¹ There is a listing of the set in ‘An annotated bibliography of rare musical materials in the libraries of Case Western Reserve University’, by T. Albrecht et al., photocopied ‘preliminary edition’ (Cleveland, 1978), no. 76. The contents are described there as ‘madrigals’ of the ‘late 16th century’. The set is now catalogued as M1.B66 1612z.

² Read in Tours in 1991 and published in the conference proceedings as Duffin, R. W., ‘New Light on Jacobean Taste and Practice in Music for Voices and Viols’, in Le Concert des voix et des instruments à la Renaissance (Paris, 1995), pp. 601–18Google Scholar.

³ See Di Grazia, D. M., ‘Funerall Teares or Dolefull Songes? Reconsidering Historical Connections and Musical Resemblances in Early English “Absalom” Settings’, Music & Letters, 90 (2009), pp. 555–98CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and ead., ‘New Perspectives on Thomas Myriell's Tristitiae Remedium and Add. Ms. 29427’, Early Music, 38 (2010), pp. 101–12.

⁴ Catalogue of the Famous Library of Printed Books, Illuminated Manuscripts, Autograph Letters and Engravings Collected by Henry Huth (London, 1916), v, p. 1323, no. 4627.

⁵ I am grateful to Mr John Maggs for searching the records of his family's venerable firm for any indication of who might have purchased them. The Blossom family records seem also to have been lost.

⁶ The Paston manuscripts are described and listed in Brett, P., ‘Edward Paston (1550–1630): A Norfolk Gentleman and his Musical Collection’, Transactions of the Cambridge Bibliographical Society, 4 (1964), pp. 51–69Google Scholar.

⁷ See Crum, M. C., ‘A Seventeenth-Century Collection of Music belonging to Thomas Hamond, a Suffolk Landowner’, Bodleian Library Record, 6 (1957), pp. 373–86Google Scholar.

⁸ See Ashbee, A., ‘John Merro's Manuscripts Revisited’, Viola da Gamba Society Journal, 7 (2013), pp. 1–19Google Scholar. I am grateful to the author for sharing a copy with me in advance of publication. Merro's Bodleian Library, Mus. Sch. D.245–7 is a collection of music for one to three viols, so it has no concordances with Blossom except for an arrangement of Byrd's Ne irascaris for two lyra viols.

⁹ The earlier of these score manuscripts is inventoried by D'Accone, Frank and presented in facsimile in London, British Library MS Egerton 3665 (‘The Tregian Manuscript’), Renaissance Music in Facsimile, 7 (New York, 1988)Google Scholar. The later score manuscript was inventoried in J. C. Persons, ‘The Sambrooke Book: Drexel 4302’ (MA thesis, Wichita State University, Kansas, 1969). The details of Tregian's later years and activities as a copyist are debated in Thompson, R. R., ‘Francis Tregian the Younger as Music Copyist: A Legend and an Alternative View’, Music & Letters, 82 (2001), pp. 1–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Smith, D. J., ‘A Legend?: Francis Tregian the Younger as Music Copyist’, Musical Times, 143 (2002), pp. 7–16CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The issue will be thoroughly addressed in Ruby Reid Thompson's forthcoming dissertation from Cambridge University, tentatively titled ‘The Fitzwilliam Virginal Book, LBL Egerton 3665, NYPL Drexel 4302, and Oxford CHCH Mus 510–14: A Physical and Bibliographical Study beyond Tregian’.

¹⁰ The Hamond, Merro and Myriell manuscripts, among others, are discussed and inventoried in Monson, C., Voices and Viols in England, 1600–1650: The Sources and the Music (Ann Arbor, MI, 1982)Google Scholar. See also id., ‘Thomas Myriell's Manuscript Collection: One View of Musical Taste in Jacobean London’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 30 (1977), pp. 419–65.

¹¹ The authenticity of the title pages has recently been challenged by Donna Di Grazia, who notes that their paper seems to be of 19th-c. origin. See Di Grazia, ‘New Perspectives’. On whether the contents therefore originated some years later than 1616, as she claims, see below.

¹² Nicholas Yonge lived around the corner from Myriell, so it is not surprising that some works from Yonge's collection found their way into Myriell sources; this one is in Tristitiae Remedium as well as in two other manuscripts. See Monson, ‘Thomas Myriell's Manuscript Collection’, p. 421.

¹³ There is also the scribe's consistent mishandling of the Italian title Al suon d'amata, which often appears in manuscripts in the abbreviated form Al suõ d'amata, but in Blossom as Al suo d'amata. The work appeared in Yonge's 1597 collection as ‘At sound of her sweet voice’. The Blossom Partbooks scribe was apparently unaware of the significance of the abbreviation in a word which, surely, any musician with a knowledge of Italian could be expected to have known.

¹⁴ This is true, for example, of some of the Hatton-related manuscripts discussed in Pinto, D., ‘Pious Pleasures in Early Stuart London’, Royal Musical Association Research Chronicle, 41 (2008), pp. 1–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁵ This is true even where the scribe seems to be copying from a printed source that had no slurs.

¹⁶ This is true also of the seven works originally printed on the Continent.

¹⁷ In the list of multiple concordant sources above, only the Merro manuscripts apparently come from outside London.

¹⁸ The first was STC 2249.

¹⁹ John Bill had been apprenticed to John Norton in 1592 but took time out for what must be his greatest legacy: the purchase of a fortune's worth of books for Thomas Bodley – the Continental nucleus of what is now the Bodleian Library at Oxford.

²⁰ Thereupon, Norton had his sons raid the Royal printing office, making off with both tools and inventory. He was fined the enormous sum of £6,000 and imprisoned. Detailed accounts of the controversy surrounding the Office of the King's Printer can be found in Lupton, L., A History of the Geneva Bible, vii (London, 1966)Google Scholar, and in Wakely, Maria, ‘Printing and Double-Dealing in Jacobean England: Robert Barker, John Bill, and Bonham Norton’, The Library, 8 (2007), pp. 119–53CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²¹ I am grateful to Dr Mirjam Foot for searching the British Library collections – in vain as it turned out – for a match to the binding tool. Thanks also to Pamela Willetts and to David R. S. Pearson for offering opinions about the bindings. In addition, Peter Blayney very kindly offered invaluable insights on binding and bookselling at the time.

²² Pell Records for ‘the last of May, 1613’. See Issues of the Exchequer, ed. Devon, F. (London, 1836), p. 164Google Scholar.

²³ However, Lancelot Andrewes, who was Weelkes's bishop at Chichester, was also Lord Almoner to the Chapel Royal at the time Weelkes made his claim, and this may have facilitated contact between Weelkes and that institution.

²⁴ Deering joined the court in 1625 as organist to Queen Henrietta Maria and ‘musician for the lutes and voices’ to the king. He seems to have been in Rome by 1610 and in Brussels by 1617.

²⁵ The unique motets, along with other Latin-texted works, have been reconstructed in Duffin, , Cantiones Sacrae: Madrigalian Motets from Jacobean England, Recent Researches in Music of the Renaissance, 142 (Middleton, Wis., 2005)Google Scholar, and appear on the companion recording, Madrigalian Motets, with Quire Cleveland under Duffin (2013). The Coprario fantasy is found in Iohn Coprario: Fantasia a5, ed. R. Duffin. Reconstructed from the Blossom Partbooks for the Viola da Gamba Society (ME 224; VdGS No. 53) (n.p., 2008). The Milton fantasy is reconstructed in Complete Works: John Milton the Elder, ed. Rastall, R. (Newton Abbot, 2011)Google Scholar.

²⁶ John Morehen wondered whether the fact that Domine tu eruisti seems to be a contrafactum suggests that Celebrate Jehovam might originally have been a full English anthem as well, but one that has not survived. See his review of Thomas Tomkins: The Last Elizabethan in Music & Letters, 88 (2007), p. 175. For such a long, non-metrical text to fit with previously existing music seems highly unlikely, however, and the matching of words like ‘proclamate’ and ‘confabulamini’ (visible in Fig. 11 below) to homophonic passages in the midst of the texture makes it clear that the work was composed with the original Latin in mind. For a discussion of contrafacta in the motets of Byrd, see McCarthy, K., ‘“Brought to Speake English with the Rest”: Byrd's Motet Contrafacta’, Musical Times, 148 (2007), pp. 51–60CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁷ A report for 17 July 1607, in Memorials of the Guild of Merchant Taylors, ed. Clode, C. M. (London, 1875), p. 161Google Scholar, speaks of ‘Mr. Nathanael Gyles who hath his grace to be Doctor of Musique’. In this context, ‘grace’ has the meaning of a favourable vote of the university or faculty.

²⁸ With my permission, Donna di Grazia mentioned this discovery in ‘Funerall Teares’, pp. 560–1.

²⁹ In fact, like Diana, Henry lay in state for the family in the small chapel at St James's Palace.

³⁰ Isaac Wake to Lady Carleton, 19 Dec. 1612, The National Archives, SP 14/71, fol. 128.

³¹ John Chamberlain to Dudley Carleton, 12 Nov. 1612, in The Letters of John Chamberlain, i, ed. McClure, N. E. (Philadelphia, 1939), p. 390Google Scholar.

³² See Duckles, V., ‘The English Musical Elegy of the Late Renaissance’, in Aspects of Medieval and Renaissance Music (New York, 1966), pp. 134–53Google Scholar.

³³ ‘Prince Henry as Absalom in David's Lamentations’, Music & Letters, 62 (1981), pp. 318–30.

³⁴ Maxwell, James's The Laudable Life and Deplorable Death of our late peerless Prince Henry (London, 1612)Google Scholar, sig. B2^v. Di Grazia cites this poem also in ‘Funerall Teares’, p. 560, n. 29, in the context of making the Henry–Absalom parallel seem less than ideal.

³⁵ This is the basic thrust of Di Grazia's ‘Funerall Teares’ article. As she summarizes: ‘Although one or two settings may indeed have been prompted by Henry's death—there remains no evidence to suggest any were written specifically for the funeral cermonies, however—it is more probable that most of them were composed in 1618 or later.’

³⁶ Price, D., Spirituall Odours to the Memory of Prince Henry (Oxford, 1613), p. 27Google Scholar. Of this passage in connection with Henry's death, M. E. Lange writes: ‘The parallel with the contemporary situation is clear.’ See Telling Tears in the Renaissance (Leiden, 1996), p. 133.

³⁷ Ibid., pp. 35–6.

³⁸ See Monson, ‘Thomas Myriell's Manuscript Collection’, p. 439.

³⁹ See Di Grazia, ‘New Perspectives’, pp. 102–3.

⁴⁰ Price, , Teares Shed over Abner: The Sermon Preached on the Sunday before the Prince his Funerall in St. James Chappell before the body (Oxford, 1613), p. 15Google Scholar.

⁴¹ That did not stop the practice, however, from Ludwig Senfl's reworking of an earlier funeral motet for the Emperor Maximilian (d. 1519) to Elton John's ‘Candle in the Wind’ for Princess Diana (d. 1997). The short time between an unexpected death and the funeral must occasionally have necessitated such borrowings. On Senfl's work, see Main, A., ‘Maximilian's Second-Hand Funeral Motet’, Musical Quarterly, 48 (1962), 173–89CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴² This peculiarity caused Andrew Ashbee to suggest that the lost Liber Primus may have been a related collection of three- and four-voice works (email communication, 8 Dec. 2007).

⁴³ The six-voice works occur every other work from pieces 4 through to 16, then every tenth work from pieces 16 through to 46.

⁴⁴ The scribe seems also to have been intent on creating variety by not dwelling too long on any piece: many of the longer vocal works present only the first section, so they occupy only one or two pages.

⁴⁵ See Duffin, ‘New Light’.

⁴⁶ See Dart, T., ‘Two English Musicians at Heidelberg in 1613’, Musical Times, 111 (1970), pp. 29–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁷ Calendar of State Papers, Venetian, xii, letter of 5 Jan. 1613 (modern style) from Antonio Foscarini to the Doge and Senate, no. 732, p. 472. ‘Procura la Maestà sua divertir quanto può dal dolore per la morte del Principe, ma non è quanto intieramente basti; perchè ben spesso si risente d'improviso, et dice anco nel mezo de'i più importanti ragionamenti Henrico è morto, Henrico è morto.’

⁴⁸ British Library, Harley MS 5176, quoted in Nichols, J., The Progresses, Processions, and Magnificent Festivities of King James the First, his Royal Consort, Family, and Court (London, 1828), ii, pp. 513–14Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ John Chamberlain, letter to Sir Ralph Winwood, 9 Jan. 1613, in The Letters of John Chamberlain, i, p. 403.

⁵⁰ Unpublished letter from Isaac Wake to Dudley Carleton (English ambassador to Venice), 31 Dec. 1612, The National Archives, SP 105/106.

⁵¹ The lower figure comes from Sir Finett, John, Finetti Philoxenus: Some Choice Observations of Sr. John Finett Knight and Master of Ceremonies to the Two Last Kings (London, 1656), p. 11Google Scholar. The higher figure is from J. Leland, De Rebus Britannicis Collectanea, v (1770), p. 334.

⁵² Mercure François for 1613, seconde continuation, p. 71. The number of maidens is in dispute, with one report saying 12, others 14, 15, or 16.

⁵³ Wilson, A., The History of Great Britain, being the Life and Reign of King James the First (London, 1653), p. 64Google Scholar. Some later writers transcribe ‘eruscations’ as ‘coruscations’.

⁵⁴ Anonymous, The Mariage of Prince Fredericke (1613), sig. B2.

⁵⁵ Leland, De Rebus Britannicis Collectanea, v, p. 336.

⁵⁶ Mariage of Prince Fredericke, sig. B2.

⁵⁷ Ashbee, A., Records of English Court Music, iv (Snodland, Kent, 1991), p. 208Google Scholar. On Elizabeth's personal background and skill in music, see Pollack, J., ‘Princess Elizabeth Stuart as Musician and Muse’, in LaMay, T. (ed.), Musical Voices of Early Modern Women: Many-Headed Melodies (Aldershot, 2005), pp. 399–424Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ Andreæ, J. V., The Hermetick Romance or the Chymical Wedding, trans. Foxcroft, Ezekial (London, 1690), pp. 38–9Google Scholar. Originally published as Chymische Hochzeit Christiani Rosencreutz. Anno 1459 (Strasbourg, 1616).

⁵⁹ Wells, R. H., ‘John Dowland and Elizabethan Melancholy’, Early Music, 13 (1985), p. 526CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁰ Puttenham, G., The Arte of English Poesie (London, 1589), p. 36Google Scholar.

⁶¹ Williams, E. C., Anne of Denmark: Wife of James VI of Scotland, James I of England (London, 1971), p. 157Google Scholar.

⁶² Guildhall, Merchant Taylors Court Books, v, 261–71. For a discussion of this event, see Duffin, , ‘To Entertain a King: Music for James and Henry at the Merchant Taylors Feast of 1607’, Music & Letters, 83 (2002), pp. 25–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶³ Jeremy Smith argues that the intended dedicatee of The Triumphes of Oriana was not Elizabeth, but Anne of Denmark, along with Penelope Rich. The fall from grace and execution of the Earl of Essex before its publication, however, made honouring Lady Rich, his sister, impolitic. See his ‘Music and Late Elizabethan Politics: The Identities of Oriana and Diana’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 58 (2005), pp. 507–58. Clearly, however, Elizabeth was being referred to as Oriana by the time she died, as in Henry Peacham's madrigal, Awake softly with singing Oriana sleeping, apparently sung to James on his way south to London, 27–9 Apr. 1603. See Young, A. R., ‘Henry Peacham, Ben Jonson and the Cult of Elizabeth-Oriana’, Music & Letters, 60 (1979), pp. 305–11CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁴ Queene Elizabeth, Paraleld in her Princely vertues … (London, 1611[12]), sig. A6^r–v.

⁶⁵ From the section, ‘The Author to his Muse’, sig. P4^r.

⁶⁶ A Marriage Triumphe Solemnized in an Epithalamium (London, 1613), p. 30.

⁶⁷ Nichols, The Progresses, Processions, and Magnificent Festivities, ii, pp. 116–20 and 350, 357. The Phoebus imagery seems first to have been used for James in Peacham's madrigal Awake softly with singing. See Young, ‘Henry Peacham’, p. 308.

⁶⁸ Calendar of State Papers Venetian, xii, letter of 17 Nov. 1612 (modern style), from Antonio Foscarini to the Doge and Senate, no. 690, p. 448. In the end, of course, Elizabeth did not succeed to the throne, but her grandson George I began a line of British monarchs that continues to this day as her direct descendants.

⁶⁹ Tomkins's 5v. English anthem on Ps. 105, O give thanks unto the Lord, is a different work altogether.

⁷⁰ Published by Andreas Wechel. The first part appeared in 1575, the last in 1579.

⁷¹ Not unavailable, however, since a bookbinder's price list published in 1619 (STC 16768.6) lists binding costs for two different formats of the Tremellius Bible.

⁷² Hammond, G., The Making of the English Bible (New York, 1983), p. 200Google Scholar. Hugh Pope notes that Tremellius was among the authorities most frequently consulted by the Authorized Version translators of the Old Testament and ‘especially in the Psalms’. See his English Versions of the Bible (St. Louis and London, 1952), p. 315. It has gone mostly unnoticed, however, that the Tremellius–Junius Bible seems to have been an important source for Mary Sidney's translation of the Psalms. Her translation of Ps. 105 follows Tremellius much more closely than either the French version of Clément Marot and Théodore de Bèze or Bèze's Latin version, which are usually cited as the primary models for her own and her brother Philip Sidney's Psalm translations. It is also worth noting here that Tomkins's first music publication, Songs of 3. 4. 5. and 6 Parts of 1622, is dedicated to Mary Sidney's son, Philip Herbert, 4th Earl of Pembroke.

⁷³ Austin, K., From Judaism to Calvinism (Aldershot, 2007), p. 165Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ For example, in 1592, the Puritan Member of Parliament James Morice, also Attorney to the Court of Wards, published a tract which cited and identified passages from the Tremellius–Junius translation. See A Brief Treatise of Oathes Exacted by Ordinaries and Ecclesiasticall Iudges (London, 1590), p. 14. And at the beginning of James's reign, the Puritan Calvinist Dr John Rainolds spoke at the first biblical conference and ‘moved his Maiestie, that there might be a new Translation of the Bible, because [existing ones] … were corrupt and not answerable to the trueth of the Originall’. The second example he cited was from Ps. 105. See Barlow, W., The Summe and Substance of the Conference … at Hampton Court. Ianuary 14. 1603 (London, 1605), p. 45Google Scholar. A Protestant slant to the Blossom books might seem undermined by the inclusion of two Byrd motets that became celebrated statements for Catholics in England after the martyrdom of Edmund Campion: Ne irascaris and Deus venerunt gentes. The force of those statements is significantly weakened here by including only the prima pars of each, however. For a discussion of the Catholic implications of the Blossom scribe's choices, see Duffin, ‘New Light’, p. 608.

⁷⁵ See James I, The Essayes of a Prentise, in the Divine Art of Poesie (Edinburgh, 1585), sig. N2^r–N4^v.

⁷⁶ Frances Yates documented the strength of the Protestant Humanist movement which centred around Frederick and Elizabeth in her book The Rosicrucian Enlightenment (London, 1972). It is interesting that the three manifestos of the Rosicrucians, all published during the second decade of the 17th c., ended with the words Sub umbra alarum tuarum Jehova, a common image from the Psalms, but with the use of the word Jehova suggesting a connection to the Tremellius Bible.

⁷⁷ A lavish account of the celebrations surrounding their arrival in the Palatinate can be found in Beschreibung der Reiss (Heidelberg, 1613).

⁷⁸ Richard Deering used Tremellius Ps. 96 in his motet Canite Jehovae, whose earliest source is NYPL Drexel 4300, dating from around 1633. Set for two voices and continuo, the piece probably dates from after 1625, when Deering joined the chapel of Queen Henrietta Maria, though why he would choose a Tremellius text in that context is a mystery. The same manuscript contains a concerted setting by William Child of Tremellius Ps. 98, Cantate Jehovae, probably composed for his duties at St George's Chapel, Windsor, starting in 1630. Henry Lawes contributed a shortened and slightly modified setting of Tremellius Ps. 117 as a round in John Hilton's Catch that Catch Can of 1652. There is also Celebrate Dominum by Christopher Gibbons, using a kind of hybrid Latin version of Ps. 105, most likely composed for the Chapel Royal and printed in Playford's Cantica Sacra in 1674. Perhaps the best-known musical use of a Tremellius text in England is Jehova, quam multi sunt, a setting of Ps. 3 by Henry Purcell. Purcell's other surviving Latin work, Beati omnes qui timent Dominum, is based on Ps. 127 but not from the Tremellius version.

⁷⁹ Since Tomkins seems to have composed, at most, only one other motet, it is a fair guess that his Protestant convictions led him to feel uncomfortable doing so, even though such a publicly Puritan composer as John Milton, Sr could write one without embarrassment. It is perhaps not surprising, therefore, that this foray of Tomkins into motet-writing should be to a text from the Latin Bible acknowledged to be acceptable to the Puritans.

⁸⁰ Letter of 11 Oct. 1623, in The Letters of John Chamberlain, ii, p. 516. The setting is not further identified, although it may have been that of John Heath, whose work is preserved in the collections of Barnard and Batten, both of whom had St Paul's connections. For discussion of another piece of music, written expressly for Charles's return from Spain, see Duffin, , ‘Princely Pastimes, or a Courtly Catch’, Music Library Association Notes, 49 (1993), 911–24Google Scholar.

⁸¹ See, for example, John Davies's poem Microcosmos (Oxford, 1603) in honour of James's accession, where he refers (p. 9) to James's ‘thrice-blessed raigne’; also Harsnett, Samuel's Declaration of Egregious Popish Impostures (London, 1603)Google Scholar where he refers (p. 152) to ‘the most beloued, thrice-blessed annointed of the Lord, the sacred person of our dread Soueraigne’.

⁸² Webbe, George, The Bride Royall (London, 1613), pp. 65–6Google Scholar. Something similar seems to have moved Abraham Scultetus when he preached before Frederick and Elizabeth on 8 June 1613, the day after their arrival in Heidelberg: ‘That which the Bride desired on earth, that shee hath, that she heareth, that she see-eth, that she feeleth now in heauen. She hath the bridegrome: she heareth Angels musick …’. See Scultetus, A., A Sermon Preached before the Two High Borne and Illustrious Princes, Fredericke the 5. Prince Elector Palatine … And the Princesse Lady Elizabeth, &c. (London, 1613), p. 45Google Scholar.

⁸³ Printed in Giles and Phineas Fletcher: Poetical Works, ii, ed. Boas, F. S. (Cambridge, 1909), pp. 229–31Google Scholar. ‘And when me list to sadder tunes apply me, Pasilia's dirge, and Eupathus complaining …’ is echoed in Fletcher's poem entitled ‘To Mr. John Tomkins’, where he says ‘Whether thou sing'st sad Eupathus lamenting …’, pp. 233–5. This evidence is further discussed in Evans, D., ‘“Cerddor Euraid”: Lle John Tomkins ym Marddoniaeth Saesneg yr ail Ganrif ar Bymtheg’, Taliesin, 114 (2002), pp. 58–68Google Scholar. I am grateful to Prof. Evans for sending me an English translation: ‘John Tomkins: his place in English seventeenth-century verse’.

⁸⁴ Brett made this suggestion in his notes to the piece in Consort Songs, Musica Britannica, 22, 2nd edn (1974), p. 179.

⁸⁵ Ovid's work was published in England by Vautrollier in 1574, and in an English translation by Gower in 1640.

⁸⁶ Here, for example, are some passages that refer to the feast on 21 Apr.: ‘Notwithstanding before Rome was buylded, they had another feast called the sheapeheards or heardsmens holy daye, which they dyd celebrate vpon the same daye, and called it Palilia.’ See Plutarch, , The Liues of the Noble Grecians and Romanes … translated … by Thomas North (London, 1579), p. 27Google Scholar. ‘Pales is the Goddesse of Shepheards in honour of whose diety Shepheards did celebrate certain games called Palilia.’ See Rogers, Thomas, Celestiall Elegies of the Goddesses and the Muses (London, 1598), sig. B8^vGoogle Scholar. ‘Romanes had certaine holidaies which they named Palilia, because the were dedicated to the Goddesse Pales, patronesse of Shepheards and pastures: during which they vsed to driue their flockes about the parkes with certaine coniurations, to the end that their beasts might fare the better all that yeare long.’ See de Croy, F., The Three Conformities. Or the Harmony and Agreement of the Romish Church with Gentilisme, Iudaisme and Auncient Heresies, tr. Hart, W. (London, 1620), p. 48Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ More than likely the Habsburg Holy Roman Empire was intended here as a symbol of Roman Catholic power.

⁸⁸ Heywood, A Marriage Triumphe, 31. The armorial images in the second stanza seem to relate to countries with family connections to the couple, including those in Great Britain and Scandinavia. The Roman Eagle is the double-headed eagle of the Habsburg Holy Roman Emperors.

⁸⁹ Detailed description of the ceremony in Mercure François for 1613, seconde continuation, between pp. 65 and 66, sigs. D2 i^r to E i^v.

⁹⁰ See Yates, The Rosicrucian Enlightenment, pp. 23–4, pl. 9.

⁹¹ A description of the immediate aftermath of their departure can be found in The Magnificent, Princely, and most Royall Entertainments, given to the High and Mightie Prince, and Princesse, FREDERICK, Count Palatine, Palsgrave of the Rhyne: and ELIZABETH, sole Daughter to the High and Mighty King of England, James, our Soveraigne Lord (London, 1613). An edition was also published in Edinburgh.

⁹² See Willetts, P., ‘Benjamin Cosyn: Sources and Circumstances’, in Sundry Sorts of Music Books: Essays on British Library Collections (London, 1993), pp. 129–45, esp. 134 and 141Google Scholar.

⁹³ ‘A’ could mean, for example, ‘apace’ or ‘away’, the latter found in the viol partbooks Och 732–5 of the 1630s. See Hancock, W., ‘Thomas Mace and a Sense of “Humour”: The Case for Expression in 17th-Century English Instrumental Music’, The Viola da Gamba Society Journal, 6 (2012), pp. 21–5Google Scholar. ‘W’ is more of a puzzle, but it could possibly stand for something like ‘waning’.

⁹⁴ Informal music-making in the Jerusalem Chamber at Westminster Abbey at this period, for example, is described in Hacket, J., Scrinia reserata: A memorial offered to the great deservings of John Williams, D.D. (London, 1693), p. 46Google Scholar.

⁹⁵ See Ashbee, A. and Lasocki, D., A Biographical Dictionary of English Court Musicians, 1485–1714 (Aldershot, 1998)Google Scholar.

⁹⁶ Figure 16a is dated 19 May 1603, 16b is dated 20 Aug. 1604, 16c is dated 27 June 1619, and 16d is dated 29 June 1620.

⁹⁷ For biographical details of these musicians, see their entries in Ashbee and Lasocki, A Biographical Dictionary.

⁹⁸ The Compleat Gentleman, 100. See also the discussion of consort anthem performance possibilities in Thomas Tomkins: Five Consort Anthems, ed. Pinto, D. and Duffin, R. W. (London, 1994)Google Scholar. It is also worth noting that the single depiction of a service with music in Whitehall Chapel during the Jacobean period is a 1623 treaty-signing, where singers crowd together with organ, string and brass instruments. For a detail of the choir loft in that image, see Duffin, Cantiones Sacrae, p. xvi, Fig. 1.

⁹⁹ The other watermark with some similarities to the Blossom flyleaf mark is Heawood 3499, from blank paper in the Phillips Collection and dated 1617.