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Taking “Rechts” Seriously: Ronald Dworkin and the Federal Constitutional Court of Germany

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  06 March 2019

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Over the past 60 years the German Basic Law has become one of the most influential constitutional systems in the world. According to some commentators, the German model rivals even U.S. constitutionalism as the preeminent legal system in the world. This state of affairs is apparent in the dozens of states across Europe and Latin America that have adopted the German model.

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Copyright © 2008 by German Law Journal GbR 

References

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26 Id. at 22.Google Scholar

27 The origins of the morality of rights, and how that morality might be derived, are explored in further detail below. For now it is simply important to note that FCC jurisprudence, by its terms, does not appear to accept the positivist claim that law is value-neutral.Google Scholar

28 Dworkin, supra note 9, at 48.Google Scholar

29 Hart, supra note 11.Google Scholar

30 Caroline von Monaco II, BverfGE 101, 361 (1999).Google Scholar

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The Federal Republic of Germany is a democratic and social federal state. (2) All state authority is derived from the people. It shall be exercised by the people through elections and other votes and through specific legislative, executive, and judicial bodies. (3) The legislature shall be bound by the constitutional order, the executive and the judiciary by law and justice. (4) All Germans shall have the right to resist any person seeking to abolish this constitutional order, if no other remedy is available. Grundgesetz [GG] [Basic Law or Constitution] art. 20.Google Scholar

33 See Eberle supra note 4, at 19 (“Thus, we can conceive of the Basic law as a value-oriented constitution that obligates the state to realize a set of objectively ordered principles, rooted in justice and equality, that are designed to restore the centrality of humanity to the social order and thereby secure a stable democratic society on this basis. These values are not to be sacrificed for the exigencies of the day, as they had been during the Nazi time. Thus the Basic law provides a new avenue of substantive moral vision to check human passion and self-interest.”).Google Scholar

34 Kommers, supra note 2, at 1 (“German Constitution makers gave up the old positivist idea that law and morality are separate domains. Constitutional morality would not govern both law and politics.”). Compare Robert Alexy, who says that the only moral content of the basic values is that they are to be optimized (as enacted by the positive law), and so are values in a non-axiological sense. See Robert Alexy, A Theory of Constitutional Rights 67 (2002).Google Scholar

35 Abortion I, BVerfGE 39, 1 (1975).Google Scholar

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47 Id. at 418 (“On the other hand weighty considerations suggest that the public should be fully informed of the commission of crimes, including the identity of the accused and the events which led to the act.”).Google Scholar

48 Infra, Section D.Google Scholar

49 In particular, the communitarian principle of Sozialstaat (the social state), explicitly mentioned in Article 20 of the Basic Law, colored the Court's opinion. See Eberle, , Human Dignity, Privacy, and Personality in German and American Constitutional Law, supra note 4 at 1021.Google Scholar

50 Dworkin, supra note 9, at 94–96. See also Smend, supra note 24.Google Scholar

51 Put differently, a property owner has a “right to exclude” others from the use and enjoyment of his or her property. See Harold Demsetz, Toward a Theory of Property Rights, in Property 35 (Jesse Dukeminier ed., 2006).Google Scholar

52 In practice, the role of principles is undoubtedly more important in civil litigation under the common law than under the civil law. Common law judges who must interpret judicial practice over time are more likely to find principles on which to base their decisions than civil law judges who must interpret statutes which are often written with precision. See Kommers, , supra note 2, at 207; Cappalli, Richard, At the Point of Decision: The Common Law's Advantage Over The Civil Law, 12 Temp Int'l & Comp. L.J. 87, 90 (1998).Google Scholar

53 See, e.g., Dworkin, supra note 9, at Chapter 5; Chemeinsky, Erwin, Seeing the Emperor's Clothes: Recognizing the Reality of Constitutional Decision Making, 86 B. U. L. Rev. 1069, 1071 (2006).Google Scholar

54 The complications posed by the horizontal application of the German Basic Law are not so serious as they might at first seem, as discussed infra this section.Google Scholar

55 See Dworkin, supra, note 9, at 90 (emphasizing that while individuals have “rights” governments have “goals”) and Dworkin, supra, note 9, at 100 (applying these concepts to criminal cases).Google Scholar

56 Id. at 84–85.Google Scholar

57 Id. at 191.Google Scholar

58 Id. at 188.Google Scholar

59 Id. at 92 (“Suppose for example some man says he recognizes the right of free speech, but adds that free speech must yield whenever its exercise would inconvenience the public. He means, I take it, that he recognizes the pervasive goal of collective welfare, and only such distribution of liberty of speech as that collective goal recommends in particular circumstances. His political position is exhausted by the collective goal; the putative right adds nothing and there is no point in recognizing it as a right at all.”).Google Scholar

60 Kokott, , supra note 1, at 92.Google Scholar

61 Buchanan, G. Sidney, Note, A Conceptual History of the State Action Doctrine: The Search for Governmental Responsibility, 34 Hous. L. Rev. 333 (1997).Google Scholar

62 Note, also, that Dworkin agrees that it would be contradictory for a constitution to prohibit censorship by the government but then allow private citizens to physically prevent others from speaking. See Ronald Dworkin, Two Concepts of Liberty, in Law and Morality: Readings in Legal Philosophy 887, 895 (David Drysenhaus and Arthur Ripstein eds., 2001).Google Scholar

63 See Lüth, BVerfGE 7, 198 (1958) (translation from Kommers, supra note 2, at 363).Google Scholar

66 Schmid-Spiegel, BVerfGE 12, 113 (1961) (translation from Kommers, supra note 2, at 370).Google Scholar

67 See Grundgesetz [GG] [Basic Law or Constitution] art. 5.Google Scholar

68 Lüth, BVerfGE 7, 198 (1958) (translation from Kommers, supra note 2, at 363).Google Scholar

69 See Dworkin, supra note 9, at 85.Google Scholar

70 Although Dworkin does not describe the situation of horizontal application of the constitution, he does argue that rights may be limited by each other. See Dworkin, supra note 9, at 200.Google Scholar

71 Lebach, BVerfGE 35, 202 (1973) (translation from Kommers, supra note 2, at 417).Google Scholar

73 Id. at 231.Google Scholar

74 Id. at 234.Google Scholar

75 Id. at 233, 235.Google Scholar

76 Id. at 208–09.Google Scholar

77 Dworkin, supra note 9, at 194.Google Scholar

78 Dworkin, supra note 6.Google Scholar

79 Id. Chapters 4 and 5.Google Scholar

80 Id. at 226.Google Scholar

81 Id. at 228.Google Scholar

84 Id. at 227.Google Scholar

85 Dworkin, supra note 9, at 126.Google Scholar

86 At least not directly. However, government may play an important role in the discourse of morality.Google Scholar

87 Dworkin, supra note 9, at 40.Google Scholar

89 Constructive interpretation is not new to Germany. Pieces of it were evident in the early 19th century in the work of the German philosopher Friedrich Carl von Savigny, who declared that each “people” had its own individual character or national soul. See J.M. Kelly, A Short History of Western Legal Theory (1992).Google Scholar

90 Dworkin, supra note 9 at 40.Google Scholar

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94 See also Eskridge, William, Dynamic Statutory Interpretation, 135 U. Pa. L. Rev. 1479, 1505 (1987).Google Scholar

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96 See id. (I presume that we all accept the following postulates of political morality. Government must treat those whom it governs with concern, that is, as human beings who are capable of suffering and frustration, and with respect, that is, as human beings who are capable of forming and acting on intelligent conceptions of how their lives should be lived. Government must not only treat people with concern and respect, but with equal concern and respect. It must not distribute goods or opportunities unequally on the ground that some citizens are entitled to more because they are worthy of more concern.”). However, these postulates are not immediately clear from the text and original intent of the U.S. Constitution. For further analysis, see, e.g., Sanford Levinson, Hercules, Abraham Lincoln, the United States Constitution, and the Problem of Slavery, in Ronald Dworkin 136–168 (Arthur Ripstein ed., 2007).Google Scholar

97 Though space constraints prohibit such a discussion here, it is important to note that Dworkin's theory of interpretation takes into the account that mistakes, sometimes very large ones (such as slavery) will be made; it is the judge's duty to find these mistakes and keep a society consistent in its values. See Dworkin supra note 9, at 118–123; Levinson, , supra note 96.Google Scholar

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100 See Bollinger, Grutter v., 539 U.S. 306 (2003) (in upholding affirmative action in state-supported universities the Supreme Court stated “Context matters when reviewing race-based governmental action under the Equal Protection Clause.”).Google Scholar

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103 Lüth, BVerfGE 7, 198 (1958) (translation from Kommers, supra note 2, at 363).Google Scholar

104 Soraya, Princess, BVerfGE 34, 269 (1973). The social norms to which the Court was referring were captured by the term “good morals” found in Article 826 of the Civil Code.Google Scholar

105 Id. (emphasis supplied).Google Scholar

106 See Krotoszynski, , supra note 4, at 1589.Google Scholar

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108 Id. (quoting the Federal Court of Justice).Google Scholar

109 Supra, section D(II). See supra note 99.Google Scholar

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111 Id. at 198.Google Scholar

112 Ronald Dworkin, Life's Dominion 236 (1993).Google Scholar

114 Eberle, , Human Dignity, Privacy, and Personality in German and American Constitutional Law, supra note 4 at 975.Google Scholar

115 These different outcomes are the result of differing political moralities which will provide different substantive definitions of human dignity depending upon the political community in which they operate. See Dworkin, supra note 112, at 236–37.Google Scholar

116 Sabine Michalowski and Lorna Woods, German Constitutional Law: The Protection of Civil Liberties 99 (1999).Google Scholar

117 Id. See also Life Imprisonment, BVerfGE 45, 187 (1977) (“[E]ach person must always be an end in himself.”) (translation from Kommers, supra note 2, at 305). Dworkin also defines dignity such that it exists independent of desert, social condition, or the individual's assertion of it. See Dworkin, supra note 112, at 238 (“Dignity … means respecting the inherent value of our own lives.”).Google Scholar

118 Horror Film, BVerfGE 87, 209 (228) (1992).Google Scholar

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125 Here, an important distinction can be discerned between Dworkin's concept of “grave harm” and the sort of collective justification that the FCC employs to override strong rights. Germany's heightened sense of communitarianism, as opposed to U.S. individualism, creates a lower threshold for the restriction of strong rights. See Kommers, supra note 2, at 32 (citing the communal guarantees of the Basic Law); Eberle, Human Dignity, Privacy, and Personality in German and American Constitutional Law, supra note 4 at 973–74.Google Scholar

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127 Krotoszynski, , supra note 4, at 1590. See also George P. Fletcher, Human Dignity as a Constitutional Value, 22 U.W. Ont. L. Rev. 171, 178–79 (1984).Google Scholar

128 Grundgesetz [GG] [Basic Law or Constitution] art. 9.Google Scholar

129 Socialist Reich Party Ban, BVerfGE 2, 1 (translation from Kommers, supra note 2, at 218). See also Krotoszynski, supra note 4, at 1591.Google Scholar

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135 Tucholsky, I, Bundesverfassungsgericht [BVerfG – Federal Constitutional Court], 21 EuGRZ 463–465 (1994) (translation from Kommers, supra note 2, at 388); Tucholsky II, BVerfGE 93, 226 (1995) (translation from Kommers, supra note 2, at 393).Google Scholar

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144 Id. at 93.Google Scholar

145 Id. at 100–110.Google Scholar

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147 Dworkin, , supra note 9, at 279. Also, see generally Chapter XIII.Google Scholar

148 Id. (rejecting the notion that there is “a set of answers and arguments that must be acknowledged to be from any objective or neutral standpoint, equally good.”).Google Scholar

149 Dworkin, , supra note 9 at 280.Google Scholar

150 Id. at 281–82.Google Scholar

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154 See id. at 290 (“The ‘myth’ that there is one right answer in a hard case is both recalcitrant and successful. Its recalcitrance and success count as arguments that it is no myth.”). Alexy asserts that when the objective order of values is conceived as “soft” (unranked) and not “hard” (ranked) the “tyranny of values” disappears, because there is room for factual contexts to shape decisions. Therefore, the threat that an “objective order of values” might have otherwise posed is “destroyed.” See Robert Alexy, A Theory of Legal Argumentation 98–99 (2002).Google Scholar