Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-dlnhk Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-22T06:27:29.842Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

The impact of populist radical right parties on foreign policy: the Northern League as a junior coalition partner in the Berlusconi Governments

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  08 December 2014

Bertjan Verbeek*
Affiliation:
Department of Political Science, Institute for Management Research, Radboud University Nijmegen, The Netherlands
Andrej Zaslove
Affiliation:
Department of Political Science, Institute for Management Research, Radboud University Nijmegen, The Netherlands

Abstract

Despite the populist radical right’s (PRR) popularity among political scientists, little scholarship has focused on its influence on foreign policy. This lack of study is due, in part, to a general lack of attention to the role of political parties in foreign policy, both in comparative politics and international relations (IR). This is unfortunate because, due to Europeanization and globalization, the domain of foreign policy has expanded, making foreign policy increasingly a domestic concern and, most importantly, touching on major themes of PRR parties. Combining insights from comparative politics and IR, we theorize the mechanisms, which may facilitate the impact of such parties on foreign policy. Subsequently, we examine whether the Italian Northern League (LN), as a prime example of a PRR party participating in a coalition government, has had an impact on Italy’s foreign policy and, if so, what accounts for this (lack of) influence. This paper concludes that, unlike common understanding, the PRR is not persistently anti-internationalist/anti-EU; rather, its position depends on the extent to which international politics helps or hinders the promotion of ‘the people’. Second, despite the LN’s strong coalition position, it pursued an effective foreign policy mainly regarding immigration policy. Third, IR theories of junior coalition partners and foreign policy should address the nature of the party system and how inter-party electoral competition affects the strength of a junior coalition partner. Fourth, these theories need to acknowledge that party preferences are sometimes trumped by national concerns, as suggested by more systemic IR theories.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
© European Consortium for Political Research 2014 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Agence France Presse (2009), ‘Malta Protests Strongly with Italy over Latest Incident’, May 1, Agence France Presse.Google Scholar
Albertazzi, D. and McDonnell, D. (2005), ‘The Lega Nord in the second Berlusconi government: in a league of its own’, West European Politics 28(5): 952972.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Albertazzi, D.McDonnell, D. (2010), ‘The Lega Nord back in government’, West European Politics 33(6): 13181340.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Albertazzi, D.McDonnell, D. and Newell, J.L. (2011), ‘Di lotta e di governo: the Lega Nord and rifondazione comunista in office’, Party Politics 17(4): 471487.Google Scholar
Bardi, L. (2007), ‘Electoral change and its impact on the party system in Italy’, West European Politics 30(4): 711732.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bartolini, S., Chiaramonte, A. and D'Alimonte, R. (2004), ‘The Italian party system between parties and coalitions’, West European Politics 27(1): 119.Google Scholar
Bindi, F.M. (2011), Italy and the European Union, Washington: Brookings Institution Press.Google Scholar
Biorcio, R. (1997), La Padania Promessa, Milan: Il Saggiatore.Google Scholar
Bolleyer, N. (2007), ‘Small parties: from party pledges to government policy’, West European Politics 30(1): 121147.Google Scholar
Bossi, U. (2003), Intervento del Segretario Federale, Pontida, Lega Nord, pp. 132.Google Scholar
Brighi, E. (2013), Foreign Policy, Domestic Politics and International Relations: The Case of Italy, London: Routledge.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Carbone, M. (2007), ‘The domestic foundations of Italy’s foreign and development policies’, West European Politics 30(4): 903923.Google Scholar
Cento Bull, A. (2010), ‘Addressing contradictory needs: the Lega Nord and Italian immigration policy’, Patterns of Prejudice 44(5): 411431.Google Scholar
Cento Bull, A. and Gilbert, M. (2001), The Lega Nord and the Northern Question in Italian Politics, Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave.Google Scholar
Chryssogelos, A.S. (2010), ‘Undermining the west from within: European populists, the US and Russia’, European View 9(2): 267277.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Cladi, L. and Webber, M. (2011), ‘Italian foreign policy in the post-cold war period: a neoclassical realist approach’, European Security 20(2): 205219.Google Scholar
Colombo, A. and Sciortino, G. (2003), ‘The bossi-fini law: explicit fanaticism, implicit moderation, and poisoned fruits’, in J. Blondel and P. Segatti (eds), Italian Politics: The Second Berlusconi Government, New York: Berghahn Books, pp. 162179.Google Scholar
Corriere della Sera (2004), ‘Lo Strappo della Lega sulla Missione Italiana’, Corriere della Sera, April 22, 2pp.Google Scholar
Corriere della Sera (2008a), ‘Passa all’Unanimità il Trattato Europeo’, Corriere della Sera, July 24, 15pp.Google Scholar
Corriere della Sera (2008b), ‘Sì Unanime della Camera Ratificato il Trattato Europeo’, Corriere della Sera, August 1, 13pp.Google Scholar
Coticchia, F. and Giacomello, G. (2011), ‘All together now! Military operations abroad as ‘Bipartisan’ instrument of Italian foreign policy’, in G. Giacomello and B. Verbeek (eds), Italy’s Foreign Policy in the 21 stCentury: The New Assertiveness of an Aspiring Middle Power, Lanham: Lexington, pp. 135154.Google Scholar
Criscitiello, A. (1994), ‘The political role of cabinet ministers in Italy’, in M. Laver and K.A. Shepsle (eds), Cabinet Ministers and Parliamentary Government, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 187200.Google Scholar
Croci, O. (2005), ‘Much ado about little: the foreign policy of the second Berlusconi government’, Modern Italy 10(1): 5974.Google Scholar
Davidson, J. (2011), America's Allies and War: Kosovo, Afghanistan, and Iraq, Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan.Google Scholar
Davidson, J.W. (2008), ‘In and out of Iraq: a vote-seeking explanation of Berlusconi’s Iraq policy’, Modern Italy 13(1): 3750.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
De Lange, S.L. (2012), ‘New alliances: why mainstream parties govern with radical right‐wing populist parties’, Political Studies 60(4): 899918.Google Scholar
Della Porta, D. and Diani, M. (2004), ‘‘Contro la guerra senza se né ma’: le proteste contro la guerra in Iraq’, in V. Della Sala and S. Fabbrini (eds), La Politica in Italia: i Fatti dell’Anno e le Interpretazioni, Bologna: Il Mulino, pp. 249269.Google Scholar
Derks, A. (2006), ‘Populism and the ambivalence of egalitarianism. How do the underprivileged reconcile a right wing party preference with their socio-economic attitudes?’, World Political Science Review 2(3): 175200.Google Scholar
Diamanti, I. (2007), ‘The Italian centre-right and centre-left: between parties and ‘the party’’, West European Politics 30(4): 733762.Google Scholar
Diamanti, I. (2009), Mappe dell’Italia Politica: Bianco, Rosso, Verde, Azzurro-e Tricolore, (revised edition) Bologna: Il Mulino.Google Scholar
Diamanti, I. and Lello, E. (2005), ‘The casa delle libertà: a house of cards?’, Modern Italy 10(1): 935.Google Scholar
Einaudi, L. (2007), Le Politiche dell'Immigrazione in Italia dall'Unità a Oggi, Bari: Laterza.Google Scholar
EuObserver (2008a), ‘Italy rejects accusations of racism from EU assembly’, EuObserver, July 11.Google Scholar
EuObserver (2008b), ‘Italian plans to fingerprint Roma criticised as “Ethnic Cataloguing”’, EuObserver, June 27.Google Scholar
EuObserver (2008c), ‘EU gives blessing for Italy’s Roma fingerprint scheme’, EuObserver, September 5.Google Scholar
Farrell, D.M. (2011), ‘Electoral Systems: A Comparative Introduction. 2nd edition.Houndmills, Palgrave Macmillan.Google Scholar
Freeden, M. (1998), ‘Is nationalism a distinct ideology?’, Political Studies 46(4): 748765.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Giacomello, G. and Verbeek, B. (eds) (2011), Italy’s Foreign Policy in the 21 stCentury: The New Assertiveness of an Aspiring Middle Power, Lanham: Lexington.Google Scholar
Gómez-Reino, M. (2014), ‘European integration and an alternative party family: regionalist parties and the European question’, in A.C. Gould and A.M. Messina (eds), Europe's Contending Identities: Supranationalism, Ethnoregionalism, Religion, and New Nationalism, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 118138.Google Scholar
Hermann, M.G. (2001), ‘How decision units shape foreign policy: a theoretical framework’, International Studies Review 3(2): 4781.Google Scholar
Hill, C. (2003), The Changing Politics of Foreign Policy, Houndsmills: Palgrave Macmillan.Google Scholar
Huysseune, M. (2010), ‘A Eurosceptic vision in a europhile country: the case of the Lega Nord’, Modern Italy 15(1): 6375.Google Scholar
Ignazi, P. (2014), Vent’Anni Dopo. La Parabola del Berlusconismo, Bolgna: il Mulino.Google Scholar
Ignazi, P., Giacomello, G. and Coticchia, F. (2012), Italian Military Operations Abroad: Just Don't Call It War, Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kaarbo, J. (1996), ‘Power and influence in foreign policy decision making: the role of junior coalition partners in German and Israeli foreign policy’, International Studies Quarterly 40(4): 501530.Google Scholar
Kaarbo, J. (2008), ‘Coalition cabinet decision making: institutional and psychological factors’, International Studies Review 10(1): 5786.Google Scholar
Kaarbo, J. (2012), Coalition Politics and Cabinet Decision Making: A Comparative Analysis of Foreign Policy Choices, Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kaarbo, J. and Beasley, R.K. (2008), ‘Taking it to the extreme: the effect of coalition cabinets on foreign policy’, Foreign Policy Analysis 4(1): 6781.Google Scholar
Koenig, N. (2011), ‘The EU and the Libyan crisis – in quest of coherence?’, The International Spectator 46(4): 1130.Google Scholar
La Repubblica (2002), ‘Ruggiero Rompe il Silenzio: Con la Lega non Potevo Stare’, La Repubblica, March 5, 8pp.Google Scholar
La Repubblica (2004), ‘Referendum sulla Turchia’, La Repubblica, December 20, 2pp.Google Scholar
La Repubblica (2005a), ‘Lega, da Pontida Assalto all’ Europa’, La Repubblica, June 19, 9pp.Google Scholar
La Repubblica (2005b), ‘Lega, alla Festa Si Paga in Lire’, La Repubblica, June 12, 10pp.Google Scholar
La Repubblica (2012), ‘Nel 2013 un Referendum sull'Euro l'Europa Ha Fallito, Milioni con Noi’, La Repubblica, August 15, 11pp.Google Scholar
Lega Nord (1999), ‘Programma per le Elezioni Europee 1999: Per una Padania Libera in una Libera Europa’, Lega Nord, pp. 1–30.Google Scholar
Lega Nord (2004), ‘Programma per le Elezioni Europee 2004’, Lega Nord, pp. 1–27.Google Scholar
Lobell, S.E., Ripsman, N.M. and Taliaferro, J.W. (eds) (2009), Neoclassical Realism, the State, and Foreign Policy, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Marchetti, S. (2010), ‘Expanded borders: policies and practices of preventive refoulement in Italy’, in M. Geiger and A. Pécoud (eds), The Politics of International Migration Management. Houndmills, Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 160183.Google Scholar
Mudde, C. (2013), ‘Three decades of populist radical right parties in Western Europe: so what?’, European Journal of Political Research 52(1): 119.Google Scholar
Mudde, C. (2007), Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Özkeçeci-Taner, B. (2009), The Role of Ideas in Coalition Government Foreign Policymaking. The Case of Turkey Between 1991 and 2002, The Hague: Brill/Republic of Letters.Google Scholar
Padania: Lega Nord (2006), Speciale Elezioni, Padania: Lega Nord, March, pp. 1–8.Google Scholar
Paoletti, E. (2011), ‘Power relations and international migration: the case of Italy and Libya’, Political Studies 59(2): 269289.Google Scholar
Quaglia, L., Eastwood, R. and Holmes, P. (2009), ‘The financial turmoil and EU policy co-operation in 2008’, Journal of Common Market Studies 47(Supplement 1): 6387.Google Scholar
Rathbun, B.C. (2004), Partisan Interventions. European Party Politics and Peace Enforcement in the Balkans, Ithaca: Cornell University Press.Google Scholar
Ratti, L. (2012), ‘All aboard the bandwagon? Structural realism and Italy’s international role’, Diplomacy & Statecraft 23(1): 87109.Google Scholar
Risse-Kappen, T. (1991), ‘Public opinion, domestic structure, and foreign policy in liberal democracies’, World Politics 43(4): 479512.Google Scholar
Ruzza, C. and Fella, S. (2009), Re-Inventing the Italian Right: Territorial Politics, Populism, and ‘Post-Fascism’, London: Routledge.Google Scholar
Rydgren, J. (2005), ‘Is extreme right-wing populism contagious? Explaining the emergence of a new party family’, European Journal of Political Research 44(3): 413437.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Rydgren, J. (2006), From Tax Populism to Ethnic Nationalism: Radical Right-Wing Populism in Sweden, Oxford: Berghahn Books.Google Scholar
Sartori, G. (2005) [1976], Parties and Party Systems: A Framework for Analysis, Colchester: ECPR Press, (original edition: Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).Google Scholar
Schludi, M. (2005), The Reform of Bismarckian Pension Systems. A Comparison of Pension Politics in Austria, France, Germany, Italy, and Sweden, Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press.Google Scholar
Scholte, J.A. (2005), Globalization: A Critical Introduction, Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan.Google Scholar
Schori Liang, C. (ed.) (2007a), Europe for the Europeans: The Foreign and Security Policy of the Populist Radical Right, Aldershot: Ashgate.Google Scholar
Schori Liang, C. (2007b), Europe for the Europeans: the foreign and security policy of the populist radical right’, in C. Schori Liang (ed.), Europe for the Europeans: The Foreign and Security Policy of the Populist Radical Right, Aldershot: Ashgate, pp. 132.Google Scholar
Stanley, B. (2008), ‘The thin ideology of populism’, Journal of Political Ideologies 13(1): 95110.Google Scholar
Tallarigo, R. (ed.) (2007), L’Italia all’ONU, 1993–1999: Gli Anni con Paolo Fulci: Quando la Diplomazia Fa Gioco di Squadra, Catanzaro: Rubbettino.Google Scholar
Tarchi, M. (2007), ‘Recalcitrant allies: the conflicting foreign policy agenda of the alleanza nazionale and the Lega Nord’, in C. Schori Liang (ed.), Europe for the Europeans: The Foreign and Security Policy of the Populist Radical Right, Aldershot: Ashgate, pp. 187207.Google Scholar
The New York Times (2008), ‘Italy Begins Military Effort to Quell Crime’, The New York Times, August 5, 6pp.Google Scholar
The New York Times (2009), ‘Italy Blocks Cargo Ship Carrying Rescued Migrants’, The New York Times, April 19, A12.Google Scholar
Thompson, W.(in collaboration with R. Price) (2009), The Political Economy of Reform. Lessons from Pensions, Product Markets and Labour Markets in Ten OECD Countries, OECD. Retrieved 26 November 2014 from http://www.keepeek.com/Digital-Asset-Management/oecd/economics/the-political-economy-of-reform_9789264073111-enGoogle Scholar
Verbeek, B. and van der Vleuten, A. (2008), ‘The domesticization of the foreign policy of the Netherlands (1989–2007): the paradoxical result of Europeanization and internationalization’, Acta Politica 43(2): 357377.Google Scholar
Waltz, K.N. (1979), Theory of International Politics, Reading: Addison Wesley.Google Scholar
Woods, D. (2009), ‘Pockets of resistance to globalization: the case of the Lega Nord’, Patterns of Prejudice 43(2): 161177.Google Scholar
Zaslove, A. (2008), ‘Exclusion, community, and a populist political economy: the radical right as an anti-globalization movement’, Comparative European Politics 6(2): 169189.Google Scholar
Zaslove, A. (2011), The Re-invention of the European Radical Right: Populism, Regionalism, and the Italian Lega Nord, Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press.Google Scholar
Zincone, G. (2006), ‘The making of policies: immigration and immigrants in Italy’, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 32(3): 347375.CrossRefGoogle Scholar