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Statism, Secularism, Liberalism - Böckenförde's Contributions to German Staatsrechtslehre in the Light of Contemporary Challenges within and beyond the State
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 06 March 2019
Abstract
This introduction lays out the rationale behind the special issue examining Böckenförde's concepts and arguments in light of contemporary crises of democracy. Considering the enormous challenges facing democracies today, how should one judge Böckenförde's optimistic view of the regulatory capabilities of the state? Is it irrelevant, given the de facto power of both supra- and non-state actors? Or does Böckenförde's view still possess explanatory value, as the state remains the most important political unit? The article consists of two parts. First, Böckenförde will be introduced as a thinker whose work centred on questions of statism, liberalism and secularism. He paid special attention to the relation between politics and religion in contexts of democratic statehood. In addition to his interest in these themes, his understanding of the constitution and constitutional interpretation will be sketched. Second, we will introduce the three topoi on which the articles of this special issue focus: Böckenförde's insistence that the state of exception ought to be constitutionalised by exploring the relevance of this proposition in four different jurisdictions; whether his model of democratic secularism as open encompassing neutrality can serve as a useful starting point to manage religious and social diversity; the future of Europe. Against this backdrop, the conclusion then aims to connect Böckenförde's ideas on relative homogeneity with the contemporary crises of democracy.
- Type
- Introducing the Special Issue
- Information
- German Law Journal , Volume 19 , Issue 2: Special issue - Statism, Secularism, Liberalism Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde Beyond Germany , 01 May 2018 , pp. 137 - 160
- Copyright
- Copyright © 2018 by German Law Journal, Inc.
References
1 Böckenförde received honorary doctorates from the Law Schools of the Universities of Basel (1987), Bielefeld (1999), and Münster (2001), as well as from the Faculties of Catholic Theology of Bochum University (1999), and Tübingen University (2005). He has also received the Reuchlin Award for outstanding work in the humanities (1978), the order of merit of the state of Baden-Württemberg (2003), the Guardini Award of the Catholic Academy in Bavaria for work in the field of the philosophy of religion (2004), the Hannah-Arendt Prize for Political Thought (2004), and the Sigmund Freud Prize for scholarly prose (2012).Google Scholar
2 The Festschrifts are: Offene Staatlichkeit: Festschrift für Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde zum 65. Geburtstag (Rolf Grawert ed., 1995); Das Recht des Menschen in der Welt. Kolloquium aus Anlass des 70. Geburtstages von Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde (Rainer Wahl & Joachim Wieland eds., 2002); Freiheit des Subjekts und Organisation von Herrschaft. Symposium zu Ehren von Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde anlässlich seines 75. Geburtstages, Der Staat, supplement 17 (Christoph Enders & Johannes Masing eds., 2006); Menschenwürde – Demokratie – Christliche Gerechtigkeit. Tagungsband zum Festlichen Kolloquium aus Anlass des 80. Geburtstags von Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde (Johannes Masing & Joachim Wieland eds., 2011). The edited volumes are: Religion – Recht – Republik. Studien zu Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde (Hermann-Josef Große Kracht & Klaus Große Kracht eds., 2014), Voraussetzungen und Garantien des Staates. Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenfördes Staatsverständnis (Reinhard Mehring & Martin Otto eds., 2014). The monographs are: Norbert Manterfeld, Die Grenzen der Verfassung: Möglichkeiten limitierender Verfassungstheorie des Grundgesetzes am Beispiel E.-W. böckenfördes (2000); Johanna Falk, Freiheit als politisches Ziel. Grundmodelle liberalen Denkens bei Kant, Hayek und Böckenförde (2006); Jonas Philipp Pavelka, Bürger und Christ: politische Ethik und christliches Menschenbild bei Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde (2015).Google Scholar
3 A 1991 edition with Berg Publishers presented eleven of his articles but was soon out of print. His only other English-language publication was a book co-edited with Edward Shils: Jews and Christians in a Pluralistic World (Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde & Edward Shils eds., 1991). Audiences working in languages other than English may be familiar with his work, as many of his writings have long been translated into French, Italian, Japanese, Korean, Polish, Portuguese, Spanish, and Swedish. See the editions of collected articles, in chronological order: (1) in Korean: Constitution, State, Freedom (Bobmun SA 1992); (2) in Polish: Wolność-państwo-Kościółt [Freedom, State, Church] (Wydawnictwo Znak 1994); Państwo prawa w jednoczącej się Europie [The rule of law in a unifying Europe] (trans. P. Kaczorowski; Zbigniew Stawrowski ed., ISPPAN 2000); (3) in Japanese: The Modern State and Constitution, Freedom and Democracy (Fukosha 1999); (4) in French: Le Droit, l‘État et la Constitution démocratique. Essais de théorie juridique, politique et constitutionnelle (Olivier Jouanjan eds., Bruylant 2000); (5) in Italian: la storiografia constituzionale tedesca nel secolo decimonono costituzionale (trans. Pierangelo Schiera, Giuffrè 1970); Stato, costituzione, democrazia. Studi di teoria della costituzione e di diritto costituzionale (Giuffrè 2006); Cristianesimo, libertà, democrazia (Morcelliana, 2007); Diritto e secolarizzazione. Dallo Stato moderno all‘Europa unita (Editori Laterza 2007); (6) in Portuguese: Historia da filosofia do direito e do estado antiguidade e Idade Média, (Porto Alegre Fabris Ed. 2012); (7) in Spanish: Estudios sobre el Estado de Derecho y la democracia (trans. Rafael de Agapito Serrano, Trotta 2000). In addition to these collections, individual articles have been published in these languages as well as in Czech, Slovenian, and Swedish.Google Scholar
4 A handicap caused by an accident he suffered in his youth limited his mobility throughout his life.Google Scholar
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7 See, for a more comprehensive approach of comparative constitutional studies as opposed to comparative constitutional law, Ran Hirschl, Comparative Matters. The Renaissance of Comparative Constitutional law 15 (2016).Google Scholar
8 Ran Hirschl argues that there are three reasons why legal scholars should be open to social scientists' methods and findings: first, factors of extra-judicial nature such as the socio-cultural context and policy preferences are of crucial importance to understand patterns of constitutional court decision-making; second, despite the tendencies of convergence regarding constitutional texts (especially social rights) in the last decades, the variance in their realization is striking. Thus, in order to describe and explain variance and divergence, one can much benefit from evidence gathered in the social sciences; third, legal scholarship tends to lag behind the social sciences in terms of methodologies and could thus learn a good deal, particularly with regard to the still common conflation of description, taxonomy, normative and explanatory accounts. See Hirschl, Ran, From Comparative Constitutional Law to Comparative Constitutional Studies, 11 Journal of International Constitutional Law 1 (2013).Google Scholar
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13 Bundesverfassungsgericht [Federal Constitutional Court] [BVerfG] Jan. 15, 1958, 7 Entscheidungen des Bundesverfassungsgerichts [BVerfGE] 198.Google Scholar
14 Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde, Protection of Liberty against Societal power. Outline of a problem [1975], in 1 Constitutional and Political Theory: Selected Writings 290–98 (Mirjam Künkler & Tine Stein eds., 2017).Google Scholar
15 This is a view Chancellor Helmut Schmidt had taken in the German Grundwertedebatte (debate on core values) of the late 1970s against much opposition from the Catholic bishops and others who called on the government to lead the way against an alleged erosion of values in society. Böckenförde, together with the Catholic intellectual Oswald von Nell-Breuning, served as the ghost writer for Chancellor Schmidt's decisive speeches on the matter.Google Scholar
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17 Böckenförde tried repeatedly to invalidate that interpretation: what came to be known as the dictum “was in part understood to mean that only religion can guarantee a state-sustaining ethos and a relative homogeneity. But that is not so. I am talking about the lived, living culture; religious aspects flow into it, and it often has religious roots, though these can also wane and be overlaid with other things. I repeatedly tried to make this clear against many an attempt at appropriating my views.” Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde, Biographical Interview, in 2 Law, Religion, and Democracy: Selected Writings (Mirjam Künkler & Tine Stein eds., forthcoming 2018).Google Scholar
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26 Shylashri Shankar, The State of Emergency in India, in this issue.Google Scholar
27 Mirjam Künkler & Tine Stein, Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde: Inner-Catholic Critic and Advocate of Open Neutrality, 7 Oxford Journal of Law and Religion 1 (2018). On Böckenförde's biography, see Künkler, Mirjam & Stein, Tine, State, law, and constitution: Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde's political and legal thought in context, in Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde, 1 Constitutional and Political Theory: Selected Writings 1 (Mirjam Künkler & Tine Stein eds., 2017).Google Scholar
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34 Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde, Bekenntnisfreiheit in einer pluralen Gesellschaft und die Neutralitätspflicht des Staates, in Kirche und Christlicher Glaube in den Herausforderungen der Zeit 439, 442 (2nd ed. 2003).Google Scholar
35 Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde, Which Path is Europe Taking? [1997], in 1 Constitutional and Political Theory. Selected Writings 343 (Mirjam Künkler & Tine Stein eds., 2017). Together with constitutional scholar Dieter Grimm (who focuses mainly on conceptual issues pertaining to the connection between constitution and state) and political scientist Peter Graf Kielmansegg (who addresses, in particular, issues of democratic legitimacy), Böckenförde represents a rather skeptical stance on the future of European integration.Google Scholar
36 Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde, The Future of Political Autonomy: Democracy and Statehood in a Time of Globalization and Europeanization, and Individualization [1998], in 1 Constitutional and Political Theory: Selected Writings 325 (Mirjam Künkler & Tine Stein eds., 2017).Google Scholar
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38 Value conservatism is commonly opposed to structural conservatism. While the latter supports the change that comes with modern capitalist production and consumption, the former criticizes the negative impacts on social cohesion and traditional life forms.Google Scholar
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40 Id. See for Böckenförde's argumentation, Vlad Perju, Reflections on Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde's Work on European Integration, in this issue.Google Scholar
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42 In a 2015 interview, Böckenförde laments that the type of nation-centered thinking present in many member states obstructs the necessary joint action. Thus, he goes on, he unfortunately cannot share Angela Merkel's optimism in this regard. See Böckenförde, Ernst-Wolfgang: Anwalt des Parlaments, Badische Zeitung, Sept. 19, 2015.Google Scholar
43 Perju, supra note 40.Google Scholar
44 Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde: Kennt die Europäische Not kein Gebot?, Neue Zürcher Zeitung (June 21, 2010), https://www.nzz.ch/kennt_die_europaeische_not_kein_gebot-1.6182412.Google Scholar
45 Jan Christoph Suntrup, From Emergency Politics to Authoritarian Constitutionalism? The Legal and Political Costs of EU Financial Crisis Management, in this issue.Google Scholar
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48 Alexander Somek, The European Model of Transnational Democracy, in this issue.Google Scholar
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52 Evelyne Huber et al., Introduction. Transformations of the State, in Oxford Handbook on Transformations on the State 1, 1 (Stephan Leibfried et al. eds., 2015).Google Scholar
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56 What Daniel Zieblatt and Steve Levitsky recently diagnosed as a breakdown of forbearance in US politics certainly also applies to other contemporary polities. Society was so polarized, the authors suggest, and political parties so distrustful of one another that politicians no longer showed self-restrain. Instead, one used all tools at one's disposal to weaken the other party. Citing polling data, the authors give examples indicative of how intra-societal trust has broken down in the US context: One out of four Trump voters deemed Trump to be unfit for president—yet preferred to vote for him rather than Hilary Clinton. A majority of Trump voters saw Vladimir Putin more favorably than the Democratic Party candidate. See Zieblat, Daniel & Levitsky, Steve, The Breakdown of Democracy (2018).Google Scholar
57 Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde, “Freiheit ist ansteckend,” taz. die Tageszeitung, Sept. 23, 2009, at 4 (trans. the authors).Google Scholar
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