1.‘Acuerdo para afianzar la unidad en defensa de las libertades y en la lucha contra el terrorismo’, Ministerio de la Presidencia, Secretaría de Estado de Comunicación, 2 de febrero de 2015, http://www.lamoncloa.gob.es/ (accessed 1 June 2015).Google Scholar

2.By the Twin Towers attack in New York in 2001, Spain was the only country in the UE with terrorist activity and over 700 mortal victims. See on the history of the band, F.J. Llera (1995) Political violence in democratic states: Basque terrorism in Spain. In: M. Crenshaw (ed.), Terrorism in Context (Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press), pp. 410–469; and Y. Alexander, M. S. Swetnam and H. M. Levine (2001) ETA: Profile of a Terrorist Group (New York: Transnational Publishers).Google Scholar

3.Actually, the above-mentioned parliamentary agreement was urged for combatting Islamic terrorist cells inside Spain. See on jihadist networks in Spain J. Jordan and N. Horsbugh (2005) Mapping Jihadist terrorism in Spain. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, 28, pp. 168–191. Islamist followers have escalated in number with the emergence of the so-called Islamic State, which has attracted civilians of Spanish nationality, not all of them recruited by means of networking.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

4.On the rhetoric of clash and alliance of civilizations see the classic by Huntington, S. P. (1993) The clash of civilizations? Foreign Affairs 72(3), pp. 22–49.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

5.Regimes of memory regulate the supply and demand of collective remembrance and historical narratives of the past, from lieu de mémoire and academic historiography to popular myths and other immaterial heritage. See on Spanish regimes of memory from 1939 onwards, P. Sánchez León (2012) Overcoming the violent past in Spain, 1939-2009. European Review, 20(4), pp. 492–504.Google Scholar

6.On the difficulties of reaching consensus on the meaning of the concept, see Fletcher, R. P. (2006) The indefinable concept of terrorism. Journal of International Criminal Justice, 4, pp. 894–911. For a reflection on the epistemological problems for reaching that goal, see L. Weinberg, A. Pedahzur and S. Hisrch-Hoefler (2004) The challenges of conceptualizing terrorism. Terrorism and Political Violence, 16(4), pp. 777–794. In a wider sense, on the inherent contestability of conceptual definition, see Freeden (2004). Editorial: essential contestability and effective contestability, Journal of Political Ideologies, 9(1), pp. 3–11. A minimum consensus on its content in found in A. P. Schmid (2011) The revised academic consensus definition on terrorism. In A. P. Schmid (ed.), Handbook of Terrorism Research (London: Routledge), pp. 86–87. For different definitions of terrorism refer to UN General Assembly Resolution 49/60, adopted on 9 December 1994; Arab Convention for the Suppression of Terrorism, adopted in 1998; UN Security Council Resolution 1566 (2004); EU Framework Decision on Combating Terrorism (2002), art. 1. On the expansion in Modern language of the terminology ending with the suffix –ism, conveying forwardness, see R. Koselleck ([1979] 2004) ‘Space of experience’ and ‘Horizon of expectation’: two historical categories. In Futures Past: On the Semantics of Historical Time (New York: Columbia University Press), pp. 267–288.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

7.García Oliver’s declaration was: ‘[By the early 1920s] Many militants had fallen, the first men of our movement of today, and we understood that time would probably come when we would be absolutely defeated. In that moment we put together what I have no shame to say, what I am proud of confessing: The kings of the workers’ gun of Barcelona! We lived and acted separately. But we made a choice: the best terrorists of the working class, those who could return blow for blow and bring finally victory to the working class. We separated from the rest of fellows. We gathered together and formed a group, and Anarchist group, an action group for fighting against the gunmen, against the employers and the government. We succeeded in our goals, we defeated them. Our blows were harder, more to the head, than the ones they had given to us’. The words are taken from his speech – on 20 November 1937 – in the opening of the memorial for Anarchist leaders Buenaventura Durruti and Francisco Ascaso, who died in 1936, and libertarian pedagogue and intellectual Francisco Ferrer Guardia, sentenced to death in 1909. See a recording of the speech in D. Genovés (2006) Roig i Negre. Barcelona, TV3-Televisión de Catalunya. See J. García Oliver (1978) El eco de los pasos (Paris: Ruedo Ibérico).Google Scholar

8.See documentation in Romeu Alfaro, F. (2002) Más allá de la utopía: Agrupación Guerrillera de Levante (Cuenca: Ediciones de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha), pp. 92–132.Google Scholar

9.Under the overall label of Ley de responsabilidades políticas [Political responsibilities law], a legislation was enforced for fighting against ‘subversion’, not after its promulgation – February 1939 – but from as far as October 1934, when a major social uprising against the right-wing Government of the Republic had taken place. Apart from pursuing political militants during the democratic Republic, the law declared that those who had fought in favour of the Republic during the war could now be accused of having ‘aided the rebellion’ against Franco’s 1936 coup d’état. See on this issue M. Álvaro Dueñas (2006) Por ministerio de la ley y voluntad del Caudillo: la jurisdicción especial de responsabilidades políticas (1939–1945) (Madrid: Centro de Estudios Políticos y Constitucionales).Google Scholar

10.The legislation was still in use in the early 1960s, when it was implemented against the underground Communist Party leader Julián Grimau, who was sentenced to death and acquitted in 1963 accused of having practised tortures and committed crimes against civilians during the Civil War. The law was derogated by a decree in 1969 that prescribed all crimes committed before 1 April 1939, the official date of Franco’s victory ending with the military activity of the war. See on Grimau’s trial and its connection to the memory of the Spanish Civil War, P. Aguilar (2002) Memory and Amnesia. The Role of the Spanish Civil War in the Transition to Democracy (London: Berghahn Books), pp. 111–112.Google Scholar

11.The biographic article was written by Carlos Iniesta and José Martín Brocos, and portrayed general and ministry Camilo Alonso Vega (1899–1971). See http://www.publico.es/culturas/obra-convierte-maquis-terroristas-y.html, dated 1 June 2011. The dictionary was sponsored by the Spanish Academy of History.Google Scholar

12.Well before this particular polemic, an author sensitive to the ambiguous usage of the concept considered that, if the Spanish maquis are defined as terrorists, then the same label should be also applied to ‘the maquis who liberated Paris [in reference to the Spanish guerrilla fighters that, after fighting against the Nazi in France, were among the first military units entering Paris in 1944], the Italian partisans, even the Allies who fought against Nazism, and why not, the slaves who followed Spartacus’, see F. Moreno Gómez (2003) Maquis: deficit de investigación. Ebre 38, 1, p. 138.Google Scholar

13.The Law on Solidarity with Victims of Terrorism was passed after voting in parliament on 8 October 1999. Article 4.3 declares that, following reclamation by his or her heirs, the government ‘will concede’ recognition ‘to casualties from terrorist actions’. See Boletín Oficial del Estado 242 [9 October 1999], pp. 36050–36052. The award received by Manzanas’ heirs was the Gran Cruz del Mérito Civil, among the highest given by the state.Google Scholar

14.Even associations of victims of terrorism such as Gesto por la Paz [Gesture for Peace] complained that ‘there are probed facts of [Manzanas’] systematic violation of fundamental Human Rights to numerous citizens in the exercise of his responsibilities as a police servant’. See Bake Hitzak/Palabras de Paz 50 (2003), p. 64. Judicial initiatives were initiated by Izquierda Unida [United Left], a parliamentary party, and legislation on its part was passed by the regional parliament of Navarre in the form of a resolution against the decision by the central government.Google Scholar

15.The sentence backs all those whose death due to terrorist actions ‘has impeded them from assuming democratic values’ when ‘there are no reasons for denying that, had they survived to the previous regime, they would have incorporated such values after the political transition, in the way the majority of Spanish people have done, thus forgetting their past political trajectory’. Note that the process of moral change from anti-democratic to democratic values is presented as a sort of religious conversion. The sentence was substantiated and written by Judge José Manuel Sieira. See excerpts from it in La Voz de Galicia (21 November 2002), http://www.lavozdegalicia.es/hemeroteca/2002/11/21/1331428.shtml.Google Scholar

16.The parliamentary resolution forced the amendment of art. 4 of the Law on Solidariry with Victims of Terrorism by adding: ‘by no means [condecorations] will be awarded to those who, in their personal or professional career, may have behaved contrary to the values represented by the Constitution and this legislation, and to the human rights recognized in international treatises’.Google Scholar

17.The same ‘spirit of the transition’ has functioned as the justification behind the much-contested Law on Memory promulgated in 2008 that opens for civil-society actions in favour of recovering the memory of citizens killed during the Spanish Civil War or repressed during the dictatorship. See Sánchez León (2012). On the other hand, current judicial actions against several Spanish public servants and officials from the dictatorship are being undertaken in Argentina following international jurisprudence on Human Rights. See newspaper information in ‘Argentine Judge Orders Arrest of Spanish Ex-Officials’, The New York Times, 1 November 2014.Google Scholar

18.A general overview that I refer to for the following is offered by Laqueur, W. ([1998] 2012) A History of Terrorism (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers). A summary of post-Second World War developments can be found in W. F. Shughart II (2006) An analytical history of terrorism, 1945-2000. Public Choice, 128, pp. 7–39, which offers a chronological approach distinguishing three different phases, national-liberationist, left-wing ideological and Islamic that do not fit the Spanish profile.Google Scholar

19.Colonial wars seem to be here acting as divide lines, with the substitution of terrorism for a ‘National liberation’ rhetoric. Among the inspiring references there stands out the work of Franz Fanon, transforming accusations of terrorism into arguments dignifying self-defence. See on Fanon and violence, R. J. Bernstein (2013) Violence: Thinking without Banisters (London, Polity Press), pp. 105–127. On the other hand, however, notorious assumptions of terrorist self-portrayal were rhetorically deployed in the West by contemporary radical Civil Rights activists such as Malcolm X, who did not resort to violent activities. See Malcolm X ([1971] 1989) The End of White World Supremacy: Four Speeches by Malcolm X. B. Karim (ed.), (New York: Arcade).Google Scholar

20.Spanish-based terrorist organizations of the second half of twentieth century include the FRAP (Frente Revolucionario Antifascista Patriota) [Patriotic Anti-fascist Revolutionary Front] and GRAPO (Grupos de Resistencia Antifascista Primero de Octubre) [Groups of Anti-fascist Resistance 1 October] in the 1970s, of Communist and libertarian allegiance respectively, and Terra Lluire [Free Land, in Catalan] and Exercito Guerrilheiro do Povo Galego Ceive [Guerrilla Army of the Free People of Galicia, in Galician language], of regional nationalist outlooks, in the 1990s. Interestingly enough, ETA terrorists claimed since its beginnings to be the ‘heirs of the gudaris [freedom fighters from the Second Republic, in Basque language]’ from the 1930s. See G. Fernández Soldevilla (2014) Gudaris: el imaginario bélico de ETA y su opción por la violencia. In: D. Macías and F. Puell (eds), David contra Goliat: guerra y asimetría en la Edad Contemporánea (Madrid: Instituto Universitario General Gutiérrez Mellado), pp. 303–323.Google Scholar

21.On the 1848 revolutions see Sperber, J. (1994) The European Revolutions, 1848-1851 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), and M. Rapport (2000) 1848: Year of Revolution (London: Little Brown).Google Scholar

22.See Mayer, A. J. (1981) The Persistence of the Old Regime: Europe to the Great War (New York: Pantheon Books).Google Scholar

23.See on Spanish confessional assumptions since the very origins of Liberalism Portillo, J. M. (2000) Revolución de Nación. Orígenes de la cultura constitucional en España, 1780-1812 (Madrid: Centro de Estudios Políticos y Constitucionales), For a wider nineteenth-century perspective on the complex relations between citizenship and confessional identity, see G. Alonso (2013) The limits of the national community: politico-religious spaces in the 1812 Spanish constitution and beyond. In: S. G. H. Roberts and A. Sharman (eds), 1812 Echoes: The Cádiz Constitution in Hispanic History, Culture and Politics (Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing), pp. 50–68. Eastern European territories added nationalism as a relevant ideological source of terrorist activity in the nineteenth century; Spain would catch up on that later in the twentieth century.Google Scholar

24.I refer here to the works by Juan Donoso Cortés, whose ‘Speech on dictatorship’ would inspire Carl Schmitt’s defence of Nazi legitimacy. See on Donoso Cortés in the stream of reactionary thought Spektorowski, A. (2002) Maistre, Donoso Cortés, and the legacy of Catholic authoritarianism. Journal of the History of Ideas, 63(2), pp. 283–302. On Carl Schmitt in the wake of neoCatholic outlooks, G. Balakrishnan (2002) The Enemy: An Intellectual Portrait of Carl Schmitt (London: Verso).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

25.A cogent reflection, both theoretical and historical, on this issue is given in Pizzorno, A. (1987) Politics unbound. In: C.S. Maier (ed.), Changing Boundaries of the Political (Essays on the Evolving Balance between the State and Society, Public and Private in Europe) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), pp. 27–62.Google Scholar

26.See on the relations between Anarchist allegiances and the origins of terrorism placing the Spanish case in its European context. Herrerín, (2008) España: la propaganda por la represión, 1892-1900. In: Á. Avilés and Á. Herrerín (eds), El nacimiento del terrorismo en Occidente. Anarquismo, nihilismo y violencia revolucionaria (Madrid: Siglo XXI), pp. 103–140.Google Scholar

27.On the contrary, it is fashionable among Spanish historians and especially those also active as opinion makers to link Islamic theology to the justification of exterminist violence. This rather simplistic approach can be found, for example, in Elorza, A. (2004) Las raíces doctrinales. In: F. Reinares and A. Elorza (eds.), El nuevo terrorismo islamista: del 11-S and 11-M (Madrid: Temas de Hoy), pp. 147–176; and A. Elorza (2014) Los dos mensajes del Islam: razón y violencia en la tradición islámica (Barcelona: Ediciones B).Google Scholar

28.I take the term ‘western tradition of political thought’ from Wood, E. M. (2008) Citizens to Lords. A Social History of Political Thought from Antiquity to the Middle Ages (London: Verso).Google Scholar

29.The more straightforward argument linking revolutions to civil wars is probably Armitage, D. (2015) Every great revolution is a civil war. In: K. M. Baker and D. Edelstein (eds), Scripting Revolution: A Historical Approach to the Comparative Study of Revolutions (Stanford: Stanford University Press), pp. 57–68. A more complex approach to the issue can be found in the classic by R. Koselleck ([1979] 2004) Historical criteria of the modern concept of revolution. In: Futures Past: On the Semantics of Historical Time (New York: Columbia University Press), pp. 43–57. See on the emerging language of politics in Western Europe, M. Viroli, (1992) From Politics to Reason of State: The Acquisition and Transformation of the Language of Politics, 1250-1600 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).Google Scholar

30.Probably the most notorious one was the English Revolution in the 1640s. See the classic by Hill, C. (1940) The English Revolution, 1640 (London: Lawrence and Wishart), a revisionist approach is C. Russell (1990) The Causes of the English Civil War (Oxford: Clarendon). An approach to the wider period sensitive to contextual definitions can be found in J. G. A. Pocock (1988) The Fourth English Civil War: dissolution, desertion and alternative histories in the glorious revolution. Government and Opposition, 23(2), pp. 151–166.Google Scholar

31.An illustrative case is sixteenth-century France. See an overview in Holt, M. P. (1995) The French Wars of Religion, 1562-1620 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

32.There is wide agreement that Islamic jihad does not mean only holy war but also, and for many theologicians mainly, a sort of spiritual inner struggle for moral integrity and perfection. See Steffen, L. (2007) Holy War, Just War: Exploring the Moral Meaning of Religious Violence (Lanham: Rowland and Littlefield), pp. 195–228.Google Scholar

33.See on this O’Callaghan, J. F. (2013) Reconquest and Crusade in Medieval Spain (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press).Google Scholar

34.See insights in Villacañas, J. L. (2014) Historia del poder politico en España (Barcelona: RBA).Google Scholar

35. Fernández Santamaría, J. A. (2005) Natural Law, Constitutionalism, Reason of State, and War: Counter-Reformation Spanish Political Thought, vol. 1 (New York: Peter Lang).Google Scholar

36.See a masterful narrative on the Spanish decadence in Fernández Albaladejo, P. (2009) La crisis de la Monarquía (Madrid: Marcial Pons).Google Scholar

37.On the moral-philosophical evolution following the new perception of commerce, see Hirschman, A. O. (1977) The Passions and the Interests. Political Arguments for Capitalism before its Triumph (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

38.On the history of the concept of civilization, see Goudsblom, J. (2006) Civilization: the career of a controversial concept. History and Theory, 45(2), pp. 288–297 For its Spanish coinage and evolution, see J. Fernández Sebastián (2008) The concept of civilization in Spain, 1754-2005: from progress to identity. Contributions to the History of Concepts 41(1), pp. 81–105.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

39. On the structural transformation of international relations since the second half of the seventeenth century, see Teschke, B. (2003) The Myth of 1648: Class, Geopolitics and the Making of Modern International Relations (London: Verso). On the modern state as demanding metapolitical identification from subjects, see A. Pizzorno (1987) Politics unbound. In: C. S. Maier (ed.), Changing Boundaries of the Political (Essays on the Evolving Balance between the State and Society, Public and Private in Europe) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), pp. 27–62. On the intellectual building of commercial society and its reshaping of international relations, see I. Hont (2010) Jealousy of Trade. International Competition and the Nation-State in Historical Perspective (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press). These two trends bore important underpinnings for other intellectual trends in moral philosophy, economics and political theory leading into what is conventionally labelled as the Enlightenment.Google Scholar

40.On biopolitics see Agamben, G. (1998) Homo Sacer: Sovereignty and Bare Life (Stanford: Stanford University Press), and M. Foucault (2010) The Birth of Biopolitics: Lectures at the Collège de France, 1978-1979 (Basingstoke/New York, Palgrave).Google Scholar

41.The conventional image of the Spanish Enlightenment as relatively weak and belated has been recently subject to thorough critique. See the texts gathered in Astigarraga, J. (ed.), (2015) The Spanish Enlightenment Revisited (Oxford: Oxford University Press/The Voltaire Foundation).Google Scholar

42. Vázquez García, F. (2009) La invención del racismo. Nacimiento de la biopolítica en España, 1600-1940 (Madrid: Akal.Vázquez García), pp. 140–162.Google Scholar

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44.See on this revolt and its discursive conditions and sequels Sánchez León, P. (2011) Conceiving the multitude: eighteenth-century popular riots and the modern language of social disorder. International Review of Social History, 56(3), pp. 511–533.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

45. Sánchez-Blanco Parody, F. (2002) El Absolutismo y las Luces en el reinado de Carlos III (Madrid: Marcial Pons).Google Scholar

46.See Alonso, G. (2013) The limits of the national community: politico-religious spaces in the 1812 Spanish constitution and beyond. In: S. G. H. Roberts and A. Sharman (eds), 1812 Echoes: The Cádiz Constitution in Hispanic History, Culture and Politics (Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing), after the pathbreaking research reorientation by J. M. Portillo (2000) Revolución de Nación. Orígenes de la cultura constitucional en España, 1780-1812 (Madrid: Centro de Estudios Políticos y Constitucionales).Google Scholar

47.See for example San Miguel, E. (1836) De la guerra civil en España (Madrid: Imprenta de Javier Birgos).Google Scholar

48.See, on the political project by the late Old Regime Bourbon Monarchy Luis, J.-P. (2002) L’utopie réactionnaire: épuration et modernization dans l’Espagne de la fin de l’ancien régime (1823-1834) (Madrid: Casa de Velázquez).Google Scholar

49.On the Carlist War, see Lawrence, M. (2014) Spain’s First Carlist War, 1833–1840 (Basingstoke: Palgrave).Google Scholar

50.A second Carlist War actually burst in the early 1870s, under a short-lived democratic republic after Isabella II’s dethroning in 1868.Google Scholar

51.By the 1860s radical Liberals did actually refer to this approach to penal justice as ‘religious theory’ of public order, signalling the permanent confusion of individual and collectivity and its retaliating rationality. See on this Sánchez León, P. (2016) Political revolution and popular protagonism (I): language traditions in the discourse of the first Spanish democracy. In: Contempt and Fear of the Plebs. Studies in the Language of Democracy and Popular Politics in Spain, 1750-1875 (forthcoming).Google Scholar

52.See on Philippines especially Anderson, B. (2005) Under Three Flags: Anarchism and the Anti-Colonial Imagination (London: Verso), who reconstructs the conviction and execution of nationalist leader José Rizal in 1896, taking place as part of a wider repressive action by the State against Spanish Anarchists accused of terrorist activities in Catalonia.Google Scholar

53.See an overview of these trends in Sánchez León, P. (2016) Constitutional imagination and popular citizenship in Spain, 1750–1875. In: Contempt and Fear of the Plebs. Studies in the Language of Democracy and Popular Protagonism in Spain, 1750-1875 (forthcoming).Google Scholar

54.See on this Peyrou, F. (2007) Federalism as an ‘imagined community’: 19th-century Spanish republicanism and democracy. In: J. Pan-Montojo and F. Pedersen (eds), Communities in European History: Representations, Jurisdictions, Conflicts (Pisa: Plus-Pisa University Press), pp. 85–108.Google Scholar

55.Including a focus on lay cemeteries and the withdrawal of the Church from education. An overview of Republican ideology in mid-nineteenth-century Spain can be found in Peyrou, F. (2006) La comunidad de ciudadanos: el discurso democrático-republicano en España, 1840-1868 (Pisa: Plus-Pisa University Press).Google Scholar

56.A panorama of legal crossroads of the so-called ‘Democratic Sexenium’ (1868–1875) is given in Serván, C. (2005) El laboratorio constitucional: el individuo y el ordenamiento, 1868–1873 (Madrid: Centro de Estudios Políticos y Constitucionales).Google Scholar

57.See the study by González Calleja, E. (1999) El máuser y el sufragio: orden público, subversión y violencia política en la crisis de la Restauración (1917-1931) (Madrid: CSIC).Google Scholar

58.See Cruz, R. (2006) En el nombre del pueblo: República, rebelión y guerra en la España de 1936 (Madrid: Siglo XXI) and E. González Calleja (2011) Contrarrevolucionarios: radicalización violenta de las derechas durante la Segunda República, 1931-1936 (Madrid: Alianza).Google Scholar

59.See a study on this region in Shubert, A. (1987) The Road to Revolution in Spain: The Coal Miners of Asturias, 1860-1934 (Urbana: Illinois University Press).Google Scholar

60.Extermination practices in the Spanish Civil War have started to be documented and analysed by experts. The most comprehensive account to the moment is by reputed hispanist Paul Preston: see Preston, P. (2012) The Spanish Holocaust: Inquisition and Extermination in Twentieth Century Spain (London: Harper Collins). Some ideologues among the Fascist party Falange tended to reject or disregard Catholic beliefs; however, many still identified with traditional religion.Google Scholar

61.See Reig Tapia, A. (2006) La Cruzada de 1936. Mito y memoria (Madrid: Alianza).Google Scholar

62.These issues revolve around the world of emotions in explaining human action, including fanatic self-adscription to ideologies and religious beliefs. What still seems to be required is a sociology of sentiments capable of accounting for changes in the intensity of their attachment. See developments on this in Tenhouten, W.D. (2009) A General Theory of Emotions and Social Life (New York: Routledge).Google Scholar

63.See a reflection on this in Sirera, C. (2015) Neglecting the 19th century: democracy, the consensus trap and modernization theory. History of the Human Sciences (forthcoming).Google Scholar

64.See Moscoso, L. (2011) Citizens, aliens and suspects in the age of the war on terror: the question of the emergency powers in western post-democracies. Italian Journal of Political Literature, 2, pp. 311–345.Google Scholar