² The continued relevance of these regimes in shaping migrant claim-making has been examined in a comparison of France, Germany, the Netherlands, Britain and Switzerland in R. Koopmans, P. Statham, M. Giugni and F. Passy, Contested Citizenship. Immigration and Cultural Diversity in Europe, Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press, 2005.Google Scholar

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⁴ This approach can be contrasted to that of mapping the outcomes of claims that ‘make it’ into the public sphere.Google Scholar

⁵ The utility of an exhaustive typology is extensively debated with the argument that national incorporation frameworks are not fully cohesive, and a ‘radically disaggregated perspective’ is therefore more appropriate. Because they are constantly changing, national incorporation frameworks may best be described as belonging to a handful of ‘loosely connected syndromes’. See Freeman, G., ‘Immigrant Incorporation in Western Democracies’, International Migration Review, 38: 3 (2004), pp. 945–69.CrossRefGoogle Scholar ‘Models’ are, however, both prevalent and persistent at the discursive level. Therefore, the focus here is on their role in framing debate and providing a basis for justifying state action.

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²² This research is informed by intersectionality theory, which draws attention to the simultaneous and interacting effects of gender, race, class, sexual orientation and national origin as categories of difference. See Hancock, A.-M., ‘When Multiplication Doesn't Equal Quick Addition: Examining Intersectionality as a Research Paradigm’, Perspectives on Politics, 5: 1 (2007), pp. 63–79;CrossRefGoogle Scholar K. Crenshaw, ‘Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics and Violence Against Women of Color’, in M. Albertson Fineman (ed.), The Public Nature of Private Violence, New York, Routledge, 1991, pp. 93–118; P. Hill Collins, Black Feminist Thought. Knowledge, Consciousness and the Politics of Empowerment, London, HarperCollins Academic, 1990.

²³ See A. George and A. Bennet, Case Studies and Theory Development in the Social Sciences, London, MIT Press, 2005, pp. 205–32; J. Gerring, Case Study Research: Principles and Practices, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2007, pp. 173–86.Google Scholar

²⁴ For example, using a method of ‘political claims analysis’ Koopmans et al. draw on newspaper coverage of interventions by both government and civil society actors, and argue for the continued relevance of national citizenship and integration regimes as ‘political opportunity structures’ – composed of both institutional and discursive opportunities and constraints – in shaping migrants' claim-making. See Koopmans et al., Contested Citizenship.Google Scholar

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³³ For a more detailed discussion see Bassel, ‘Refugee Women and La République’.Google Scholar

³⁴ ‘Le Rapport de la Commission Stasi sur la Laïcité’, Le Monde, 12 December 2003.Google Scholar

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⁵¹ Cases of ‘excision’, or female genital mutilation, have been recognized. These have been cases of women ‘personally exposed against their will’ to the practice, which they wish to protect themselves from. There have also been decisions in favour of parents whose daughters risk undergoing this practice. However, in the case of a Malian claimant asylum was refused because state-driven eradication campaigns were in place. Alland, Textes, p. 91; Alland and Teitgen-Colly, Traité du droit de l'asile, p. 422.Google Scholar

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⁵⁶ The author was an emergency outreach worker at three French NGOs from May 2000 to July 2002. This work involved outreach to homeless women, asylum seekers, people in difficulty; social and legal assistance to asylum seekers in a state-funded residence; and emergency reception of asylum-seeker families.Google Scholar