Hostname: page-component-77c89778f8-rkxrd Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-07-16T21:24:30.111Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Tailoring the truth – evidence on parliamentarians’ responsiveness and misinformation toleration from a field experiment

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 January 2023

Matthias Diermeier*
Affiliation:
German Economic Institute, Cologne, Germany
*

Abstract

Populist radical right parties (PRRPs) claim to be particularly responsive to people’s needs and have been identified as a major source of disinformation. The present contribution sets up a field experiment to zoom in on one-to-one communication between voters and their parliamentarians. By drawing on pieces of misinformation that are present among different parties’ supporters, artificial citizen’s requests are sent to all 2503 German federal parliamentarians. In fact, PRRP politicians do not turn out to be more responsive and they are by far more reluctant to reject misinformation. In contrast, parliamentarians of all other parties largely object to misinformation, even if it matches their political positions and is shared by their electorates. In opposition to PRRP politicians who reveal signs of vote-seeking behaviour, established parties’ communication behaviour indicates a high degree of intrinsic motivation.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
© The Author(s), 2023. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of European Consortium for Political Research

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Alesina, A., Miano, A. and Stantcheva, S. (2022), ‘Immigration and redistribution’, The Review of Economic Studies: rdac011. doi: 10.1093/restud/rdac011 Google Scholar
Alizade, J., Dancygier, R. and Ruth, D. (2021), ‘National penalties reversed: the local politics of citizenship and politician responsiveness to immigrants’, The Journal of Politics 83(3): 118.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Allcott, H. and Gentzkow, M. (2017), ‘Social media and fake news in the 2016 election’, Journal of Economic Perspectives 31(2): 211236.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Arzheimer, K. and Berning, C.C. (2019), ‘How the alternative for Germany (AfD) and their voters veered to the radical right, 2013–2017’, Electoral Studies 60. doi: 10.1016/j.electstud.2019.04.004 CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bénabou, R. and Tirole, J. (2003), ‘Intrinsic and extrinsic motivation’, Review of Economic Studies 70(3): 489520.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bennett, W.L. and Livingston, S. (2018), ‘The disinformation order: disruptive communication and the decline of democratic institutions’, European Journal of Communication 33(2): 122139.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bennett, W.L. and Pfetsch, B. (2018), ‘Rethinking political communication in a time of disrupted public spheres’, Journal of Communication 68(2): 243253.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Berning, C.C., Lubbers, M. and Schlueter, E. (2019), ‘Media attention and radical right-wing populist party sympathy: longitudinal evidence from The Netherlands’, International Journal of Public Opinion Research 31(1): 93120.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bertelsmann Stiftung (2017), Populäre Wahlen: Mobilisierung und Gegenmobilisierung der sozialen Milieus bei der Bundestagswahl 2017, Gütersloh: Bertelsmann.Google Scholar
Bischof, D., Cohen, G., Cohen, S., Foos, F., Kuhn, P.M., Nanou, K., Visalvanich, N. and Vivyan, N. (2022), ‘Advantages, challenges and limitations of audit experiments with constituents’, Political Studies Review 20(2): 192200.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bol, D., Gschwend, T., Zittel, T. and Zittlau, S. (2021), ‘The importance of personal vote intentions for the responsiveness of legislators: a field experiment’, European Journal of Political Research 60(2): 455473.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bornschier, S. (2010), Cleavage Politics and the Populist Right: The New Cultural Conflict in Western, Philadelphia: Temple University Press.Google Scholar
Bornschier, S. (2012), ‘Why a right-wing populist party emerged in France but not in Germany: cleavages and actors in the formation of a new cultural divide’, European Political Science Review 4(1): 121145.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bowler, S. and Farrell, D. (2011), ‘Electoral institutions and campaigning in comparative perspective: electioneering in European Parliament elections’, European Journal of Political Research 50(5): 668688.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bröchler, S. and Elbers, H. (2001), Hochschulabsolventen als Mitarbeiter des Parlaments: Politikberater oder Bürohilfskräfte? Ergebnisse einer internetgestützten Befragung der persönlichen wissenschaftlichen Mitarbeiter der Abgeordneten des Deutschen Bundestages, Hagen: polis-Arbeitspapiere aus der Fern- Universität Hagen Nr. 52/2001.Google Scholar
Broockman, D.E. (2013), ‘Black politicians are more intrinsically motivated to advance blacks’ interests: a field experiment manipulating political incentives’, American Journal of Political Science 57(3): 521536.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bundestagsfraktion Bündnis 90/Die Grünen (2019), ‘Klima-Appelle junger Menschen ernst nehmen’, Press Release. Retrieved from https://www.gruene-bundestag.de/presse/pressemitteilungen/klima-appelle-junger-menschen-ernst-nehmen Google Scholar
Bündnis 90/Die Grünen (2020), … zu achten und zu schützen …: Veränderung schafft halt. Grundsatzprogramm, Berlin: BÜNDNIS 90/DIE GRÜNEN.Google Scholar
Butler, D.M. and Broockman, D.E. (2011), ‘Do politicians racially discriminate against constituents? A field experiment on state legislators’, American Journal of Political Science 55(3): 463477.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Butler, D.M., Karpowitz, C.F. and Pope, J.C. (2012), ‘A field experiment on legislators’ home styles: service versus policy’, The Journal of Politics 74(2): 474486.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Cain, B., Ferejohn, J. and Fiorina, M. (1984), ‘The constituency service basis of the personal vote for U.S. representatives and British Members of Parliament’, American Political Science Review 78(1): 110125.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Castanho Silva, B. (2018), ‘Populist radical right parties and mass polarization in the Netherlands’, European Political Science Review 10(2): 219244.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Chambers, S. (2021), ‘Truth, deliberative democracy, and the virtues of accuracy: is fake news destroying the public sphere?’, Political Studies 69(1): 147163.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Chapel Hill Expert Survey (2020), 2019 Chapel Hill Expert Survey. Version 2019.1. doi: 10.1016/j.electstud.2021.102420 Google Scholar
Conrad, M. (2022), ‘A post-truth campaign: the alternative for Germany in the 2019 European Parliament Election’, German Politics and Society 40(1): 5876.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Coppock, A. (2019), ‘Avoiding post-treatment bias in audit experiments’, Journal of Experimental Political Science 6(1): 14.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Costa, M. (2017), ‘How responsive are political elites? A meta-analysis of experiments on public officials’, Journal of Experimental Political Science 4(3): 241254.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
de Vries, C., Dinas, E. and Solaz, H. (2016), ‘You have got mail! How intrinsic and extrinsic motivations shape constituency service in the European Parliament’, IHS Political Science Series, Working Paper No. 140.Google Scholar
Deutscher Bundestag (2015), ‘Der Abgeordnete und seine Mitarbeiter’, Retrieved14 August 2020 from https://www.bundestag.de/dokumente/textarchiv/2015/kw32_finanzierung_buero-384390 Google Scholar
Deutscher Bundestag (2018), ‘AfD fordert eine “faktenbasierte Klima- und Energiepolitik”’, Retrieved 14 August 2020 from https://www.bundestag.de/dokumente/textarchiv/2018/kw26-de-klima-energiepolitik-561634 Google Scholar
Egelhofer, J.L. and Lecheler, S. (2019), ‘Fake news as a two-dimensional phenomenon: a framework and research agenda’, Annals of the International Communication Association 43(2): 97116.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Federal Employment Agency (2021a), ‘Arbeitslosigkeit im Zeitverlauf: Entwicklung der Arbeitslosenquote (Strukturmerkmale)’, Retrieved 14 August 2020 from https://statistik.arbeitsagentur.de/Statistikdaten/Detail/Aktuell/iiia4/alo-zeitreihe-dwo/alo-zeitreihe-dwo-b-0-xlsx.xlsx Google Scholar
Federal Employment Agency (2021b), ‘Jahresrückblick 2020’, Retrieved 22 June 2021 from https://www.arbeitsagentur.de/presse/2021-02-jahresrueckblick-2020 Google Scholar
Federal Environment Agency (2020), ‘Erneuerbare Energien in Zahlen’, Retrieved 14 August 2020 from https://www.umweltbundesamt.de/themen/klima-energie/erneuerbare-energien/erneuerbare-energien-in-zahlen?sprungmarke=strom#strom Google Scholar
Fitch, B. and Goldschmidt, K. (2005), Communication with Congress: How Capitol Hill Is Coping with the Surge in Citizen Advocacy, Washington, DC: Congressional Management Foundation.Google Scholar
Frindte, W. and Frindte, I. (2020), Halt in haltlosen Zeiten: Eine sozialpsychologische Spurensuche, Wiesbaden: Springer VS.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Full Fact (2017), ‘£350 million EU claim “a clear misuse of official statistics”’, Retrieved 29 June 2020 from https://fullfact.org/europe/350-million-week-boris-johnson-statistics-authority-misuse/ Google Scholar
Gerstlé, J. and Nai, A. (2019), ‘Negativity, emotionality and populist rhetoric in election campaigns worldwide, and their effects on media attention and electoral success’, European Journal of Communication 34(4): 410444.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Giebler, H., Hirsch, M., Schürmann, B. and Veit, S. (2021), ‘Discontent with what? Linking self-centered and society-centered discontent to populist party support’, Political Studies 69(4): 900920.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Giger, N., Lanz, S. and de Vries, C. (2020), ‘The motivational basis of constituency work: how intrinsic and extrinsic motivations interact’, Political Science Research and Methods 8(3): 493508.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Grohs, S., Adam, C. and Knill, C. (2016), ‘Are some citizens more equal than others? Evidence from a field experiment’, Public Administration Review 76(1): 155164.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Grose, C.R., Malhotra, N. and van Parks Houweling, R. (2015), ‘Explaining explanations: how legislators explain their policy positions and how citizens react’, American Journal of Political Science 59(3): 724743.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Guess, A., Nyhan, B. and Reifler, J. (2020), ‘Selective exposure to misinformation: evidence from the consumption of fake news d uring the 2016 U.S. presidential campaign’, Nature Human Behaviour 4: 472480.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Gunther, R., Beck, P.A. and Nisbet, E.C. (2019), ‘“Fake news” and the defection of 2012 Obama voters in the 2016 presidential election’, Electoral Studies 61: 102030.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hameleers, M. (2020), ‘Populist disinformation: exploring intersections between online populism and disinformation in the US and the Netherlands’, Politics and Governance 8(1): 146157.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hameleers, M. (2022), Populist Disinformation in Fragmented Information Settings: Understanding the Nature and Persuasiveness of Populist and Post-Factual Communication, New York: Routledge.Google Scholar
Heß, M., von Scheve, C. and Zittlau, S. (2018), ‘Ethnische Diskriminierung durch Bundestagsabgeordnete: Ein Feldexperiment’, Soziale Welt 69(4): 355378.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hutter, S. and Kriesi, H. (2019), ‘Politicizing Europe in times of crisis’, Journal of European Public Policy 26(7): 9961017.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Jakobson, G. (2010), ‘Perception, memory, and partisan polarization on the Iraq War’, Political Science Quarterly 125(1): 3156.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kaeding, M., Müller, M. and Schmälter, J. (eds), (2020), Die Europawahl 2019: Ringen um die Zukunft Europas, Wiesbaden: Springer VS.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kappes, A., Harvey, A., Lohrenz, T., Montague, R. and Sharot, T. (2020), ‘Confirmation bias in the utilization of others’ opinion strength’, Nature Neuroscience 23: 130137.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Knobloch-Westerwick, S., Mothes, C., Johnson, B., Westerwick, A. and Donsbach, W. (2015), ‘Political online information searching in Germany and the United States: confirmation bias, source credibility, and attitude impacts’, Journal of Communication 65(3): 489511.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Körösényi, A., Patkós, V., Plesz, B. and Susánszky, P. (2022), ‘The potentials of heresthetic and rhetoric in an open framing situation: theory and evidence from a survey experiment’, European Political Science Review 14(1): 94114.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Korte, K.-R. (2019), ‘Die Bundestagswahl 2017: Ein Plebiszit über die Flüchtlingspolitik’, in Korte, K.-R. and Schoofs, J. (eds.), Die Bundestagswahl 2017, Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, pp. 119.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Krämer, B. (2014), ‘Media populism: a conceptual clarification and some theses on its effects’, Communication Theory 24(1): 4260.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kunda, Z. (1990), ‘The case for motivated reasoning’, Psychological Bulletin 108(3): 480498.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Landgrave, M. (2020), ‘Can we reduce deception in elite field experiments? Evidence from a field experiment with state legislative offices’, State Politics & Policy Quarterly 20(4): 489507.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Landgrave, M. and Weller, N. (2019), ‘Do more professionalized legislatures discriminate less? The role of staffers in constituency service’, American Politics Research 48(5): 571578.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Levine, K. and Glick, D. (2017), ‘Does race affect access to government services? An experiment exploring street-level Bureaucrats and access to public housing’, American Journal of Political Science 61(1): 110116.Google Scholar
Mair, P. (2013), Ruling the Void. The Hollowing out of Western Democracy, London and New York: Verso.Google Scholar
Merkel, W. (2018), ‘Challenge or crisis of democracy’, in Merkel, W. and Kneip, S. (eds.), Democracy and Crisis: Challenges in Turbulent Times, Wiesbaden: Springer, pp. 128.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Moffitt, B. (2018), ‘The populism/anti-populism divide in Western Europe’, Democratic Theory 5(2): 116.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mudde, C. (2007), Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe, New York: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mudde, C. and Kalwasser, R. (2017), Populism: A Very Short Introduction, Oxford: Oxford University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Norris, P. (1997), ‘The puzzle of constituency service’, Journal of Legislative Studies 3(2): 2949.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Pinkert, R., Pittelkow, S. and Riedel, K. (2017), ‘Bundestag: Mitarbeiter wechseln zur AfD’, Retrieved 16 November 2022 from https://daserste.ndr.de/panorama/aktuell/Bundestag-Mitarbeiter-wechseln-zur-AfD,afd1376.htmlGoogle Scholar
Reuter, C., Hartwig, K., Kirchner, J. and Schlegel, N. (2019), ‘Fake news perception in Germany: a representative study of people’s attitudes and approaches to counteract disinformation: paper presented at the 14th International Conference on Wirtschaftsinformatik’, Siegen.Google Scholar
Rooduijn, M. (2014), ‘The nucleus of populism: in search of the lowest common denominator’, Government and Opposition 49(4): 573599.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Rueda, D. (2021), ‘Is populism a political strategy? A critique of an enduring approach’, Political Studies 69(2): 167184.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Runciman, D. (2018), How Democracy Ends, London: Profile Books.Google Scholar
Sängerlaub, A., Meier, M. and Rühl, W.-D. (2018), Fakten statt Fakes: Verursacher, Verbreitungswege und Wirkungen von Fake News im Bundestagswahlkampf, Berlin: Stiftung Neue Verantwortung.Google Scholar
Schmidt, F. (2020), ‘Party populism and media access: the news value of populist communication and how it is handled by the mass media’, International Journal of Communication 14: 2360–2382.Google Scholar
Schmitt-Beck, R. (2017), ‘The ‘Alternative für Deutschland in the Electorate’: between single-issue and right-wing populist party’, German Politics 26(1): 124148.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Schüler, R.M., Niehues, J. and Diermeier, M. (2021), ‘Politisches Informationsverhalten: Gespräch und traditionelle Medien liegen vorn’, IW-Report 19.Google Scholar
Schürmann, B. (2022), ‘Populismus, Krise und politische Mobilisierung: Wie Angebot und Nachfrage die AfD-Wahl und politischen Protest erklären können’, Discussion Paper SP V 2022-102 Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin für Sozialforschung.Google Scholar
Serrano, J., Shahrezaye, M., Papakyriakopoulos, O. and Hegelich, S. (2019), ‘The rise of Germany’s AfD: a social media analysis’, SMSociety 2019: Proceedings of the 10th International Conference on Social Media and Society, 214–223. doi: 10.1145/3328529.3328562 CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Sheffer, L., Loewen, P.J., Soroka, S., Walgrave, S. and Sheafer, T. (2018), ‘Nonrepresentative representatives: an experimental study of the decision making of elected politicians’, American Political Science Review 112(2): 302321.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Siri, J. and Lewandowsky, M. (2019), ‘“Wir sind das Volk”: Zur Herausbildung eines Diskurses der identitären Demokratie im Umfeld der Partei Alternative für Deutschland (AfD)’, in Bergem, W., Diehl, P. and Lietzmann, H. (eds.), Politische Kulturforschung reloaded: Neue Theorien, Methoden und Ergebnisse, Bielefeld: transcript, pp. 273293.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Tagesschau (2019), ‘Faktenfinder: AfD-Studie’, Retrieved 30 September 2020 from https://www.tagesschau.de/faktenfinder/afd-studie-101.html Google Scholar
Tandoc, E.C., Lim, Z.W. and Ling, R. (2018), ‘Defining “Fake News”’, Digital Journalism 6(2): 137153.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Teorell, J., Torcal, M. and Montero, J. (2006), ‘Political participation: mapping the terrain’, in van Deth, J., Montero, J. and Westholm, A. (eds.), Citizenship and Involvement in European Democracies: A Comparative Analysis: A Comparative Analysis, Abingdon: Routledge, pp. 334–357.Google Scholar
The Guardian (2017), ‘Trump’s inauguration crowd: Sean Spicer’s claims versus the evidence’, Retrieved 29 June 2021 from https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2017/jan/22/trump-inauguration-crowd-sean-spicers-claims-versus-the-evidence Google Scholar
Theocharis, Y. and van Deth, J.W. (2018), ‘The continuous expansion of citizen participation: a new taxonomy’, European Political Science Review 10(1): 139163.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Valgarðsson, V.O., Clarke, N., Jennings, W. and Stoker, G. (2021), ‘The good politician and political trust: an authenticity gap in British politics?’, Political Studies 69(4): 858880.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
van Kessel, S., Sajuria, J. and van Hauwaert, S. (2021), ‘Informed, uninformed or misinformed? A cross-national analysis of populist party supporters across European democracies’, West European Politics 44(3): 585610.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
van Prooijen, J.-W. and Krouwel, A.P.M. (2019), ‘Psychological features of extreme political ideologies’, Current Directions in Psychological Science 28(2): 159163.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Waisbord, S. and Amado, A. (2017), ‘Populist communication by digital means: presidential Twitter in Latin America’, Information, Communication & Society 20(9): 13301346.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Westerwick, A., Johnson, B. and Knobloch-Westerwick, S. (2017), ‘Confirmation biases in selective exposure to political online information: Source bias vs. content bias’, Communication Monographs 84(3): 343364.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Weyland, K. (1999), ‘Neoliberal populism in Latin America and Eastern Europe’, Comparative Politics 31(1): 122.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
White, A., Nathan, N. and Faller, J. (2015), ‘What do I need to vote? Burocratic discretion and discrimination by local election officials’, American Political Science Review 109(1): 129142.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Supplementary material: File

Diermeier supplementary material

Diermeier supplementary material 1

Download Diermeier supplementary material(File)
File 399.7 KB
Supplementary material: File

Diermeier supplementary material

Diermeier supplementary material 2

Download Diermeier supplementary material(File)
File 108.2 KB