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⁶ Incidentally, case selection is not tainted by confirmation bias as this research began as an investigation into China’s relations with its Muslim-majority neighbouring countries. The focus on intermestic security relations emerged later, in the actual process of studying the cases.

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⁸ Winslett, Gary, ‘Differential threat perceptions: How transnational groups influence bilateral security relations’, Foreign Policy Analysis, 12:4 (2016), pp. 653–673 CrossRefGoogle Scholar (p. 654).

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¹² My use of the term ‘intermestic’ is different from, although loosely related to, the established use of the term in foreign policy and negotiation analysis. See, for example, Manning, Bayless, ‘The Congress, the executive and intermestic affairs: Three proposals’, Foreign Affairs, 55:2 (1977), pp. 306–324 Google Scholar; Putnam, Robert D., ‘Diplomacy and domestic politics: the logic of two-level games’, International Organization, 42:3 (1988), pp. 427–460 Google Scholar.

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¹⁴ Trade links play a role in all cases under study. In Southeast Asia, diasporic links connecting the ethnic Chinese with their ancestral homeland are deeply resented. In the Uyghur case, Beijing has disrupted ethnic trade links to upend foreign support from Central and South Asia.

¹⁵ We will see this below in the case study on the ethnic Chinese minority in Indonesia.

¹⁶ B may perceive A’s transnational strategy as foreign interference and is likely to be lobbied in this direction by the (more or less influential) kin group present on its territory.

¹⁷ Intermestic security challenges are often linked with diaspora strategies. See Gamlen, Alan, ‘The emigration state and the modern geopolitical imagination’, Political Geography, 27:8 (2008), pp. 840–856 Google Scholar; Ragazzi, Francesco, ‘A comparative analysis of diaspora policies’, Political Geography, 41 (2014), pp. 74–89 Google Scholar. This happens in two scenarios: when domestic minorities seek access to support from foreign kin groups in pursuit of their goals, as with the Uyghurs; and when states exert ‘extraterritorial reach to assert national influence over diaspora populations’, as with the ethnic Chinese during the Cold War. See Ho, Elaine Lynn-Ee, ‘New research directions and critical perspectives on diaspora strategies’, Geoforum, 59 (2015), pp. 153–158 CrossRefGoogle Scholar (p. 154).

¹⁸ Consider the Hui, another Muslim minority in China. China is home to more than 10 million Hui, most of whom speak Mandarin. Unlike the Uyghurs, the Hui are a socio-religious rather than an ethnic group. They would be Han were it not for the fact that they are Muslims. They are sometimes receptive to Middle Eastern models of Islam but, in the absence of cross-border ethnic affinities, this hardly poses a challenge. See Friedrichs, Jörg, ‘Sino-Muslim relations: the Han, the Hui, and the Uyghurs’, Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs, 37:1 (2017), pp. 55–79 Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Ethnic Chinese approach demographic majority only in small and shattered areas like Penang, a state in northwest Malaysia that has almost 40 per cent Chinese (42 per cent Bumiputera), or in Singkawang, a Chinese-majority city of 200,000 inhabitants in the Indonesian province of West Kalimantan.

²⁰ Clarke, Michael E., ‘Ethnic separatism in the People’s Republic of China: History, causes and contemporary challenges’, European Journal of East Asian Studies, 12:1 (2013), pp. 109–133 Google Scholar (p. 111).

²¹ Before the end of the Chinese Civil War in 1949, there had been two East Turkestan Republics looking to Soviet Central Asia. See Forbes, Andrew D. W., Warlords and Muslims in Chinese Central Asia: A Political History of Republican Sinkiang 1911–1949 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986)Google Scholar. In 1962, the Soviet Union briefly attempted to use the Uyghurs for ethnic destabilisation. See Freeberne, Michael, ‘Minority unrest and Sino-Soviet rivalry in Sinkiang, China’s north-western frontier bastion, 1949–1965’, in Charles A. Fisher (ed.), Essays in Political Geography (London: Routledge, 2016 [reprint]), pp. 177–209 Google Scholar.

²² As we will see, the Chinese strategy has unilateral elements but also rests on bilateral and multilateral cooperation with foreign governments to contain the challenge.

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²⁴ Given their divergent position on maritime borders, these countries do not see themselves as China’s neighbours. See Taylor Fravel, M., Strong Borders, Secure Nation: Cooperation and Conflict in China’s Territorial Disputes (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2008)Google Scholar; Elleman, Bruce A., Kotkin, Stephen, and Schofield, Clive (eds), Beijing’s Power and China’s Borders: Twenty Neighbors in Asia (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 2013)Google Scholar.

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³³ Freeberne, ‘Minority unrest and Sino-Soviet rivalry in Sinkiang’.

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⁴⁵ Stephen Blank, ‘Kazakhstan’s border relations with China’, in Elleman, Kotkin, and Schofield (eds), Beijing’s Power and China’s Borders, pp. 97–109. This is not to deny that there has been popular backlash, especially with regard to the border agreements. In Kyrgyzstan, protests against the border treaty contributed to the downfall of president Akayev in 2005. In Tajikistan, the opposition contested the 2011 border agreement despite the fact that the mountainous areas in question were hardly populated. While such domestic backlash has been a nuisance to Central Asian regimes, the agreed stabilisation of international borders is a significant accomplishment. See Laruelle, and Peyrouse, , The Chinese Question in Central Asia, pp. 13–25 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also the relevant chapters in Elleman, Kotkin, and Schofield (eds), Beijing’s Power and China’s Borders.

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