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Global Solutions, Local Damages: A Critical Study in Judicial Councils in Central and Eastern Europe
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 06 March 2019
Abstract
Judicial independence appears on most laundry lists of all bodies or institutions engaged with the rule of law. It is considered an unqualified public good. As a result, all major players engaged in legal reform and building a rule of law have diverted significant resources to this issue. For instance, the United Nations created the office of Special Rapporteur on the Independence of Judges and Lawyers in 1994. The World Bank has been investing heavily in judicial reforms in Latin America and Asia. In Europe, the Council of Europe has been pushing for judicial independence and judicial reform throughout the continent. Additionally, the European Union included judicial independence among its core requirements for the accession countries. Both organizations, the European Union and the Council of Europe, then jointly encouraged legal and judicial reforms in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). A number of non-governmental organizations have likewise paid considerable attention to this issue.
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References
1 Contra Ferejohn, John, Independent Judges, Dependent Judiciary: Explaining Judicial Independence, 72 S. Cal. L. Rev. 353, 362 (1999) (referring to the U.S. judiciary as “[the] system of independent judges within a dependent judiciary”).Google Scholar
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71 Agenda 2000 - Vol. I: For a Stronger and Wider Union, COM (2000) 97 final (July 13, 1997); Vol. II: The Challenge of Enlargement, COM (2000) 97 final (July 15, 1997).Google Scholar
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Ironically, it was the Commission who imposed on Romania the formal institutions designed to autonomise the Romanian judiciary. Without such pressure it is highly unlikely that the SCM would have been given so much power and autonomy: ‘The 2004 reform would probably not have happened without pressure from the Commission and pressures associated with wanting to join the EU … or it might have taken longer, it might not have followed the same path. … The European Commission was strongly associated with it.‘Google Scholar
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87 See ENCJ, supra note 24, at para. 1.7; CCJE, supra note 24, at para. 10.Google Scholar
88 Compare in particular, the pre-Accession Reports with respect to the individual CEE countries, put together by the European Commission. See sources cited supra notes 71, 72.Google Scholar
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95 Budapest Resolution, supra note 25, at para. 10.Google Scholar
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98 Note that not all CEE countries adopted the JC Euro-model. For instance, the Czech Republic retained its Ministry of Justice model. Although, the Czech Republic is not alone. Some countries that introduced the judicial council model did not opt for the JC Euro-model. For instance, Poland never transferred virtually all powers regarding the career of judges to its National Council of the Judiciary (NCJ) and, moreover, in 2007 it banned court presidents from membership in the NCJ. See Adam Bodnar & Lukasz Bojarski, Judicial Independence in Poland, in Judicial Independence in Transition 667, 669–79 (Anja Seibert-Fohr ed., 2012). Estonia also preferred the cooperative model of court administration where judicial councils share many powers with the Ministry of Justice. See Timo Ligi, Judicial Independence in Estonia, in Judicial Independence in Transition 739, 741–55 (Anja Seibert-Fohr ed., 2012). In contrast, Slovakian, Romanian, Bulgarian and Hungarian (until Orban's judicial reforms in 2011) judicial councils are examples of the JC Euro-model.Google Scholar
99 See also Bobek, Michal, Comparative Reasoning in European Supreme Courts 255–72 (2013).Google Scholar
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102 On the functioning of Italian judicial council, Consiglio superiore della magistratura, see Daniela Piana & Antoine Vauchez, Il Consiglio superiore della magistratura (2012).Google Scholar
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104 We do not intend to provide a deep level empirical study of the impact of the JCSR on the Slovak judiciary. However, we believe that the ensuing snapshot at what has been happening after the introduction of the JCSR clearly support the main arguments of our article.Google Scholar
105 Art. 141a of the Constitution of the Slovak Republic and related legislation, especially zákon č. 185/2002 Z. z., o Súdnej rade Slovenskej republiky (Law no. 185/2002 Coll., on the Judicial Council of the Slovak Republic).Google Scholar
106 Nominally at least 9 members must be judges; in practice, however, even the other institutions appoint judges as members of the JCSR.Google Scholar
107 See supra Section E and notes 58-61.Google Scholar
108 For instance, he referred to Žitňanská as a “liar.” See Günter Woratsch, Zpráva o stavu slovenské justice -fenomén Štefan Harabin, Pecs (Apr. 23, 2011).Google Scholar
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111 Voting done by the so called “per rollam” (by letter) means that it is a voting without calling a meeting (e.g., by correspondence), which meant that nobody could attend the JCSR's meetings.Google Scholar
112 Katarína Staroňová, Projekt “Súdný manažment” ako protikorupčný nástroj, in Jedenásť statočných: prípadové studie protikorupčných nástrojov na Slovensku 215, 217 (Emília Sičáková-Beblavá & Miroslav Beblavý eds., 2008) (quoting the Transparency International Slovakia poll from 2004).Google Scholar
113 Note that the Constitutional Court of Slovakia is not considered to be a part of the system of general courts in Slovakia and thus it was not covered by this question.Google Scholar
114 Institute for Public Affairs (IVO), Slovenská justícia očami verejnosti, odborníkov a sudcov 1 (2011). Note that the remaining responses (up to 100%) was “I do not know.”Google Scholar
115 Id. at 2.Google Scholar
116 Id. Google Scholar
117 Id. Google Scholar
118 See Woratsch, , supra note 108.Google Scholar
119 See Bojarski, & Köster, supra note 109; Dubovcová, supra note 109, at 54-56; Woratsch, supra note 108.Google Scholar
120 Some of these cases are reported in Bojarski & Köster, supra note 109, at 102-05.Google Scholar
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128 See, e.g., Open Society Institute, supra note 74.Google Scholar
129 For detailed discussion, see Bobek, supra note 59.Google Scholar
130 See, e.g., Jakab, András, On the Legitimacy of a New Constitution - Remarks on the Occasion of the New Hungarian Basic Law of 2011, in Crisis and Quality of Democracy in Eastern Europe 61 (MA Jovanović & Đorđe Pavićević eds., 2012); see also László Salamon, Debates Surrounding the Concepts of the New Constitution, 3 Hungarian R. 1522 (2011).Google Scholar
131 Including the lowering of the compulsory retirement age for judges, which has been subsequently declared unconstitutional by the Hungarian Constitutional Court (Decision 33/2012. (VII. 17.)) AB, published also in the Magyar Közlöny 2012/95. The new law was also declared to be in violation of EU law. See Comm'n v. Hungary, CJEU Case C-286/12 (Nov. 6, 2012), ECLI:EU:C:2012:687.Google Scholar
132 One can only speculate whether some “Western” judges, who have been active in various European organizations that gave birth to the JC model qua “European standard,” tried to implement this model in the “East” so that they could later use it as leverage in their home countries. See, e.g., Strengthen the Judiciary's Independence in Europe! International Recommendations for an Independent Judicial Power (Peter-Alexis Albrecht & John Thomas eds., 2009) (containing contributions of several Western judges).Google Scholar
133 For instance, Germany has been recently criticized by the CoE for not having a judicial council. See sources cited supra note 13 and accompanying text.Google Scholar
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