¹ Hemingway, Ernest describing World War I in Men at War (New York: Crown Publishers, 1942).Google Scholar

² President Woodrow Wilson, asking Congress for a Declaration of War, proclaimed a desire “to fight a war to end all wars and to make the world safe for democracy—a war for freedom.” (April 2, 1917). Wilson, in the same speech, declared that the recent deposition of the Czar had made Russia “a fit partner for a league of honor” and that Russia was “democratic at heart [and] in all the vital habits of her thought.” This sentiment was widely echoed in the American media of the day.Google Scholar

³ The Tripartite Pact, signed in Berlin on September 27, 1940. This Pact consolidated earlier cooperation agreements between Germany and Italy (The October Protocols of October 1936; The Pact of Steel of May 22, 1939) and also between Germany and Japan (The German-Japanese Anti-Comintern Pact of November 25, 1936 to which Italy acceded in 1937).Google Scholar

⁴ The Atlantic Charter, a joint statement of fundamental principles by President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill at the first of their summit meetings at Newfoundland, August 9–12, 1941. This followed on other supportive actions such as the revised Neutrality Act of November 4, 1939 (which permitted Britain and France to obtain American arms on a cash and carry basis) and the Lend-Lease Act of March 11, 1941 (which authorized the immediate American supply of leased or loaned military equipment to nations fighting Germany and its associates). Well before formally entering the war, President Roosevelt proclaimed that America was “the arsenal of democracy.”.Google Scholar

⁵ General Lesley J. McNair, chief of staff at the United States General Headquarters, quoted in Time News Magazine (December 7, 1942): “We must hate with every fiber…. We must lust for battle, our object in life must be to kill; we must scheme and plan night and day to kill. There need be no pangs of conscience, for our enemies have lighted the way to faster, surer, crueler killing.”.Google Scholar

⁶ Acheson, Dean, Present at the Creation: My Years in the State Department (New York: W.W. Norton, 1969Google Scholar).

⁷ Quoted from letter by President Roosevelt to Prime Minister Churchill, March 10, 1942. See Lowenheim, Francis L. et al. , eds., Roosevelt and Churchill—Their Secret Wartime Correspondence (London: Barrie and Jenkins, 1975), p. 192Google Scholar, doc. 106. Also see Nisbet, Robert, Roosevelt and Stalin: The Failed Courtship (Washington, DC: Regnery Gateway, 1988), pp. 100–101, 109.Google Scholar Alger Hiss, then Director of the Office of Special Political Affairs in the State Department and a member of the U.S. delegation to the Yalta Conference, confirms that Roosevelt had hopes for the democratic evolution of the Soviet Union. Stalin's agreeableness and conciliatory attitude at Yalta encouraged this hope. (Interview with Alger Hiss, New York, October 1991. See also Hiss, Alger, Recollections of a Life [New York: Henry Holt, 1988], pp. 118–22.Google Scholar)

⁸ Quoted in Kristof, Nicholas, “The End of the Golden Road,” The New York Times Magazine, December 1, 1991, p. 53.Google Scholar

⁹ Statement by Jawaharlal Nehru to his daughter Indira Gandhi on the eve of Indian independence in August 1947. Interview with Indira Gandhi, New Delhi, June 25, 1981.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Schlesinger, Arthur M. Jr., Is The Cold War Over? (New York: Carnegie Council on Ethics and International Affairs, 1990)Google Scholar. Morgenthau Memorial Lecture, November 29, 1989.

¹¹ Two phrases used frequently by President George Bush in 1989–90. See, among other speeches, his graduation address at Texas A&M University, The New York Times, May 13, 1989.Google Scholar

¹² Howard, Michael, “The Springtime of Nations,” Foreign Affairs Quarterly (Spring 1990), pp. 17–32.Google Scholar

¹³ vonBismarck, Otto Eduard Leopold, Bismarck, The Man and Statesman: Reflections and Reminiscences, trans. Butler, A.J. (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1899), vol. 1, p. 250.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Fairbank, John K., China Watch (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987), p. 87CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁵ Fairbank, John K., The United States and China, 4th ed. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1979), p. 465.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Schlesinger, Arthur M. Jr., The Disuniting of America (Knoxville: Whittle Books, 1991), p. 76Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Mazrui, All A., Cultural Forces in World Politics (London: James Curry Ltd., 1990), p. 81Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Lewis, Bernard, The Political Language of Islam (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988), p. 91Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Interview with Harrison Salisbury, New York, October 2, 1991.Google Scholar

²⁰ Pipes, Richard, Russia Under the Old Regime (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1974), p. 361Google Scholar.

²¹ Solzhenitsyn, Aleksandr I., The Mortal Danger (New York: Harper and Row, 1980), p. 59Google Scholar.

²² Keenan, Edward L., “Human Rights in Soviet Political Culture” in The Moral Imperatives of Human Rights: A World Survey, ed. Thompson, Kenneth W. (Washington, DC: University Press of America, 1980), pp. 69–80.Google Scholar

²³ Schlesinger, , The Disuniting of America, p. 78Google Scholar.

²⁴ Wilson, Woodrow, Constitutional Government in the United States (New York: Columbia University Press, 1964), p. 52Google Scholar.

²⁵ Gorbachev, Mikhail, Perestroika (New York: Harper and Row, 1987), pp. 141, 222.Google Scholar

²⁶ Solzhenitsyn, Aleksandr, Rebuilding Russia (New York: Farrar, Strauss and Giroux, 1991), p. 63.Google Scholar

²⁷ Brzezinski, Zbigniew, “Selective Global Commitment,” Foreign Affairs Quarterly (Fall 1991), p. 1.Google Scholar

²⁸ Howard, , The Springtime of Nations, p. 32Google Scholar.