Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-8ctnn Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-23T03:36:48.109Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

How the Public in the US, Latin America, and East Asia Sees an Emerging China

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  25 March 2015

John H. Aldrich
Affiliation:
Department of Political Science, Duke University, Durham, USA. E-mail: [email protected]
Jie Lu
Affiliation:
Department of Government, American University, Washington, DC, USA. E-mail: [email protected]

Abstract

The People’s Republic of China’s dramatic transformation has not only benefited its people, but has also led it to become a major player in the world. Here we examine how deeply perceptions of China have penetrated into the public’s perceptions in a wide variety of nations around the world – the US, 11 nations in East Asia, and 22 in Latin America. We ask a series of questions: how much do people know? How do Americans evaluate China? And how do publics in East Asia and Latin America view China’s influence in their nations and around the world? We also examine some of the ways in which perceptions vary, both across nations and within nations, such as by partisanship. In addition, we report the results of an experiment using an advertisement the PRC ran in the US to assess how successful they were in shaping public opinion about China. We conclude that our studies, and those of others, provide a strong baseline for assessing the effect of an emerging superpower on citizens around the world.

Type
The Image of China in the West
Copyright
© Academia Europaea 2015 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Notes and References

1.For coverage of Hu Jintao’s call for development of China’s soft power around the world, see http://english.gov.cn/2007-10/15/content_776453.htm. At the website is written: ‘While charting ambitious goals of economic and social developments for the 1.3 billion people in the next five years and by 2020, Hu Jintao also stressed the need to enhance Chinese culture as the country’s “soft power” in his keynote speech to the 17th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC) on Monday.’ ‘Culture has become a more and more important source of national cohesion and creativity and a factor of growing significance in the competition in overall national strength,’ Hu said on behalf of the 16th CPC Central Committee.Google Scholar
3.Societies included here were interviewed in 2005 or 2006. See ww.asianbarometer.org.Google Scholar
4.Consider two explanations about the relative lack of sophisticated capabilities in the public compared with political elites. One is that the public has a lesser stock of information in memory, so that new information is harder to process and make sense of. The other is simply that they are less interested in and involved in politics than the political elites and therefore pay less attention to political information. Our data are agnostic between the two.Google Scholar
5.Berelson, B., Lazarsfeld, P., and McPhee, W. (1986 [1954]) Voting: A Study of Opinion Formation in a Presidential Campaign (Chicago: University of Chicago Press).Google Scholar
6.Almond, G. (1950) The American People and Foreign Policy (New York: Harcourt Brace).Google Scholar
7.Cohen, B. (1977) Political systems, public opinion, and foreign policy: the United States and the Netherlands. International Journal, 33, pp. 195216.Google Scholar
8.Aldrich, J., Sullivan, J. and Borgida, E. (1989) Foreign affairs and issue voting: do presidential candidates “waltz before a blind audience?” American Political Science Review, 83, 123141.Google Scholar
9.Page, B. and Shapiro, R. (2010 [1992]) The Rational Public: Fifty Years of Trends in Americans’ Policy Preferences (Chicago: University of Chicago Press).Google Scholar
10.Erikson, R., MacKuen, M. and Stimson, J. (2002) The Macro Polity (New York: Cambridge University Press).Google Scholar
11.Key, V. and Cummings, M. (1966) The Responsible Electorate (New York: Vintage Books).Google Scholar
12.Three questions with identical wording were used in the ABS and LAPOP surveys. These questions asked about respondents’ evaluations of China’s influence on their region (i.e., good or bad in nature) and their respective countries (i.e., magnitude, and good or bad in nature).Google Scholar
13.These two sets of surveys were conducted by different firms, so that there might be some ‘house effect’ that might affect responses, particularly with respect to the ‘don’t know’ options.Google Scholar
14.We did not report the ‘don’t know’ data for these questions, because they were asked in a very different fashion, one that discouraged reporting the absence of opinion. Indeed, while there is real variation across these eight questions in that regard, often less than 2% volunteered that they did not have an opinion.Google Scholar
15.Converse, P. (1964) The nature of belief systems in mass publics. In: D. Apter (Ed.), Ideology and Discontent (New York: The Free Press of Glencoe), pp. 206261.Google Scholar
16.Converse, P. and Markus, G. (1979) Plus ca change...: The new CPS election study panel. American Political Science Review, 73, pp. 3249.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
17.The campaign included a set of short advertisements that were drawn from a longer film intended (and actually shown nationally) as a ‘documentary’ for a half-hour time slot. We used the advertisement version, which included music but no voice-over and minimal text.Google Scholar
18.Aldrich, J., Frankel, L., Liu, K., Lu, J. and Park, J. (2012) U.S. perceptions and changing opinions of China: evaluations and psychological mechanisms. Paper delivered at the 70th Annual Meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association, Chicago, IL.Google Scholar
19.The ad can be seen at http://youtu.be/VudyvL9aYYo. The version used in the experiment was of higher quality.Google Scholar
20.We pooled two sets of subjects in the results reported here (because they did pool in the statistical sense). One is a small number of Duke undergraduates. Most were from the general public, opting in to a feature of Amazon called ‘mechanical Turk’, from which the set of subjects actually employed further opted in to participate in our experiment.Google Scholar
21.The Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA) is an organization of nations from Latin America and the Caribbean, founded by then Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, including the nations of Antigua and Barbuda, Bolivia, Cuba, Dominica, Ecuador, Nicaragua, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines and Venezuela.Google Scholar