1.Pursuant to these articles, the veto power of the President and Vice President would be eliminated. In addition, the President and Vice President of the House of Representatives would be elected by the entire Parliament, and the provision for achieving separate majorities would be amended by laws. The separate municipality system would give way to a system based on a joint election principle according to the population rate; furthermore, ethnic separation in the security forces would be ended. Lastly, commissions would be proportionate to population.Google Scholar

2. Treaty of Guarantee, Article 3: In the event of any breach of the provisions of the present treaty, Greece, the United Kingdom, and Turkey undertake to consult together, with a view to making representations, or taking the necessary steps to ensure observance of those provisions. In so far as common or concerted action may prove impossible, each of the three guaranteeing Powers reserves the right to take action with the sole aim of re-establishing the state of affairs established by the present Treaty. ‘The Zurich and London Agreements’ Available at http://www.cyprus-conflict.net/Treaties%20-1959-60.html.Google Scholar

3.In case of violation of any one of the provisions of the Zurich and London Agreements, Greece, Turkey and the UK have undertaken to be engaged in consultations to make required initiatives and to take measures for the purpose of enabling respect to these provisions. In case one of the three guarantor states did not have the opportunity to act in collaboration with or consult with each other, they reserved the right to act to reconstitute the state of affairs exclusively formed by this treaty.Google Scholar

4.United Nations Resolution (1974) S/RES/360 http://www.un.org/en/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S/RES/360%281974%29.Google Scholar

5.Kızılyürek, N. (2007) Glafkos Klerides, Tarihten Güncelliğe Bir Kıbrıs Yolculuğu (İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları), p. 35.Google Scholar

6.Perikleus, H. (2011) Tarihsel Süreçten Kıbrıs Referandumuna (Lefkoşa: Galeri Kültür Yayınları), pp. 266–267.Google Scholar

7.Tamçelik, S. (2012) Kıbrıs’taki Çatışmanın Hukuki Boyutu (İstanbul: IQ Kültür Sanat Yayıncılık), p. 124.Google Scholar

8.Perikleus, H. (2011) Tarihsel Süreçten Kıbrıs Referandumuna (Lefkoşa: Galeri Kültür Yayınları), p. 267.Google Scholar

9.Ghali’s Set of Ideas (1992): http://www.securitycouncilreport.org/atf/cf/%7B65BFCF9B-6D27-4E9C-8CD3-CF6E4FF96FF9%7D/Cyprus%20S23780.pdf.Google Scholar

10.Richter, H.A. (2011) Çağdaş Kıbrıs’ın Kısa Tarihi (Lefkoşa: Galeri Kültür Yayınevi), p. 231.Google Scholar

11.Perikleus, H. (2011) Tarihsel Süreçten Kıbrıs Referandumuna (Lefkoşa: Galeri Kültür Yayınları), p. 270.Google Scholar

12.Report of the Secretary-General on his mission of good offices in Cyprus (2004) S/2004/437 http://www.securitycouncilreport.org/atf/cf/%7B65BFCF9B-6D27-4E9C-8CD3-CF6E4FF96FF9%7D/Cyprus%20S2004437.pdf.Google Scholar

13.Annan-Plan V (2004) Foundation Agreement. Annex IX Artikel1 http://www.hri.org/docs/annan/AppendixA/FOUNDATION_AGREEMENT.pdf.Google Scholar

14.Akıncı said in his first declaration after he was elected president, ‘I want a brotherhood relationship with Turkey. Heroism is a thing of the past. If we are to be an entity – and we should be – to be able to live within the EU as an equal partner of the federal structure, this baby, this infant should be standing up now. A Turko-Cypriot presence, standing on its own two feet, self-contained, and able to administer itself, is in the interests not only of Turkish Cypriots but also of Turkey. Since dealing with such an entity as equals will lead to much healthier relationships, this is what the Greek Cypriot side wants as well. Such an existence is also Turkey’s desire for us’. Moreover Akıncı completed his statement by saying ‘Let the Turkish Cypriot society leave its infancy behind, stop crawling, and stand on its own two feet. Let it develop and strengthen, let it improve its economy and democracy. Let it have the skill to administer itself and be the master of its own house. I foresee such an embodiment being more powerful in the federal structure, in a more competitive position within EU institutions. I envisage much more beneficial results for Turkey developing from such a structuring, too. A Turkish Cypriot presence so structured should not upset Turkey. I think that such a brotherhood relationship will be much better for Turkey too. My predictions, determination and proposals on this matter have been approved by the public. I am not talking as Mustafa Akıncı right now. I am acting as a spokesman who has been approved by more than 60 per cent of his people’. In response to these words, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan commented, ‘He should listen with his ears to what his mouth is saying. This country has paid a price for Northern Cyprus and it is still continuing to pay. Our soldiers have paid the ultimate price. Why? These steps were taken because the bill was presented to our foster land. Does Mr Akıncı think that he will be able to continue this struggle on his own? We see Northern Cyprus as our foster land and we will continue to see her that way’. Habertürk (2015) KKTC yeni Cumhurbaşkanı Mustafa Akıncı: Telefonun amacı tebrik etmekti http://www.haberturk.com/gundem/haber/1070737-kktcnin-yeni-cumhurbaskanindan-erdogana-yanit-soylediklerimin-arkasindayim.Google Scholar

15.Lijphart, A. (2002) The wave of power-sharing democracy. In: Architecture of Democracy: Constitutional Design, Conflict Management, and Democracy (Oxford: Oxford University Press), p. 54.Google Scholar

16.Interpeace (2009) Kıbrıs Problemini Çözerken. Umutlar ve Korkular http://www.interpeace.org/publications/doc_download/18-solving-the-cyprus-problem-hopes-and-fears-turkish p. 34.Google Scholar

17.Perikleus, H. (2011) Tarihsel Süreçten Kıbrıs Referandumuna (Lefkoşa: Galeri Kültür Yayınları), p. 304.Google Scholar

18.Report of the Secretary-General on his mission of good offices in Cyprus (2003): S/2003/398, http://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S/2003/398.Google Scholar

19.Perikleus, H. (2011) Tarihsel Süreçten Kıbrıs Referandumuna (Lefkoşa: Galeri Kültür Yayınları), p. 309.Google Scholar

20.Afrika (2013) Taşınmaz Mal Komisyonuna Başvuru. 7 April. http://www.afrikagazetesi.net/Afrika-Arsiv/Yil/Arsiv%202013/Nisan2013/7nisan2013.pdf.Google Scholar

21.Afrika (2013) Taşınmaz Mal Komisyonuna Başvuru. 7 April. http://www.afrikagazetesi.net/Afrika-Arsiv/Yil/Arsiv%202013/Nisan2013/7nisan2013.pdf.Google Scholar

22.Kürkçügil, M. (2003) Kıbrıs, Dün ve Bugün (İstanbul: İthaki Yayınevi), p. 63.Google Scholar

23.Kaymak, E., Lordos, A. and Tocci, N. (2009) Building Confidence in Peace (Brussels: Centre for European Policy Studies), p. 25. et seq.Google Scholar

24.Politis (2015) Υπάρχουν όλα τα εχέγγυα για εξεύρεση λύσης. 26 May http://www.politis-news.com/cgibin/hweb?-A=293314&-V=articles.Google Scholar

25.Politis (2015) Υπάρχουν όλα τα εχέγγυα για εξεύρεση λύσης. 26 May http://www.politis-news.com/cgibin/hweb?-A=293314&-V=articles.Google Scholar

26.NTV (2015) Cumhurbaşkanı Erdoğan, NTV’de kendisine sorulan soruları yanıtladı. 27 May http://www.ntv.com.tr/turkiye/cumhurbaskani-erdogan-ntvde-sorulari-yanitladi,2S-7VKgmfkSoUiRnImoNJQ.Google Scholar

27.It was reported that the heading ‘Security/Guarantees’, regarded as ‘thorny’, would be one of the most difficult titles among the first opinions put forward in the meetings for the clarification of bilateral theses in the Cyprus negotiations that resumed at the end of May. The Greek Cypriot newspaper Phileleftheros defended foreign diplomats closely following developments in the Cyprus problem who emphasized the ‘equivalent response’ requirement for taking up the guarantee matter first in sequence of negotiation (give and take) and for reaching a conclusion on the issue of whether the guarantee system would continue. The Turkish Cypriot side, through negotiator Özdil Nami, insisted on the continuation of the guarantee system; the Greek Cypriot side and Greece reminded participants that they find this system old fashioned and want it repealed; and it was emphasized that the UK is present in the big picture as well. It was further reported that although London avoided publicly stating its opinion about the guarantees, what Britain really wants is to continue her presence in Cyprus indefinitely by means of the treaty concerning her military bases on the island, and that she sees the guarantee matter as secondary. The newspaper, based on the information it had gathered, first indicated that the guarantee matter had been tabled but would be discussed extensively later on because the interveners had started to practise the plan, then added: ‘One of the scenarios prepared by the Turkish side only provides the guarantee to the Turkish Cypriot constituent state. However, this is an even more dangerous scenario than the existing system. Some third parties want to include NATO too, and there is also a proposal for making the EU or the Security Council a shield and removing the guarantees altogether.’ Fileleftheros (2015) Σκληρό παζάρι για τις εγγυήσεις. 1 June http://www.philenews.com/el-gr/eidiseis-politiki/39/259771/skliro-pazari-gia-tis-engyiseis.Google Scholar

28.Egypt, which wants to develop its relationships with the surrounding countries after the military intervention, is searching for alternative ways of purchasing refined natural gas and selling crude gas in order to end the economic crisis. Cairo had planned to open up to the European market through Turkey in order to sell Egypt’s natural gas; however, after 2013 the political crisis that emerged with Ankara caused this plan to be suspended. One of the most important developments leading Egypt to a military coup was the type of relationship Turkey tried to establish with Egypt under the Ikhwan administration. Upon Ikhwan winning the elections Turkey adopted the attitude that it, under Egypt’s leadership, had taken control of the Arab world, and would soon found the ‘New Ottoman Empire’ to encompass the entirety of the region. The recent development following this is the news that came out during Egyptian President Muhammed Mursi’s visit to Turkey two months before the coup, that Turkey and Egypt were going to form a common army, intervene in Syria and take down Assad. The Turkish government’s lack of foresight for the region in the period, its excessive ambition thereby misleading Ikhwan, and the unionism reappearing under the name ‘New Ottomanism’, have played a role in Egypt and Syria’s disruption. As a result, Egypt cooled towards Turkey and consequently moved closer to Greece and the Republic of Cyprus, and indirectly became a party to the issue, thanks to the crisis exclusive to the economic region that appeared while Turkey and the Republic of Cyprus were searching for natural gas.Google Scholar

29.Zaman (2015) Mısır, Güney Kıbrıs ve Yunanistan doğalgaz konusunda anlaştı. 29 April http://www.zaman.com.tr/ekonomi_misir-guney-kibris-ve-yunanistan-dogalgaz-konusunda-anlasti_2291689.html.Google Scholar

30.Kırdar, S. and Ratip, M. (2013) Anastasiades’in Seçilmesi Kıbrıs’ta Bir Fırsat Olabilir mi? http://www.tepav.org.tr/upload/files/13637006498.Anastasiades_in_Secilmesi__Kibris_ta_Cozum_Icin_bir_Firsat_Olabilir.pdf.Google Scholar

31.Kırdar, S. and Ratip, M. (2013) Anastasiades’in Seçilmesi Kıbrıs’ta Bir Fırsat Olabilir mi? http://www.tepav.org.tr/upload/files/13637006498.Anastasiades_in_Secilmesi__Kibris_ta_Cozum_Icin_bir_Firsat_Olabilir.pdf.Google Scholar

32.Kırdar, S. and Ratip, M. (2013) Anastasiades’in Seçilmesi Kıbrıs’ta Bir Fırsat Olabilir mi? http://www.tepav.org.tr/upload/files/13637006498.Anastasiades_in_Secilmesi__Kibris_ta_Cozum_Icin_bir_Firsat_Olabilir.pdf.Google Scholar

33.Annan-Plan V (2004) Foundation Agreement. Annex III, Federal Laws, Attachment 11, 47–48 http://www.hri.org/docs/annan/AppendixA/FOUNDATION_AGREEMENT.pdf.Google Scholar

34.Annan-Plan V (2004) Foundation Agreement. Annex III, Attachment 13, 1 http://www.hri.org/docs/annan/AppendixA/FOUNDATION_AGREEMENT.pdf.Google Scholar

35.Başeren, S. (2010) Disputes over Eastern Mediterranean Maritime Jurisdiction Areas. Stratejik Araştırmalar Dergisi, 8(14), p. 139.Google Scholar

36.Başeren, S. (2010) Disputes over Eastern Mediterranean Maritime Jurisdiction Areas. Stratejik Araştırmalar Dergisi, 8(14), 139.Google Scholar

37.Charney, J. and Alexander, L. (1991) International Maritime Boundaries, Vol 2 (Norwell: Kluwer Academic), p. 1559.Google Scholar