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Cremations as Transformations: When the Dual Cultural Hypothesis was Cremated and Carried Away in Urns

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  25 January 2017

Terje Oestigaard*
Affiliation:
Department of Archaeology, University of Bergen

Abstract

A cremation and subsequent burial can be analysed as a set of technological, social and ritual transformations. It consists of three parts: first, the place where the body was burnt or cremated; secondly, the intermediary period in time and space, where the cleaned bones are often transported somewhere else; this interval increases the room for manoeuvre in those aspects which are concerned with the renewal, reorganization and re-legitimization of relations between the living; and, finally, the place where the ashes or the bones were deposited or buried, which may be the same place where the body was cremated, but normally it is not. Thus the urn represents the place where the deceased died, the cremated bones are from the rite of cremation, whereas the burial of the urn and the deposition of undamaged artefacts are from the final burial site, where other rituals were performed by the descendants, relatives and others. The distribution of urns may illuminate the notion that distance has hardly been a barrier and that people from, the ‘northern margins’ have travelled all over Europe from the late Bronze Age to the Viking period. This approach attacks the dual cultural hypothesis and some elements of core–periphery models.

En kremasjonsbegravelse kan bli analysert som teknologiske, sosiale og rituelle transformasjoner, og består av tre faser: 1) Stedet hvor den avdøde blir brent eller kremert. 2) En mellomfase i tid og rom. I løpet av denne perioden kan beinrestene bli renset, eventuelt forbli urenset, lagt i ei urne og transportert over store avstander. 3) Stedet hvor asken og beinene er deponert eller begravd. Dette stedet kan være den samme gravplassen hvor avdøde ble kremert hvis det er en sammensmelting av mellomfasen i tid og rom, men vanligvis må den avdøde fraktes i ei urne til det siste og endelige hvilestedet. Urnen representerer stedet hvor personen døde, de kremerte beinene er fra den første begravelsen (kremasjonen) mens begravelsen av urnen og nedleggelsen av uskadete gjenstander stammer fra den andre og siste begravelsen hvor andre ritualer ble utført av familien, slektninger og andre tilstedeværende. Distribusjonen av urner kan belyse at distanse ikke har vært ei hindring i forhistorien, og at folk fra de ‘nordlige utkantsområdene’ reiste rundt i Europa i fra yngre bronsealder til vikingtid. Denne tilnærmingen går i mot kulturdualismen og deler av sentrum-periferi modellene.

Une crémation et son ensevelissement peuvent s'analyser comme une série de transformations techniques, sociales et rituelles, en trois stades:- premièrement, le moment et le lieu où le corps a été brûlé ou indnéré; deuxièmement, la période intermédiaire dans le temps et dans l'espace où les os sont le plus souvent transportés ailleurs. Cet interval accroit l'espace conceptuel necéssaire au renouvellement, à la réorganisation et à la re-légimitation des relations entre les vivants. Enfin, l'endroit où les cendres ou les os sont déposés ou enterrés, qui peut être le lieu de crémation même mais ne l'est en général pas. L'urne représente done l'endroit où le défunt est mort, les os brûlés correspondent au rite de cremation, tandis que l'enterrement de l'urne et le dépôt des objets intacts appartiennent à la tombe finale, où les descendants présents et autres poursuivent les autres rites. L'analyse de la répartition spatiale des urnes peut éclairer la notion que la distance n'a pas vraiment constitué un frein aux déplacements et que les habitants des “marges du Nord” ont voyagé à travers toute l'Europe, du Bronze Final à la période Viking. L'approche présentée ici s'attaque à l'hypothèse d'une double culture scandinave et à certains éléments des modèles centre-périphérie.

Zusammenfassung

Zusammenfassung

Eine Leichenyerbrennung mit anschliessender Bestattung kann als Set technologischer, sozialer und ritueller Transformationen analysiert werden. Sie besteht aus drei Teilen: erstens, dem Ort, an dem der Körper verbrannt wurde; zweitens, der Zwischenphase in Zeit und Raum, in der die gereinigten Knochen oft anderswo hin transportiert werden; dieses Intervall vergrössert den Raum für Manipulationen in jenen Bereichen, die die Erneuerung, Reorganisation und Re-Legitimation der Beziehungen zwischen den Lebenden betreffen; und schliesslich, dem Ort, an dem die Asche oder die Knochen niedergelegt oder vergraben werden, was der gleiche Ort wie der Verbrennungsplatz sein kann aber normalerweise nicht ist. So repräsentiert die Urne den Ort, an dem die oder der Tote starb, die verbrannten Knochen stammen vom Ritual am Scheiterhaufen, während die Bestattung der Urne und die Beigabe unzerstörter Artefakte vom endgültigen Bestattungsplatz stammen, an dem weitere Rituale von Nachkommen, Verwandten und anderen durchgeführt wurden. Die Verbreirung von Urnen verdeutlicht, dass räumliche Distanz kaum eine Barriere war und dass Leute vom ‘nördlichen Rand’ durch ganz Europa gereist sind, von der Spätbronze- bis in die Wikingerzeit. Diese These greift die duale Kulturhypothese an sowie Elemente von Zentrum-Peripherie-Modellen.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © 1999 Sage Publications 

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