Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-2plfb Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-28T07:35:46.186Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

America's first monetary policy: inflation and seigniorage during the Revolutionary War

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  06 October 2008

Ben Baack
Affiliation:
Ohio State [email protected]

Abstract

This examination of America's original monetary policy as implemented by the Continental Congress during the Revolutionary War finds that the extreme inflation experienced during the war resulted from a policy designed to circumvent a free-rider problem institutionalised by the Articles of Confederation, and that war news played a critical role in the behaviour of the money base over time. Furthermore, despite the extreme inflation, the inflation tax that accrued to Congress remained on the left side of the Laffer curve.

Résumés

Cet examen de la première politique monétaire de l'Amérique, telle qu'appliquée par le congrès continental pendant la guerre révolutionnaire, trouve que l'inflation extrême connue pendant la guerre était le résultat d'une politique destinée à faire échouer un problème free-rider institutionnalisé par les Articles de la Confédération, et que les nouvelles de la guerre ont joué un rôle critique dans le comportement de la base d'argent au fil du temps. De plus, en dépit de l'inflation extrême, l'inflation fiscale qui s'est accumulée au Congrès est restée du côté gauche de la courbe de Laffer.

Abstrakte

Diese Untersuchung der ersten amerikanischen Währungspolitik, die vom Kontinentalkongress während des Amerikanischen Unabhängigkeitskrieges implementiert wurde, kommt zu dem Schluss, dass die extreme während des Krieges herrschende Inflation das Ergebnis einer Politik war, die darauf abzielte ein Free-Rider-Problem zu umgehen, das durch die Konföderationsartikel institutionalisiert worden war, und dass Kriegsnachrichten das Verhalten der Geldbasis mit der Zeit entscheidend beeinflussten. Des Weiteren blieb die Inflationssteuer, die dem Kongress zufiel – trotz der extremen Inflation – auf der linken Seite der Laffer-Kurve.

Resúmenes

Al examinar la política monetaria inicial de América, implementada por el Congreso Continental durante la guerra de la Independencia, concluimos que la extrema inflación experimentada durante la guerra fue el resultado de una política diseñada para sortear el problema del polizón institucionalizado por los Artículos de Confederación; y que las noticias de la guerra desempeñaron un papel crítico en el comportamiento de la base monetaria. Además, a pesar de la extrema inflación, la tasa de inflación acumulada al Congreso permanecía en la parte izquierda de la curva Laffer.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © European Association for Banking and Financial History e.V. 2008

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Capie, F., ‘Conditions in which very rapid inflation has appeared’, in Brunner, Karl and Meltzer, Allan H. (eds.), The National Bureau Method, International Capital Mobility and Other Essays (Amsterdam, 1986), pp. 115–68Google Scholar.

2 The third was in France during the 1790s.

3 For an in-depth analysis of this, see the articles in the recent special edition of this journal on the formation of the American monetary union (vol. 13, no. 1, 2006). A discussion of the constitutional debate on national monetary powers is covered in Hurst, J. W., A Legal History of Money in the United States, 1774–1970 (Lincoln, NB, 1973), pp. 327Google Scholar.

4 Calomiris, C. W., ‘Institutional failure, monetary scarcity, and the depreciation of the Continental’, Journal of Economic History, 48 (1988), pp. 4768CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

5 Burnett, E. C., The Continental Congress (New York, 1941), ch. 4Google Scholar.

6 The reasons for this are discussed in Higginbotham, D., The War of American Independence (Bloomington, IN, 1971), ch. 5Google Scholar.

7 Rakove, J. N., The Beginnings of National Politics (Baltimore, 1979), p. 305Google Scholar.

8 Ford, W. C. (ed.), Journals of the Continental Congress 1774–1789, 34 vols. (Washington, DC, 1904–37), vol. 2, p. 103Google Scholar.

9 Webster, N., Sketches of the Late Revolution (Philadelphia, 1790), p. 7Google Scholar.

10 Harlow, R. V., ‘Aspects of revolutionary finance, 1775–1783’, American Historical Review, 35 (October 1929), p. 66CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

11 Bental, B. and Eckstein, Z.. ‘The dynamics of inflation with constant deficit under expected regime change’, Economic Journal, 100 (December 1990), pp. 1245–60CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

12 Ford, Journals of the Continental Congress, vol. vii, p. 36.

13 Harlow, ‘Aspects’, p. 66.

14 Schwab, J. C., The Confederate States of America, 1861–1865 (New York, 1901), p. 169Google Scholar.

15 Mitchell, W. C., A History of the Greenbacks (Chicago, 1903), p. 203Google Scholar.

16 Burdekin, R. C. K. and Langdana, F. K., ‘War finance in the Southern Confederacy, 1861–1865’, Explorations in Economic History, 30 (July1993), pp. 352–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

17 McCandless, G. T., ‘Money, expectations, and the US Civil War’, American Economic Review, 86 (June 1996), p. 668Google Scholar.

18 Smith, G. W. and Smith, R. Todd, ‘Greenback–gold returns and expectations of resumption, 1862–1879’, The Journal of Economic History, 57 (September 1997), p. 713CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

19 See Willard, K. L., Guinnane, T. W. and Rosen, H. S., ‘Turning points in the Civil War: views from the greenback market’, American Economic Review, 86 (September 1996), pp. 1001–18Google Scholar; Burdekin, R. C. and Weidenmier, M. D., ‘Inflation is always and everywhere a monetary phenomenon: Richman vs. Housston in 1864’, American Economic Review, 91 (December 2001), pp. 1621–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Another development in this literature has been to assess the extent to which war news had an impact upon Confederate bond prices. Brown, W. O. and Burdekin, R. C. K., ‘Turning points in the US Civil War: a British perspective’, The Journal of Economic History, 60.1 (March 2000), pp. 216–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Weidenmier, M. D., ‘The market for Confederate Bonds’, Explorations in Economic History, 37 (January 2000), pp. 7697CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

20 To my knowledge, Calomiris is the only economic historian to consider ‘battle successes and failures’ as one of several factors which affected the valuation of the Continental Dollar during the Revolutionary War. However, he did not pursue a systematic analysis of this. Calomiris, ‘Institutional failure’.

21 Weigley, R. F., The American Way of War: a History of United States Military Strategy and Policy (Bloomington, IN, 1977)Google Scholar.

22 For an excellent work on the battle of Saratoga, see Ketchum, R. M., Saratoga (New York, 1997)Google Scholar.

23 For the diplomatic history, see Bemis, S. F., The Diplomacy of the American Revolution (Bloomington, IN, 1967), ch. 5Google Scholar.

24 During the spring and summer of 1776, Congress had worked on a treaty to be proposed to France. John Adams considered this effort to be one of the ‘three greatest measures of all’ undertaken by Congress at the time. The other two were the Declaration of Independence and the consideration of Articles of Confederation. Adams, J., The Works of John Adams, 10 vols. (Boston, 1850–6), vol. 2, p. 510Google Scholar.

25 Hamilton, J. C. (ed). The Works of Alexander Hamilton (New York, 1851), vol. 1, p. 31Google Scholar.

26 Ford, Journals, vol. 9, p. 955.

27 Ibid., p. 954

28 Ibid., pp. 955–6.

29 Harlow, ‘Aspects’, table following page 58.

30 This is of course an underestimate since it does not account for the counterfeited state currencies and Continental Dollars.

31 The Revolutionary War is one part of what is called among American economic historians the ‘statistical dark age’ of 1770 through 1840. For a review of the relevant literature, see Atack, J. and Passell, P., A New Economic View of American History (New York, 1994)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

32 Smyth, A. H., The Writings of Benjamin Franklin, vol. vii (London, 1907)Google Scholar.