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II. M. Chevalier's Tableau de la Plaine de Troye illustrated and confirmed, from the Observations of subsequent Travellers, and others
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 17 January 2013
Extract
As the Members of this Society afforded to M. Chevalier an early and warm encouragement and patronage, and readily gave his Tableau de la Plaine de Troye a place in their Transactions, as well as admitted the author to a seat among their number; and as that paper, since the time of its publication, has excited a good deal of interest and speculation, they will, no doubt, hear with pleasure, that it has now received, at least in all its material circumstances, a most ample and satisfactory confirmation.
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- Papers Read Before the Society
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- Earth and Environmental Science Transactions of The Royal Society of Edinburgh , Volume 4 , Issue 2 , 1798 , pp. 29 - 122
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- Copyright © Royal Society of Edinburgh 1798
References
page 29 note * See Vol. III. Lit. Cl. p. i, &c.
page 31 note * See Appendix, No. I.
page 32 note * In a card from Mr Home, author of Douglas, &c. (who still takes great delight in studying his favourite poet Homer, particularly the Odyssey), I find the following expression: ‘I have read over your translation of M. Chevalier's Discourse, ‘which is the most satisfctory investigation and criticism I ever read.’ See Appendix, No. IV.
page 33 note * See Appendix, No. V.
page 34 note * See Appendix, No. III.
page 35 note * See ‘A Letter to Jacob Bryant, Esq; concerning his Dissertation on the ‘War of Troy: by Gilbert Wakefield, B. A. Lond. 1797. 26 pp. 4to.
page 35 note † For May and June 1797, vol. ix.
page 36 note * This map I have never received, owing to some omission which I cannot explain. In the mean time, this paper is accompanied with a small one, somewhat amended, chiefly from that given by Dr Dallaway, the author of the book presently to be mentioned.
page 36 note † No. VI.
page 37 note * The Turkish name Eski Stamboul; the warm baths called Lidga Hamam; the hill on whose declivity these are situated, and which is covered with tombs, whose sarcophagi of white marble the Turks break down and make bullets of, for supplying the Castles of the Dardanelles; the aqueduct, of Herodes Atticus; the circuit of the wall still almost entire; the thickets of Valonea trees; are all likewise remarked by Dr Dallaway, or were mentioned to me by Mr Liston. The former observes, that ‘the whole site is now a thick forest of Valonea, or dwarf oak, ‘peculiar to the Levant.’ Of this shrub the latter brought away some seeds.
page 38 note * See the Map.
page 38 note † Mr Liston adds, ‘on each side.’
page 39 note * See their Letters, Appendix, No. V.
page 41 note * See their Letters, Appendix, No. V.
page 42 note * M. Chevalier had said, (Ch. XVII.) that “near the, hill were situate the gardens of Priam, where Lycaon, when cutting wood, was surprised, Achilles; and on that spot are still situate the gardens of the Agha of Bounar-bashi, “who, after forty centuries, succeeds to the king of the Trojans, &c (Forty, among the Errata, is corrected thirty: which Dr Dallaway, not observing, has supposed the author guilty of a mistake), Mr Liston told me that he ate grapes in this very place.
page 43 note * Compare Iliad, xxii. 14.
page 44 note * See Iliad, xxii. 154.
page 45 note * See Appendix, No. V.
page 46 note * If this hypothesis of Mr Liston be well founded, perhaps it may be inferred that the Scamander remains in the same state in which it was in the days of Homer, occasionally slowing into the Simois, but commonly, by what is thought a new canal, into the Ægean Sea. And if this is admitted, it may assist Mr Heyne in obviating a difficulty which occurs to him in his Essay on the Topography of the Iliad. See Appendix, No, III.
page 46 note † Perhaps I may be partly to blame for this, by calling it, in the translation, a rivulet, (p, 13. 15.), and once a rill, (p. 25.). The original is ruisseau, which might have been rendered stream.
page 48 note * See his Letter, Appendix, No. V.
page 50 note * See above p. 38.
page 50 note † IIiad, II. 792, seq.
page 52 note * See Appendix, No. V.
page 55 note * See his first Letter, Appendix, No. VI.
page 56 note * See Appendix, No. VI.
page 57 note * See his Letters, Appendix, No. VI.
page 58 note * See Appendix, No. III.
page 60 note * See, in Mr Wakefield's letter to Mr Bryant, (p. 11, 12.), a remarkable fact respecting the total disappearance of Flaxford Church, about five miles from Nottingham.
page 60 note † I Observe, too, that this notion is supported in a paper in the sixth volume of Commentt. Soc. Reg. Scient. Gotting. Ann. 1783, 1784; entitled, Herodoti ac Thucydidis Thracia, Jos. Christoph. Gattereri: with a map, where Xerxes's march is traced accordingly. Mr Bryant enters into a long discussion upon the subject, through which I have no inclination to follow, him now, nor shall I afterwards, I suppose, when I come to take more particular notice of his Observations; but will freely confess myself responsible for the whole blame of this mistake, having suggested the culpable interpretation to M. Chevalier, on my first reading his paper; and I am anxious that he should here be censured only for paying so much deference to my judgment as to introduce aa equivalent expression into the French original.
page 61 note * Mr Heyne, in a note on the German version, (p. 85.), as well as in the preface to the fame work, (See App. No. I.), thinks it evident that Demetrius set out on a wrong hypothesis, in consequence of misunderstanding a passage of the Iliad, (XII, 19.). This passage I had quoted and explained in a note. (p. 59. of the English Translation.).
page 62 note * See his Letters, Appendix, No. VI.
page 65 note * Appendix, No. V.
page 65 note † In the above-mentioned letter, quoted by Dr Dallaway, an instance of a very strange pitch of arrogance is recorded. It is there said, that “when the barrows were closed up, Count Choiseul caused a sheet of lead to be placed on the ”bottom, inscribed, Ouvrage fait par le Comte De Choiseul Gouffier, l' an 1787.
page 65 note ‡ Conclusion of his preface to the German version. See Appendix, No. I.
page 66 note * See Mr Maclaurin's Differtation, to prove that Troy was not taken by the Greeks. Vol. I. p. 43, &c. Lit. Cl. of Transactions of this Society.
page 67 note * See Appendix, No. III.
page 72 note * See Mr Heyne's Preface, Appendix, No. I.
page 72 note * See Appendix, No. VI.
page 73 note * See his Note, Appendix, No. II.
page 74 note * No. III.
page 75 note * I am indebted for the translation of the following Extracts, from the German of Mr Heyne's Preface and Notes, and of the Essay on the Topography of the Iliad, to a very ingenious young gentleman, now the Reverend Alexander Brunton, minister of Bolton in East Lothian; formerly educated at this University, and who resided some time at Berlin, as private secretary to the late Joseph Ewart, Esq; British minister at that court. My learned friend, Mr James Bonar of the Excise, took the trouble of revising and preparing it for the prefs. D.
page 76 note * An ingenious criticism on Wood's Essay on Homer, which appears in the original of this preface, is here omitted, as not immediately connected with the present subject. D.
page 77 note * This paper is published in Commentat. Soc. Reg. Scientiarum Gotting ensis, tom. VI. under the title of De acie Homerica, et de oppugnatione castrorum a Trojanis facta.
page 77 note † See above, p. 61.
page 80 note * See the Preface to the English Translation.
page 82 note * See the English Translation of M. Chevalier's Essay, p. 135, &c.; and the German, p. 206, &c. D.
page 87 note * The present Essay follows out the train of ideas, suggested in a Paper read before the Royal Society of Sciences at Gottingen, De acie Homerica, et oppugnatione a Trojanis facta, in the year 1783, published in the sixth volume of their Tranfactions. All the disquisitions, there introduced, refpecting the origin of military tactics, the manner of drawing up an army, and giving battle, and the art of fortifying and attacking a post, as described in the Iliad, are here omitted; many topics, on the other hand, are now corrected and enlarged. That Essay was my first on the Topography of the Iliad; a subject involved in so much difficulty. I allowed myself then to be misled by respect for Pope and Wood, so far as to renounce my own ideas, and to mould, according to the representations of these gentlemen, the views I had drawn from Homer himself. I soon found, however, that I had trusted to bad guides, and at once resolved, laying aside all secondary aids, to attempt, from the descriptions given in the poem itself, a sketch of the Topography of the Iliad, such as Homer exhibits it. This Essay I now present to the public. I had for a long time thrown it aside, when its coincidence with the information collected by M. Chevalier on the subject, induced me to revise it, and now inclines me to submit it, for further investigation, to the friends of the poet. Amendment after this will be an easy task. H.
page 88 note * Iliad, XV. 711, &c. The sage Polydamas, afterwards, likewise, when the design of an attack upon the camp seemed likely to misgive, gave his advice rather to retire again within the city, and take refuge, as formerly, behind the walls. But the rash Hector would not consent, (XVIII. 266. &c). Unquestionably the long siege must have proved extremely harrassing. The provisions, as well as the treasure, of Priam were exhausted, as Hector himself urges. (Ibid. 288.), H.
page 88 note † Once only Hector had ventured beyond the Scæan Gate, as far as the beech tree; but on that occasion he with difficulty escaped from Achilles. (II. IX. 352, &c). H.
page 89 note * Of all these places, the charts of Pope and Wood give very different views; that of M. Chevalier, however, accords exactly with what is said by Straro and Pliny.
page 90 note * D'Anville, in his description of the Hellespont, (Memoires de l' Academic des Inscription, tom. XXIV. p. 329.), allows only half the distance; M. Chevalier does the same, (Ch. VIII.), on the authority of the passage in Pliny, (V. 33.),] where the distance is reckoned from Æanteum. Still, however, it is a contested point, what part of the coast must properly be regarded as Rhœteum.
page 90 note † Iliad, XIV. 35.
He does not expressly name either Sigeum or Rhœteum; on the contrary, he always places the camp on the Hellespont, in the more extensive signification of that term, as meaning the northern part of the Ægean Sea.
page 90 note ‡ See above, p. 57, 58. D.
page 90 note ∥ The ships are therefore said to have stood πρόχ;ζ#x03BF;σσαι, (XIV. 35.), parallel and behind one another, like the steps of a ladder. That this is the meaning we learn from Herodotus, (VII. 188.).
page 91 note * Iliad, XV. 653, &c. 408. 426. XIV. 34.
page 91 note † Strabo, (XIII. 890. A.). ‘After Rhœteum follows Sigeum, a town in ‘ruins, then the station of the fleet, (το Νανσταθμον), and the harbour of the Greeks, ‘(ὁ Αχαιῶν λιὴν), and the Grecian camp, (το Αχαϊχὸν στζατόπεδον), and Stomalimné, ‘and the mouth of the Scamander, (viz. of the Scamander united with the Simois), ‘then the promontory 01 Sigeum.’ Compare Mela, I. 19. Pliny, V. 30. 33.
page 91 note ‡ Iliad, XI. ad init. It is true that in XVII. 432. it is said, that the horses of Achilles would not return without Patroclus to the Hellespont, ἃψ ἐπὶ τἠαϛ ἐπὶ ηλατύυ ἑλλήσποντον. But this whole northern arm of the Ægean Sea, before the entrance of the strait, is more than once called the Hellespont. (Iliad, XVIII. 150. XXIV. 346. Odyss. XXIV. 82. also Iliad, VII. 86. XII. 30. XV. 233. XXIII. 2.). And hence must be derived the explanation of the epithets πλατύϛ and ἀπίϛωγ, which do not seem well applied to the proper Hellespont; though, indeed, broad and narrow are relative terms.
page 92 note * Iliad, XI. 5. These verses are likewise inserted, though rather awkwardly; lib. VIII. 222. et Esq.
page 93 note * Iliad, VIII. 249. 250. Ovid. Met. XI. 197. Apollo stands on the Trojan shore,
Dextera Sigeï, Rhœteï, lœva profundi
Ara Panomphœo vetus est sacrata Tonanti.
What notion the editors have had of this passage, it is not easy to divine. At all events, a point must be put after profundi, and that line must be understood as a complete sentence.
page 93 note † Iliad, IV. 231, &c. The leaders and the corps are by no means all particularised by name. Thus, it appears from lib. XI. 808. II. 736. that the Thessalians, commanded by Eurypylus, were there.
page 94 note * M. Chevalier answers this question.
page 94 note † Of this kind was one immediately in front of the camp, the ϑξωσμὸς πεδίοιί. (Iliad, X. 160. XI. 56.). It lay just before the place for crossing the Scamander, in going from the camp, on the road towards Troy; for in the last battle the Trojans had taken post ἐπὶ ϑζωσμῷ ῶεδιοιο, (XX. 3.), and from thence they came, in the course of their flight, to the passage of the Xanthus, πόζον Ξάγθον. (XXI. 2.). In so far the delineation, on M. Chevalier's map, is erroneous. H. See above, p. 56, 57. D.
page 94 note ‡ Iliad, V. 713. et esq. Vid. Strabo, XIII. p. 890. A. 892. C.
page 94 note ∥ Strabo says: ‘A little way before New Ilium the streams unite.’ It is doubtful, however, whether by this expression he means between Ilium and the sea, or on the inland side of the town.
page 94 note § Iliad V. 36. VII. 329. XI. 498-9.
page 94 note ⁋ Iliad, II. 465. 467.
page 95 note * Iliad, X. II. XXIII. 464. Strabo, p. 892. C.
page 95 note † For this must be the of Iliad, VIII. 490.
Iliad, XVI. 397.
Here it is difficult to form a distinct idea of the topographical situation, unless we understand it thus: First, between the ships and the river; and farther on, between the river and the town.
page 96 note * ——692.
It is here that M. Chevalier's observations on the spot, and his delineation upon the map, give us so much light. The Scamander, as it came near the shore, directing its course obliquely over the plain, approached the Simois, and run into it, exactly as described in Strabo. At present the Scamander is conducted into a canal, and discharges itself into the sea below Sigeum. This is one important observation made by M. Chevalier. There is another, also, relating to the sources of the Scamander. Still it is a perplexing circumstance, that, neither in the advancing, nor in the retreat, of the armies, is any express mention made of so important a circumstance as crossing the river. Almost all the passages, except perhaps the last, rather imply that the rivers run on each side. H. See above, p. 46. Note*. D.
page 96 note † I doubt whether any of the poets, Quintus of Smyrna, Tryphiodorus, or Coluthus, had an accurate knowledge of this neighbourhood. Tryphiodorus, for instance, says, (lin. 316.),
“Loud roar'd the Xanthus, and the mouth of the Simois;” so they were not then united at the mouth. A little after, (lin. 319.), ‘They were dragging the wooden “horse, but were retarded, the way being intersected by rivers, and very uneven.”
page 97 note * Strabo, XIII. p. 889. (New Ilium), (as this old habitation of Dardanus lay still deeper in the mountains Il. XX. 216, 217. northward from Old Ilium, Strabo, XIII. p. 891. D.) χατὰ τὴν ιῦν ΔχϚδανίαν. Compare p. 891. A. 892. D. When Homer says of Ilium ἐχ ϖεδίω πεπόλεστο, this is said in respect to Dardarnia, which lay among the mountains. Troy, however, actually stood at the foot of the hill, at the entrance of the valley or the plain.
page 97 note † Iliad XI. 166. 371. Here Hector had his post, on the night when he encamped before the Grecian camp. (X. 415.). Here Paris stood behind the pillar, when he wounded Diomede with an arrow. (XI. 372.). Just by the beech Apollo stood near the city, and the place must likewise have commanded a view of the country. (XXI. 549.).
page 98 note * Σχοπιὰ. (XX. 136.).
page 98 note † Eϛινεόϛ. (XXII. 146. XI. 167.). Quite close upon the walls, and at the place where they were so low that the Greeks had once attempted to force their way into the city from that quarter. (VI. 433—9.).
page 98 note ‡ See above, p. 44. D.
page 98 note ∥ According to Strabo, (p. 802. D.), who borrowed this information from Demetrius of Scepsis. The Venetian Scholiast A, upon Iliad, XX. 3, quotes the passage respecting Callicoloné, as if taken from the latter; but he mistakes this hillock for the ϑρωσμόϛ ϖεδίϛ on the Scamander. He adds also, “Here it was that Paris saw the three goddesses.” At v. 53. the observation is repeated, more justly indeed, but in a mutilated form. In all other respects, the places hitherto mentioned are determined by M. Chevalier with great plausibility and distinctness. I find upon the map, which I had not an opportunity of seeing till too late, the hill Callicoloné more rightly laid down, than, from the words of the Memoir, I had supposed; (see p. 94.); and I retract what I there advanced. The passages respecting Callicoloné (XX. 53. 151.) are not, as I imagined, contradictory.
page 99 note * Strabo, p. 898 9. Wood, p. 323-4. (98. of the German translation). And yet Mr Wood did meet with a hot spring, but in a place where he was not looking for the Scamander. (p. 329.). M. Chevalier was more fortunate in this respect. He searched for and discovered the sources of the Scamander precisely at the hot spring; and thus cleared up the whole matter in doubt.
page 99 note † The distance, formerly stated, of the city from the shore, or more accurately from the harbour of the Greeks, making in all forty-two stadia, (one-and one-fourth German, nearly five and one-half English miles), and the high commanding situation of the town, render this circumstance by no means improbable.
page 101 note * Νόσφι γεῶγ ἀγϰγὼν ποτϰμᾠ ἐπί διὴεντι. (VIII. 490.).
What river now could this be? The Scamander is termed δινήεϛ, eddying. The Simois, however, was still more so. Yet if the Scamander had its course obliquely thro' the plain, it must be the river here intended.
page 101 note † IX. 67. Out at the tomb, λέξαϑαι ῶαρὰ τάφρον ὀρνχτήν τείχεος ἐχτός. It is more distinctly said afterwards, (v. 87.), between the tomb and the wall, χαδδὲ μέσον τάφξον τείχεος. Compare 180. 194. 198.
page 101 note ‡ Hence we find mention made of the heron, (Iliad, X. 274.); of the tamarisks, (μνϱίχη), and of the sedges, (466-7.). Homer does not take notice of their passing the river. This, however, they must have done.
page 102 note * This representation seems to be corroborated by M. Chevalier's map.
page 102 note † To give a historical probability to the circumstance of the Greeks having now, for the first time, thought of fortifying the camp, we must suppose, with Thucydides, (I. II.), that immediately upon their first landing they had beat back the Trojans, or, at least, that the latter sought their safety by remaining within their walls, while the Greeks were unacquainted with any means for carrying on a siege. In the above quoted passage of Thucydides, I may observe, in passing, there is something which seems to contradict this explanation, &c. One should think the ᾽εχ must be erased. Should it be said, Thucydides may have understood the matter in a different light; the Greeks would not have been able to fortify their camp, had they not remained masters of the field. This is contradicted, first, by the time of their fortifying the camp, which took place in the tenth year; and, next, by the occasion of its being done: for it was when they were defeated that they first thought of fortification. The Scholiast says: This is to be understood of a former flight fortification. But that is a creature of his own fancy, which only serves to prove, that, even then, when he wrote, the ᾽εχ was to be found in the MS.
page 103 note * Στὴλαι πϱοϐλῆτες. (XII. 259.). Compare Lycophron, 291. and the Scholiast.
page 104 note * The poet indeed says, The mound was thrown up in the field, not far before the ships. (VII. 334. 433, &c.), .
The mound must have been thrown up upon and round the spot where the burning took place. Compare XXIII. 255, &c. and Virgil, sepulchrum imponit, VI. 292. in like manner upon the spot where the funeral pile had been erected; which is precisely what Homer means by ἀμφὶ πνϱήν. In Quintus of Smyrna we find, in like manner, πνϱχαΐην χι τάφϱον, (read τἀφον). XII. 163, 164.
page 104 note † Πύλαι. (VII. 339, 340. 438.). The Scholiast on v. 339. seems to be in the right, when he says, ‘On the left hand of the ship station (ναύσταθμος) was a large “gate, besides which several other gates were constructed.”
page 104 note ‡ VII. 441. XII. 54. 63, &c. Between the ditch and the wall no intermediate space was left, as may be inferred from VIII. 2, 3.; τάφϱος πύϱγέ must be united.
page 105 note * See Iliad, XIV. 30, &c.; a passage which I know not how to explain.
page 105 note † Επὶ ϑϱωσμῷ πεδίοιο. (XI. 56.); of which we have spoken already.
page 106 note * Νηῶι ίπ ἀριστεϱὰ. (XII. 119.).
page 107 note * XIII. 312. Εν μέωμησι νηυσί.
page 107 note † Ibid. 326. Επ᾽ ἀςιστιςὰ στςατᾰ. Ajax, as afterwards appears, fought in front of his own ships. The left wing of the camp, therefore, must have extended beyond the station of Ajax. Compare 679, &c. At that quarter, too, there were ships lying; for Idomeneus fought ὶπί πςύμνησι νέεοζι. (Ibid. 333.).
page 107 note ‡ A Passage of considerable difficulty, in respect of the topography, occurs here. It is said, (XIII. 675.): “Hector knew not yet that, on the left hand of the ships, γηῶν ε᾽ ἀςιστεςὰ, his Trojans were suffering so much; but he still kept the place where he had first penetrated into the camp, beside the quarter where the ships of Ajax and Protesilaus were hauled up.’ (679—682.) The rampart, in front of the ships, was lowest at this spot. Here the action was sharpest. (v. 684.).
This last expression embarrasses me. How could chariots be of any use in the narrow space between the ships and the rampart? Homer says further: “Here fought the “Bœotians, the Ionians, (Athenians), the Locrians, the Phthians,” not those subject to Achilles, but those who had come with Protesilaus, out of Phylace in Thessaly, (II. 695.), but at this time fought under the command of Podarces, (XIII. 693.), “the Epeans.” I hardly think the ships of these people lay there, but that the troops happened to come together in that place. Besides, so far as I can find, throughout this whole passage, even where Hector is spoken of, the left side must be understood as referring to the Grecian camp. It is so, where mention is made of Paris, (v. 765.), as well as, in apreceding passage (v. 326.), of Idomeneus.
page 108 note * XVI. 212. Achilles and his soldiers, we find, evidently excelled the rest of the Greeks in military skill. Writers on the art of war, Puysegur for example, discover, in this arrangement of the troops led on by Patroclus, the first rudiments of cohorts.
page 108 note † Here occurs the remarkable expression formerly adverted to, ταμγ χὶ τείχεος ὑψηλοῖο. (XVI. 396, et esq.).
page 109 note * Επὶ ϑςωσμῷ πεδίοιο before the camp. (XX. 3.).
page 110 note * At M. Chevalier's desire, Mr Dalzel sent a copy of the Essay to the learned and respectable Dean of Christ Church, (to whom M. Chevalier was known), and received the above answer.
page 111 note * This proved to be the learned Mr Bryant.