Several studies have stressed a correlation between difficulties in acculturation and mental distress or even mental disorders. The stress related to the process of acculturation can lead to depressive symptoms by way of changes in the activity of the HPA axis. However, it remains difficult to measure acculturation stress, as difficulties in acculturation strongly depend on subjective interpretations of every day experiences. The association between acculturation stress and mental distress was examined in two different migrant groups in Germany, 202 migrants of Russian and 100 of Iranian origin. In both migrant groups a significant correlation between acculturation stress and mental distress was found, yet no significant association between acculturation stress and length of residency in Germany. These findings will have to be replicated with representative samples and also with other migrant groups, both in and out of treatment. Considering the fact that the Russian sample was younger and nonetheless had relatively high acculturation stress scores, prevention of future mental health problems among migrants will have to focus on easing the process of integration into the host society.

In a representative nationwide survey, the Psychiatry and Migration Working Group of the German Federal Conference of Psychiatric Hospital Directors (Bundesdirektorenkonferenz) examined the use of inpatient psychiatric and psychotherapeutic services in Germany by patients of immigrant origin. Questionnaires were sent to a total of 350 general hospital psychiatric clinics throughout Germany, and 131 clinics responded. As shown by the 2005 Microcensus [22], almost one-fifth (18.6%) of the German population is of immigrant origin. In our study, persons of immigrant origin comprised 17% of patients in the responding facilities. This indicates that the percentage of inpatient psychiatric services used by patients of immigrant origin is almost proportionate to these patients’ percentage of the general population. The largest group of immigrant patients in our study were those of Russian heritage, followed by patients of Turkish, Arabic, or other origin. Almost two-thirds of the immigrant patients were born in Germany, and a considerably larger percentage were German citizens (74%). Sixty-two per cent of all patients of immigrant origin spoke a language other than German (e.g. Russian, Turkish, Polish) at home. Patients of immigrant origin were significantly more likely to receive an ICD-10 F2 diagnosis, and it was precisely patients with this diagnosis who were observed to experience difficulties in communication with caregivers.

In Germany, the public system of addiction treatment is used less by migrants with addictive disorders than by their non-migrant counterparts. To date, the literature has focused primarily on language, sociocultural factors, and residence status when discussing access barriers to this part of the health care system. However, little attention has been paid to cultural differences in explanatory models of addictive behaviour. This is surprising when we consider the important role played by popular knowledge in a population's perceptions of and responses to illnesses, including their causes, symptoms, and treatment.

In the present study, we examined explanatory models of addictive behaviour and of mental disorders in 124 native German und Russian-German youth and compared these models to those observed in an earlier study of 144 German and Turkish youth. We employed the free listing technique German and to compile the terms that participating subjects used to describe addictive behaviour. Subsequently, we examined how a subset of our study population assigned these terms to the respective disorders by means of the pile sort method.

Although the explanatory models used by the German and Russian-German youth in our study were surprisingly similar, those employed by Turkish youth did not make any fundamental distinction between illegal and legal drugs (e.g. alcohol and nicotine). German and Russian-German youth regarded eating disorders as “embarrassing” or “disgraceful”, but Turkish youth did not. Unlike our German and Russian-German subjects, the Turkish youth did not classify eating disorders as being addictive in nature. Moreover, medical concepts crucial to a proper understanding of dependence disorders (e.g. the term “physical dependence”) were characterised by almost half of our Turkish subjects as useless in describing addictions.

These findings show that it is impossible to translate medical or everyday concepts of disease and treatment properly into a different language without considering the connotations and implications of each term as it relates to the respective culture. Terms that are central to Western medical models of disease may otherwise be misunderstood, misinterpreted, or simply rejected.

The Cultural Formulation of Diagnosis, put away in the Appendix IX in the DSM-IV, was developed during the preparation of the DSMIV by the NIMH group Culture and Diagnosis, a group of international cultural experts to make the manual more culturally sensitive. The Cultural Formulation supplements the nomothetic or standardized diagnostic ratings of the DSM with an ideographic statement, emphasizing the patient's personal experience and the corresponding cultural reference group(s). In the Netherlands the Cultural Formulation proved to be a very useful and innovative instrument to make the diagnostic process and treatment more culturally sensitive. Aim of this article is to give more publicity to this model also in the rest of Europe.

Recent reports indicate that the quality of care provided to immigrant and ethnic minority patients is not at the same level as that provided to majority group patients. Although the European Board of Medical Specialists recognizes awareness of cultural issues as a core component of the psychiatry specialization, few medical schools provide training in cultural issues. Cultural competence represents a comprehensive response to the mental health care needs of immigrant and ethnic minority patients. Cultural competence training involves the development of knowledge, skills, and attitudes that can improve the effectiveness of psychiatric treatment. Cognitive cultural competence involves awareness of the various ways in which culture, immigration status, and race impact psychosocial development, psychopathology, and therapeutic transactions. Technical cultural competence involves the application of cognitive cultural competence, and requires proficiency in intercultural communication, the capacity to develop a therapeutic relationship with a culturally different patient, and the ability to adapt diagnosis and treatment in response to cultural difference. Perhaps the greatest challenge in cultural competence training involves the development of attitudinal competence inasmuch as it requires exploration of cultural and racial preconceptions. Although research is in its infancy, there are increasing indications that cultural competence can improve key aspects of the psychiatric treatment of immigrant and minority group patients.

Health care and health care systems should be seen and understood in their socio-cultural context. Modern urbanized societies are likely to exhibit health care pluralism, and different therapeutic approaches are available side-by-side. The various models may take their origin in different cultural traditions, but in most societies one type of care is at a given time considered “above” the others. However health care activities in all societies show a degree of interrelation, reflecting societal changes in which normative practices, value systems and structures change over time. In the current Western health systems evidence-based biomedical care is the prevailing system taught to all professionals.

The present paper outlines the prevailing health paradigms, and the advantages and shortcomings of the various approaches and their relation to modern care will be discussed. With increased multicultural backgrounds of patients there is a need for mental health professionals to recognize the existence of traditional approaches and be aware of the parallel systems of care. Competent treatment of such patients requires that mental health professionals are aware of this and exhibit a willingness and ability to bridge between the more traditional and the Western approaches to treatment. The delineations and various aspects of the concept cultural competence and its dimensions will be discussed from a clinical perspective.

Comparative studies of the various Western and the traditional approaches respectively will be reviewed.