltschik, 329 Tage, Berlin, Siedler Verlag, 1991.

22 The Soviet ‘green light’ was important in those countries that Moscow controlled – Poland, Hungary, the GDR, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria and, in Asia, Mongolia. Where Moscow could not control things and prevent violence the outcomes were more bloody: Romania, Yugoslavia and Albania. For one excellent comparative study see George Lawson, Negotiated Revolutions: The Czech Republic, South Africa and Chile, London, Ashgate, 2007.

23 Halliday, Revolution and World Politics, ch. 12.

24 Robert Nisbet, History of the Idea of Progress: An Enquiry into its Origins and Growth, New York, Basic Books, 1981.

25 Of the estimated 187 million ‘political’ deaths of the twentieth century, very few were carried out by religious fanatics and militants.

26 E.g. in Habermas, Jürgen, The Philosophical Discourse of Modernity, Cambridge, Polity, 1997 Google Scholar.

27 This is, in summary form, the core of a project on which I have been working in recent years, parts of which have been published in chapter and journal form, and which I hope to complete with publication of a volume, a contemporary defence of internationalism, in 2010. Work on this was greatly assisted by the award of Senior Research Fellowship by the Leverhulme Trust in 2003–5 and by facilities provided by CIDOB, the Barcelona Centre for Research and Documentation, in 2005–7. See, inter alia, Halliday, F., ‘Three Concepts of Internationalism’, International Affairs, 64: 2 (1988), pp. 187–98;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Halliday, F., ‘The Perils of Community’, the 1998 Ernest Gellner Lecture, published in Nations and Nationalism, 6: 2 (2000), pp. 153–71;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Halliday, Revolution and World Politics, chs 3 and 4; F. Halliday, ‘Delusions of Difference’, in Halliday, The World at 2000; F. Halliday, ‘The Fate of Solidarity: Uses and Abuses’, in Christine Chinkin and David Downes (eds), Crime, Social Control and Human Rights: Essays in Honour of Stan Cohen, Oxford, Deer Park Productions, 2007; F. Halliday, ‘Revolutionary Internationalism and its Perils’, in John Foran, David Lane and Andreja Zivkovic (eds), Revolution in the Making of the Modern World, London, Routledge, 2008. These articles of a more general or historical orientation have been accompanied by a series of case studies of revolutionary internationalism on the one side (F. Halliday, Revolution and Foreign Policy, the Case of South Yemen 1967–1987, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1990; Halliday, Revolution and World Politics), and of critiques of nationalist, religious and other ideologies on the other (F. Halliday, Islam and the Myth of Confrontation, London, I. B. Tauris, 1995; F. Halliday, Nation and Religion in the Middle East, London, Saqi, 2000; F. Halliday, 100 Myths About the Middle East, London, Saqi, 2005).