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Who is Afraid of the Total Constitution? Constitutional Rights as Principles and the Constitutionalization of Private Law
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 06 March 2019
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In 1931 Carl Schmitt published an article titled “the turn to the total state.” The total state that Schmitt describes is not yet a totalitarian state. Germany is still a liberal democracy and the Weimar Constitution is still the supreme law of the land. But the total state Schmitt describes is a state in which the traditional lines between the sphere in which the private law society governs itself and the sphere of state intervention, or the public domain, have been undermined. According to Schmitt, the pluralistic forces of civil society have captured the state and made it an instrument to serve their purposes. Everything is up for grabs politically. It is a state of political mobilization and deep ideological conflict, reflected in the plurality of deeply divided political parties in parliament. It is possible to distinguish between three features, which together illustrate the total prevalence of politics over law underlying “the turn to the total state.”
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References
1 Schmitt, Carl, Die Wendung zum Totalen Staat, in Positionen und Begriffe im Kampf mit Weimar, Genf, Versailles 1923-1939, at 166-78 (3d ed. 1994).Google Scholar
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5 Schmitt himself never used the term “total” in conjunction with the term “constitution.” In Schmitt's jargon the term “total” was reserved to states, wars, and enemies, see Carl Schmitt, Totaler Feind, totaler Krieg, totaler Staat (1937), in Postionen und Begriffe im Kampf mit Weimar – Genf-Versailles 1923-1939, at 268 (3d ed. 1994).Google Scholar
6 The term “constitutional juristocracy” was introduced to contemporary debates by Schmitt's probably most brilliant late pupil, E.W. Böckenförde. See E.W. Böckenförde, Grundrechte lals Grundsatznormen, in Staat, Verfassung, Demokratie 185 (1991). In the Anglo-American world the term has been popularized by R. Hirschl, Towards Juristocracy (2004).Google Scholar
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11 See Art. 79 Sect. I Basic Law referring to Art. 20 Sect. 1 Basic Law.Google Scholar
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14 Id., 223-59. Alexy deals with a general right to equality in chapter 8, at 260-87.Google Scholar
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54 See Art. 1 Sect. 3 Basic Law.Google Scholar
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60 The debates about what the defining features of private law really are and what makes a dispute a dispute of private law is a significant practical issue in Germany, because it determines whether the administrative courts or the civil courts have jurisdiction to hear the case. Although there are a number of practical rules that are used in practice, a standard treatise describes the issue thus: “The dogmatic attempts to define the distinction between private law and public law have endured now for over a century, without any of the offered theories having gained general acceptance.” See Pitzner/Ronellenfitsch, Das Assessorexamen im Őffentlichen Recht 51 (9th ed. 1996).Google Scholar
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62 See for example BVerfGE 86, 122 (taking a particular political view in a student journal is insufficient to justify a decision not to employ someone). According to BAG, NJW 84, 828, on the other hand, a doctor at a hospital run by the Catholic Church can be required to abstain from publicly advocating the right to abortion.Google Scholar
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66 The reasons published by the Conseil Constitutionnel are, however, famously cryptic. For a discussion of this phenomenon see Mitch Lasser, Judicial Deliberations: A Comparative Analysis of Transparency and Legitimacy 25-35 (2004).Google Scholar
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68 When Schmitt first wrote “total state” he meant to criticize the absorption and capture of the state by the pluralistic forces of civil society. When the vocabulary of the total state was affirmatively embraced by anti-liberals who advocated a totalitarian state, Schmitt distinguished between the total state out of weakness (Weimar) and the authentic total state out of strength, which he would later associate with the National Socialist movement. See C. Schmitt, Weiterentwicklung des totalen Staates in Deutschland, Europäische Revue 65 (1933) and C. Schmitt, Totaler Feind, totaler Krieg, totaler Staate, in Positionen und Begriffe im Kampf um Weimar 268 (3d ed. 1994).Google Scholar
69 The debate about the appropriateness of endowing courts with the authority to strike down acts of the legislature remains alive. See R. Dworkin, The Constitutional Conception of Democracy, in Freedom's Laws (1996), on the one hand, and J. Waldron, The Constitutional Conception of Democracy, in Law and Disagreement (1999), on the other.Google Scholar
70 See e.g. Alexy, supra, note 13, 394-25; D. Dyzenhaus, The Unity of Public Law 6-19 (2004), in the Canadian context. See also Y. Arai-Takahashi, The Margin of Appreciation Doctrine and the Principle of Proportionality in the Jurisprudence of the ECHR (2002).Google Scholar
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