8. G. Lengyel (n.d.) Notes of the ‘quality of elites’. In:
Elites in Central-Eastern Europe (Budapest: Friedrich Ebert Foundation), available at
http://library.fes.de/pdf-files/bueros/budapest/04578.pdf On page 8 Lengyel notes that ‘the attitudes and opinions of the elite differ in many ways from the rest of the population's. They are more meritocratic, individualistic, use more elaborate codes, and form more consistent opinions than the rest of the society, including professionals themselves. They are less tolerant towards norm breaching behaviour and they are more pro-European than the rest.’ Following from this, elites in the Czech Republic, Slovenia, Bulgaria and Romania should be more negative to corruption and more favourable to EU membership than the general population. Consequently, they may be more sensitive to EU criticism of corruption in their countries and possibly more likely to decline to be interviewed, or to provide a certain type of answers. Different types of elites, however, may differ in their perceptions of corruption as well as the EU. Ruling elites may be more sensitive to such phenomena than non-ruling elites and views may also differ by sub-groups of elites within both categories. For a more general discussion of elites in post-communist states, see
Gel'man, V. and
Steen, A. (
2003)
Elites and Democratic Development in Russia. An Introduction (
London/New York:
Routledge). The average refusal rate (all categories of respondents merged) in the Czech Republic was 59%, in Romania it was 55%, in Slovenia 71% and in Bulgaria 17%. A corruption scandal involving the then Czech Prime Minister, Stanislav Gross, broke in April 2005, i.e. shortly before our quantitative survey was carried out, and Romania was under considerable pressure by the EU to introduce more effective measures against corruption and also to introduce reform the judiciary at the time. This may partly explain the reluctance of elites to take part in our survey. In comparison, corruption has been less prominent in the Slovenian public debate. Still, refusal rates were higher there than in any of the other countries. The most plausible explanation is that interview locations in Slovenia are fairly small compared with those of other countries. Consequently, the pool of potential respondents is smaller and members of the elite more likely to be well known in the local community. Despite reassurances both on the part of the pollsters and NIBR (grant-holding institution) that data would be treated confidentially, prospective respondents may therefore have thought it would be possible to identify them all the same, should they agree to take part in the survey.
CrossRefGoogle Scholar