Article contents
Making Good European Citizens of the Roma: A Closer Look at the EU Framework for National Roma Integration Strategies
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 06 March 2019
Extract
In a recent article, Sobotka and Vermeersch chart the development of EU policy-making towards the Roma. Their analysis of EU documents and policy initiatives tells a convincing tale: Since 2007, Roma have shifted from being an external issue—connected to Enlargement conditionality—to being a high-priority on the EU's internal agenda, and from being the subjects of an approach focused on minority rights to one of social inclusion. This change in emphasis towards the Roma can be viewed in the light of a wider reorientation of the European Union, in which the primarily economic language of European integration is moderated by a shift towards viewing economic growth and social cohesion as mutually conditioning and sustaining. This is reflected in the 2020 Strategy in the language of “smart, sustainable and inclusive growth,” as well as in the notion of a “social market economy” and in the proliferation of social rights at the EU level. This reorientation has primarily been viewed to date through the lens of the increased prominence given to fundamental rights protection in the post-Lisbon Union, and the conflict that this creates with the Union's traditional fundamental freedoms. However, this shift is not exhausted by the greater emphasis on fundamental rights protection; rather, the commitment to inclusive growth has been interpreted by the Commission as requiring the integration of Roma into the economic and social orders of the Member States.
- Type
- Lisbon vs. Lisbon Part III: Citizens
- Information
- German Law Journal , Volume 14 , Issue 10: Special Issue—Lisbon vs. Lisbon , 01 October 2013 , pp. 2041 - 2056
- Copyright
- Copyright © 2013 by German Law Journal GbR
References
1 We use the umbrella term “Roma” and “Romani” throughout this paper to refer to the many different communities, groups, and individuals that identify themselves as Roma or Sinti, in line with the now common practice in policy documents. We do so for the sake of convenience, despite the importance we attach to a culturally- and historically- sensitive approach at the community level to any integration discussion.Google Scholar
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3 Communication from the Commission, Europe 2020: A Strategy for Smart, Sustainable and Inclusive Growth, at 3 (Mar. 3, 2010) (“We need a strategy to help us come out stronger from the crisis and turn the EU into a smart, sustainable and inclusive economy delivering high levels of employment, productivity and social cohesion. Europe 202 sets out a vision of Europe's social market economy for the 21st century.”), available at http://ec.europa.eu/eu2020/pdf/COMPLET%20EN%20BARROSO%20%20%20007%20-%20Europe%202020%20-%20EN%20version.pdf.Google Scholar
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26 Cf. the European Court of Human Rights’ approach in Chapman v. The United Kingdom, in which it noted that State Parties have an obligation to “recognize the special needs of minorities”, and “to protect their security, identity and lifestyle, not only for the purpose of safeguarding the interests of the minorities themselves but to preserve a cultural diversity of value to the whole community.“ Chapman v. United Kingdom, ECHR App. No. 27238/95, 33 Eur. Ct. H.R. 18, para. 93 (2001) (emphasis added).Google Scholar
27 Article 3 of the Treaty on the European Union commits the Union to “respect its rich cultural and linguistic diversity, and shall ensure that Europe's cultural heritage is safeguarded and enhanced.” Another interpretation is that Romani culture is not deemed part of Europe's rich cultural heritage and therefore not deserving of protection.Google Scholar
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36 Thanks to Daniel Augenstein for this point.Google Scholar
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39 Social identity theory poses that it is important for both parties to recognize a common reason or goal to cooperate and relate to one another. See Muzafer Sherif, Experiments in Group Conflict 195 Sci. Am. 54–58 (1956). For an elaboration on resolving group conflict through social identity theory, see Henri Tajfel & John C. Turner, An Integrative Theory of Intergroup Conflict, in The Social Psychology of Intergroup Relations (William G. Austin & Stephen Worchel eds., 1979). For a legal perspective, see Goodwin, supra note 38, at 151–52.Google Scholar
40 Many initiatives seem to come with ten year timeframes; see, e.g., The Decade of Roma Inclusion http://www.romadecade.org/ (last visited Sep. 26, 2013).Google Scholar
41 Thanks to Bert van Roermund for this point.Google Scholar
42 Sherif, supra note 38, at 54–58.Google Scholar
43 This is particularly so, given that the Commission's own documents highlight the failure to make progress on Romani integration. According to Commission Staff Working Document, Community Instruments and Policies for Roma Inclusion COM(2008) 420 (Brussels, SEC(2008) XXX), 4, “there is a widely shared assumption that the living and working conditions of the Roma have not much improved over the last two decades.”Google Scholar
44 FRA, supra note 26.Google Scholar
45 See Directive 2004/ 38, art. 6, 2004 O.J. L158/ 77 (EC).Google Scholar
46 The Framework notes that a large number of Roma present in the EU are third country nationals legally residing here, but they are seen from an EU policy perspective as a vulnerable group within the broader category of third country nationals. See Framework, supra note 7, at 2.Google Scholar
47 European level instruments, such as Directive 2000/43, The Race Directive, 2000 O.J. (L180), and European funds, are to facilitate the design and implementation of such strategies, but the work of integration remains the responsibility of the national authorities of the Member States. See Framework, supra note 7, at 2.Google Scholar
48 See What Works for Roma Inclusion in the EU, supra note 9, at 14. See also, France Continues Roma Expulsion, BBC News (Aug. 26 2010) (reporting comments by the French authorities in the furor over expulsions in 2010 to the effect that the EU could not be used to transport social problems across the Union. The Dutch government has made similar complaints), http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-11105262. See Kemal Rijken, Roma (2012).Google Scholar
49 Framework, supra note 7, at 2.Google Scholar
50 For a study on the way in which social concerns have been expressed within the EU in the model of antidiscrimination law because of the economic ethos of European integration, see Alexander Somek, Engineering Equality: An Essay on European Anti-Discrimination Law (2011).Google Scholar
51 Indeed, one could reasonably argue that the recognition of cultural diversity is a presupposition for the enjoyment of fundamental rights and freedoms.Google Scholar
52 See Sobotka and Vermeersch, supra note 2, at 802–09.Google Scholar
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