¹ Woodley, R., ‘Iohannes Tinctoris: A Review of the Documentary Biographical Evidence,’ Journal of the American Musicological Society, 34 (1981), esp. pp. 231–2CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

² See n.18 below.

³ Detailed in de Reiffenberg, F. A. F. T., Histoire de l'Ordre de la Toison d'Or (Brussels, 1830), pp. 64–88Google Scholar.

⁴ See Woodley, R., ‘Renaissance Music Theory as Literature: On Reading the Proportionale musices of Iohannes Tinctoris’, Renaissance Studies, 2 (1987), pp. 209–20CrossRefGoogle Scholar; also outlined in Woodley, R.. ‘The Proportionale musices of Iohannes Tinctoris: a Critical Edition, Translation and Study’ (D.Phil. diss., University of Oxford, 1982), i, pp. 34–5Google Scholar, and previously in Perkins, L. L. and Garey, H., The Mellon Ghansonnier, 2 vols. (New Haven and London, 1979), i, p. 21Google Scholar.

⁵ See Reiffenberg, , Histoire, pp. 72–3Google Scholar; for further bibliography, see, for example, Vaughan, R., Philip the Good: The Apogee of Burgundy (London, 1970), pp. 160–3Google Scholar.

⁶ Inventoried in Ruwet, J., Les archives et bibliothèques de Vienne et l'histoire de Belgique (Brussels, 1956), pp. 765–99Google Scholar; see also Bittner, L., ed., Gesamtinventar des Wiener Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchivs, Inventare des Wiener Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchivs 7 (Vienna, 1938), pp. 412–20Google Scholar.

⁷ The following details are taken largely from the summaries published in Ruwet, , Archives, pp. 772–3Google Scholar.

⁸ Cinico was originally from Parma, and was at one time a pupil of Pietro Strozzi, though no details of residence in Florence are known. He seems to have been in Naples by the 1440s, and is recorded as a familiar of St Antoninus, when Archbishop of Florence, in 1462 (again, residing in either Florence or Naples). He is documented at the Neapolitan royal court, usually styled as ‘scriptor de la libreria del Senyor Rey’, from March 1469 through to March 1498, and a large proportion of his manuscript productions, which can be dated from 1463 to 1494, were made for the royal library. He was renowned among his contemporaries for his pious, modest and restrained life, and his name was often punningly linked to the ancient ascetic sect of the Cynics. followers of the beggar-philosopher Diogenes. The nickname ‘Velox’ also appears in some of Cinico's own explicits (perhaps an additional pun on the Greek χινέω): apparently the scribe took a certain pride in his speed of work, while maintaining the highest calligraphic standards. (Some of the statistics here are interesting: he claimed to have completed a Pliny of 635 folios in 120 days in 1465 [Naples, Biblioteca Nazionale, MS v.i.3], a Bartolommeo Facio De humanae uitae felicitate dialogus in 52 hours [Florence, Biblioteca Medicea-Laurenziana, MS Strozzi 109], and an Albertus Magnus Arte di ben morire of 36 folios in 53 hours [Davenham, collection of C.W. Dyson Perrin: see Warner, G., Descriptive Catalogue of Illuminated Manuscripts in the Library of C.W. Dyson Perrin (Oxford, 1920). pp. 189–90. Plate LXXV]Google Scholar.) Cinico, in addition to his purely scribal duties, also carried out a certain amount of translation work himself, from Latin into Italian, and an interest in the latest technology of typography led to collaboration with the printers Mathias Moravus and Pietro Molino in the 1480s, and a long legal dispute over publication rights with fellow printer Francesco del Tuppo between 1487 and 1493. (Above details taken from de Marinis, T., La biblioteca napoletana dei re d'Aragona, 4 vols. (Milan, 1947–1952); 2 suppl. vols. (Verona, 1969), i pp. 42–6.)Google Scholar For the text of a sonnet addressed to Cinico by Antonello Petrucci, see De Marinis, , Biblioteca, i, p. 44Google Scholar; for letters by the Neapolitan humanist Elisio Calenzio which mention Cinico and confirm the contemporary perception of his moral uprightness, see B., Croce, ‘Elisio Calenzio’ in Varietà di storia letteraria e civile, 1 (Bari, 1935), pp. 8–28, esp. 23–6Google Scholar.

⁹ Murano, A. P., Miniature napoletane del Rinascimento (Naples, 1973), p. 25Google Scholar.

¹⁰ For example, from De Marinis, , Biblioteca: Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, MS fonds lat.18524: Rosarium grammatice, 19 07 1467 (ii, p. 145)Google Scholar; Stockholm, , Biblioteket, Kungliga, MS Holm D 121a: Petrarch, De uiris illustribus, 19 09 1467 (suppl. vol. i, Plate 163)Google Scholar; Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, MS fonds lat. 12947: Contrario, , Obiurgatio, 1471 (iii, Plates 74–8)Google Scholar; Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, MS fonds lat. 5088: Cassiodorus, , Historia ecclesiastica, 1472 (iii, Plate 54)Google Scholar; Venice, , Marciana, Biblioteca Nazionale, MS 4009: [Verduno] Oratio Ferdinando…regi dicta, 1474 (iv, Plate 301)Google Scholar; Leningrad, , Hermitage, , MS O.R.N. 26: Carafa, De regimine principum, 1477 (suppl. vol. ii. Plates 184–6)Google Scholar; Dublin, , Chester Beatty Library, MS W 113: Barbaro, Epistolae, before 1481 (suppl. vol. ii, Plates 10–11)Google Scholar; Munich, , Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, CIm 11324: Biondo,Decades, 1494 (iii, Plate 33)Google Scholar. See also Alexander, J.J.G. and de la Mare, A. C., The Italian Manuscripts in the Library of Major J. R. Abbey (London, 1969), nos. 26–7Google Scholar.

¹¹ Type 13 of De Marinis's classification (Biblioteca, ii, Plate B): reproduced in Murano, Miniature, Plate xia.

¹² I am extremely grateful to Dr A. C. de la Mare, of the Bodleian Library, Oxford, for her advice concerning this identification at an earlier stage in my research on Valencia 835: see Woodley, , ‘Proportionale’, i, pp. 123–31Google Scholar. The part played by Cola Rapicano in the decoration of the manuscript is not noted in Perkins and Garey, Mellon Chansonnier; I am hoping to devote a separate study to the Neapolitan sources of Tinctoris's treatises at a later date.

¹³ Cf. Ruwet, , Archives, pp. 792–7Google Scholar, and Exposition de la Toison d'Or: Catalogue (Brussels, 1907), p. 97Google Scholar. To take a case analogous to that of Ferrante: the copy of the statutes made for Ferdinand the Catholic, in 1479 or shortly thereafter, remained in the original language (see La Toison d'Or: cinq siècles d'art et d'histoire [exhibition catalogue] (Bruges, 1962), p. 111, no. 30Google Scholar). Other translations seem to be known only from the sixteenth century onward.

¹⁴ Appendix 1 below, lines 3–5.

¹⁵ I am grateful to Professor Cecil Grayson of Magdalen College, Oxford, for this observation on the dialect of the text.

¹⁶ Atlas, Cf. A., Music at the Aragonese Court of Naples (Cambridge, 1985), pp. 10–11Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Cf., for example, Woodley, ‘Renaissance Music Theory’, and Woodley, R., ‘The Printing and Scope of Tinctoris's Fragmentary Treatise De inuentione et usu musice’, Eary Music History, 5 (1985), pp. 239–68, esp. 255–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁸ Prizer, W., ‘Music and Ceremonial in the Low Countries: Philip the Fair and the Order of the Golden Fleece’, Early Music History, 5 (1985), pp. 113–53CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Reinhard Strohm had earlier suggested that a Missa de vello [sic] aureo, composed by the teacher of Arnulphus Giliardi for the ‘Dux Belgarum’, and mentioned by John Hothby in his Dialogus … in arte musice, was intended for a chapter meeting of the Toison d'Or (R., Strohm, ‘European Politics and the Distribution of Music in the Early Fifteenth Century’, Early Music History, 1 (1981), pp. 321–2Google Scholar). Prizer seems to accept this suggestion (‘Music and Ceremonial’, pp. 116–17, n. 9), but Hothby's text in fact reads ‘de panno aureo’ (Johannis Octobi tres tractatuli contra Bartholomeum Ramum, ed. Seay, A., Corpus Scriptorum de Musica 10 (Rome, 1964), p. 75Google Scholar), and so the identification seems unlikely.

¹⁹ Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremonial’, pp. 128–9, and n. 43.

²⁰ Cohen, J., The Six Anonymous L'Homme Armé Masses in Naples, Biblioteca Nazionale, MS VLE.40, Musicological Studies and Documents 21 (n.p., 1968)Google Scholar.

²¹ The full text is given (with a few minor inaccuracies) in Cohen, , Six Anonymous L'Homme Armé Masses, pp. 62–3Google Scholar; a facsimile of the original is provided ibid.

²² Similarly, Ferrante's son Alfonso, Duke of Calabria, terms Matthias his brother-in-law at the end of 1475, in letters to the Neapolitan ambassador in Hungary, the Archbishop of Bari (de Berzeviczy, A., Béatrice d'Aragon, reine de Hongrie (1457–1508), 2 vols. (Paris, 1911), i, p. 95.)Google Scholar

²³ Lewis Lockwood appears to come down in favour of ‘princeps’ being a synonym for ‘comes’ here, and thereby implies that Charles's ‘enjoyment’ of the music predates his inheritance of the dukedom in 1467 (Music in Renaissance Ferrara, 1400–1505 (Oxford, 1984. p. 239Google Scholar).

²⁴ The following details are largely drawn from Berzeviczy, , Béatrice d'Aragon, i, pp. 93ffGoogle Scholar.

²⁵ Berzeviczy, , Béatrice d'Aragon, i, p. 99Google Scholar.

²⁶ Antonius, de Bonfinis, Rerum Vngaricarum Decades, ed. Fógel, I., Iványi, B. and Juhász, L., Biblioteca Scriptorum Medii Recentisquc Aevorum, 4 vols. (Leipzig, 1936; Budapest, 1941)Google Scholar. Several contemporary texts describing Matthias's struggles to prevent Turkish incursions into his territories (as well as other descriptions of, for example, the coronation in Hungary and the entry of the king and queen into Buda) are printed in Rerum Hungaricarum scriptores varii (Frankfurt, 1600)Google Scholar.

²⁷ De Bonfinis, , Rerum Vngaricarum Decades, iv, p. 63Google Scholar.

²⁸ Berzeviczy, , Béatrice d'Aragon, i, pp. 117ffGoogle Scholar.

²⁹ This stop-over in Ferrara is not recorded by Lewis Lockwood in his table of ‘Some Principal Events at the Ferrarese Court in 1476’ (Music in Renaissance Ferrara, p. 147), though the earlier arrival on 4 August of the Hungarian retinue on the way to Naples is. The September celebrations, however, must surely have been among the most lavish seen at the d'Este court that year.

³⁰ Berzeviczy, , Béatrice d'Aragon, i, pp. 139ffGoogle Scholar.

³¹ The following details are taken principally from Pontieri, E., ‘Su mancate nozze tra Federico d'Aragona e Maria di Borgogna (1474–1476)’, Archivio Storico per le Provincie Napoletane, n.s., 24 (1938), pp. 78–112Google Scholar, and Vaughan, R., Charles the Bold: The Last Valois Duke of Burgundy (London, 1973)Google Scholar; see also Linden, H. vander, Itinéraires de Charles, duc de Bourgogne, Marguerite d'York et Marie de Bourgogne (1467–1477) Brussels, 1936)Google Scholar.

³² See above, p. 175.

³³ Pontieri, ‘Su mancate nozze’, p. 96.

³⁴ Higgins, P., ‘In Hydraulis Revisited: New Light on the Career of Antoine Busnois’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 39 (1986), pp. 36–86CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁵ Hence the Milanese ambassador's famous comment of May 1475 that ‘Even though he [i.e. the duke] is in camp, every evening he has something new sung in his quarters…’ (Higgins, , ‘In Hydraulis Revisited’, p. 60)Google Scholar.

³⁶ Higgins, , ‘In Hydraulis Revisited’, pp. 60–1Google Scholar; also ‘The chapel members listed on the surviving escroes for 1476 suggest that the duke had only a “skeleton crew” of clerics with him on the battlefield’. (Ibid., n. 85.)

³⁷ The reading ‘posthac’ occurs in Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale, MS ii4147, and ‘deinceps’ in the two next-best sources, Valencia, Biblioteca Universitaria, MS 835 and Bologna, Biblioteca Universitaria, MS 2573. The latter may represent an authorial revision; the presence of both adverbs together in Albert Seay's edition (Johannis Tinctoris opera theoretica, Corpus Scriptorum de Musica 22, 2 vols. (n.p., 1975); vol. iia (Neuhausen–Stuttgart, , 1978), i, p. 65Google Scholar) makes no sense.

³⁸ See the map in Armstrong, C. A. J., ‘The Language Question in the Low Countries: The Use of French and Dutch by the Dukes of Burgundy and their Administration’, Europe in the Middle Ages, ed. Hale, J. R., Highfield, J. R. L. and Smalley, B. (London, 1965), p. 190Google Scholar.

³⁹ See Woodley, ‘Review’, pp. 223–4.

⁴⁰ I confess, however, to considerable unease at present regarding Prizer's apparent desire to associate the whole L'homme armé tradition with the Order of the Golden Fleece; it seems to me to be only one of several symbolic associations from which composers or their patrons could have drawn inspiration, and the complete absence of any direct reference to the Fleece in the trope texts of the Naples masses gives grounds for some scepticism even in this particular case. (A transcription by Steven Moore Whiting of the trope and canon texts of the Naples masses, together with his English translation, has recently been published in a letter from Haggh, Barbara Helen to the Editor, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 40 (1987), pp. 139–43CrossRefGoogle Scholar.)

⁴¹ I am not attempting here to trace the significance of the blazon and motto on fol. 64 of the manuscript (Cohen, , Six Anonymous L'Homme Armé Masses, p. 11Google Scholar), which still remains mysterious.

⁴² See the editions of Feininger, L. in Monumenta Polyphoniae Liturgicae Sanctae Ecclesiae Romanae, iii, 1–6 (Rome and Trent, 1957–1974)Google Scholar.

⁴³ Narniensis, Galeottus Martius, De egregie, sapienter, iocose dictis ac facits regis Mathiae ad ducem lohannem eius filium liber, Bibliotheca Scriptorum Medii Recentisque Aevorum (Leipzig, 1934), p. 18Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ See Vaughan, , Charles the Bold, pp. 341ffGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁵ Vaughan, , Charles the Bold, p. 381Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ R., Taruskin, ‘Antoine Busnoys and the L'Homme arméTradition’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 39 (1986), pp. 255–93, esp. 279–83Google Scholar. Taruskin's views on the position of Busnois in the L'homme armé tradition have generated some subsequent correspondence from Barbara Helen Haggh (cf. n. 40 above), Giller, Don and Fallows, David, as well as a further response from Taruskin himself, in Journal of the American Musicological Society, 40 (1987), pp. 139–53Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ Perkins, and Garey, , Mellon Chansonnier, i, pp. 17–26Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ A preliminary report was delivered at the Sixteenth Annual Conference on Medieval and Renaissance Music,University of Edinburgh,in August 1988.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Perkins, and Garey, , Mellon Chansonnier, i, nos. 45, 47 and 55Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ His latest recorded presence appears to be 14 June 1475 (Fallows, D., ‘Robert Morton's Songs: A Study of Styles in the Mid-Fifteenth Century’ (Ph.D. diss., University of California at Berkeley, 1978, pp. 274–5)Google Scholar).

⁵¹ Vaughan, , Charles the Bold, p. 348Google Scholar. It should not be forgotten that Edward iv had himself been elected Knight of the Order of the Golden Fleece on 14 May 1468, and Charles was in turn created Knight of the Garter the following year (13 May 1469). Indeed, according to Vaughan, (Charles the Bold, p. 60)Google Scholar, the Feast of the Garter was actually celebrated at the Burgundian court on St George's Day 1471 and 1472, and possibly annually: would this not have provided a highly appropriate context for the performance of English music, both sacred and secular, at that court?

⁵² Perkins, and Garey, , Mellon Chansonnier, ii, pp. 370–5, 385–9 and 416–20Google Scholar. Garey' observations are largely derived from Menner, R. J.,‘Three Fragmentary English Ballades in the Mellon Chansonnier,’ Modern Language Quarterly, 6 (1945), pp. 381–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵³ Perkins, and Garey, , Mellon Chansonnier, i, p. 15Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Taruskin, ‘Antoine Busnoys’, pp. 288–93. David Fallows has argued in favour of Morton's authorship of ‘II sera pour vous’: see, most recently, his letter to the Editor, Journal of the American Musicological Society, referred to in n. 46 above.

⁵⁵ Cf. Perkins, and Garey, , Mellon Chansonnier, i, p. 2Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ Perkins was already aware of this slight anomaly (Perkins, and Garey, , Mellon Chansonnier, i, pp. 30–1)Google Scholar, but at the time of his writing the proposed interruption to the compilation of the collection was not vet a consideration. Atlas, in a review of the Perkins, and Carey, edition (Journal of the American Musicological Society, 34 (1981), pp. 132–43, on p. 138, n. 8)Google Scholar, does not rule out the possibility that the entire chansonnier was completed prior to the 1475 betrothal. On the two Latin pieces by Tinctoris in Mellon, O Virgo, miserere mei and Virgo Dei throno digna, see also van Benthem, J., ‘Concerning Johannes Tinctoris and the Preparation of the Princess's Chansonnier’, Tijdschrift van de Vereniging voor Nederlandse Muziekgeschiedenis, 32 (1982), pp. 24–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁷ The closest analogy to the present case is perhaps to be found in the dedicatory inscriptions to Beatrice at the head of the Tractatus de regulari ualore notarum, the Complexus effectuum musices and the Terminorum musicae diffinitorium, each of which retains its original emphasis on Beatrice's filial status even in sources manifestly dating from after her marriage to Matthias.

⁵⁸ Pontieri, ‘Su mancate nozze’, pp. 79–92. The itinerary which Tinctoris would have taken back to Naples from Burgundy, if he had indeed been discharged by Federico soon after the siege of Nancy, is at present unknowable, though presumably, in view of the time factor, he would have chosen the most direct route available.

⁵⁹ A rather speculative corollary of this concerns the dedication of Tinctoris's Tractatus alterationum, which is addressed to a certain Guillelmus Guinandi. For various reasons, too lengthy to be set out here, it seems likely that the true dedicatee was intended to be the abbot Antonio Guinati, first chaplain to Galeazzo Maria Sforza in Milan, and Tinctoris has inadvertently garbled his name through confusion with Guillelmus Guarnerius, a composer, singer and perhaps music teacher, known to have been a member of the papal chapel choir at various times between 1474 and 1483, but also known personally to Tinctoris through a meeting in Naples in 1478–80 (Woodley, , ‘Proportionale’, i, pp. 62–7Google Scholar, based on the reference by Gaffurius's early biographer Pantaleon Meleguli in Franchinus Gaffurius, , De harmonia musicorum instrumentorum opus, ed. Miller, C. A., Musicological Studies and Documents 33 (Neuhausen–Stuttgart, 1977), p. 212Google Scholar; see also n. 66 below). The itinerary northward which I have proposed here for Tinctoris would have provided an eminently suitable context for the requisite fleeting acquaintances to be made in Rome and Milan at precisely the right time. Moreover, the dedicatee of Tinctoris's Tractatus de notis et pausis, Martin Hanard, also seems to have been a member of the papal chapel at this time, and it is therefore possible that the same circumstances led to this third acquaintance, which hitherto has not been easily explicable. Perhaps, therefore, a closer scrutiny of the musical personnel whom Tinctoris might have met on the rest of his journey through Italy will eventually throw some light on the even less explicable dedication of the Liber imperfectionum notarum musicalium to one lacobus Frontin, a young musician who had clearly made a specific request for the work (see Seay, , ed., Tinctoris opera theoretica, i, p. 143Google Scholar), but who is otherwise quite unknown, unless he is the ‘Jacotino Frontino cantore’ mentioned much later in a letter from Enea Pio to Cardinal Ippolito n d'Este. dated 5 April 1516, as having recently taken up the post of chapel-master to Francis i (Lockwood, L., ‘Jean Mouton and Jean Michel: New Evidence on French Music and Musicians in Italy, 1505–1520’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 32 (1979), pp. 220–3CrossRefGoogle Scholar). It would be tempting to suggest that Tinctoris's proposed visit to Venice on this same journey might have been the occasion of his meeting with fellow countryman Gerardus de Lisa, the eventual printer, in Treviso, around 1495, of the Diffinitorium (cf. Parrish, C., A Dictionary of Musical Terms by Johannes Tinctoris (London, 1963), pp. 101–8)Google Scholar. The twenty-year gap, however, is a little difficult to swallow, and a more plausible conjecture might be that ‘linctoris passed through the Venice/Treviso region around 1493–4, en route to the Hungarian court at Buda (cf. Woodley, ‘Review’, pp. 239–40; see also pp. 198–200 below).

⁶⁰ Woodley, ‘Printing and Scope’, pp. 251–4.

⁶¹ Seay, , ed., Tinctoris opera theoretica, ii, pp. 176–7Google Scholar; orthography of proper names taken from Ghent. Rijksuniversiteit, Centrale Bibliotheek, MS 70, fol. 77^b.

⁶² See, for example, E., Sparks, ‘Obrecht, Jacob’, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. S., Sadie, 20 vols. (London, 1980), xiii, p. 477Google Scholar.

⁶³ See, in particular, Derolez, A., The Library of Raphael de Marcatellis, Abbot of St Bavon's, Ghent, 1437–1508 (Ghent, 1979), pp. 227–34Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ A full description of this manuscript is given in Woodley, , ‘Proportionale’, i, pp. 93–122Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ Woodley, , ‘Proportiona1e’, i, pp. 117–18Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ See p. 198 and nn. 76–7 below on the probability of this manuscript being an authorial holograph. If the explanation outlined above (n. 59) for the garbled nature of the Tractatus alterationum dedication is correct, then it is scarcely credible that Tinctoris could have made the error after his lengthy period of contact with Guarnerius in Naples in 1478–80. Bearing in mind, therefore, the unequivocal terminus post quem of 11 October 1477, it seems reasonable to propose that the Brussels manuscript was produced in the intervening year or so.

⁶⁷ See Woodley, ‘Review’, p. 247.

⁶⁸ That is, also excluding the dedicatory letter to Iohannes Stokem, placed at the head of the sole surviving copy of the printed extracts of De inuentione et usu musice, which was probably only one of several different such letters (see Woodley, ‘Printing and Scope’, pp. 256–7).

⁶⁹ Another copy survives in the Biblioteca Nazionale, Naples, under the shelf-mark xxii.c.22.

⁷⁰ Atlas, review of Perkins, and Garey, , Mellon Chansonnier (cf. n. 56 above), p. 143Google Scholar.

⁷¹ Manzi, P., La tipografia napoletana nel '500, Biblioteca di Bibliografia Italiana 62 (Florence, 1971), p. 191Google Scholar, where two further Neapolitan editions, of 1591 and 1593, are also cited. The 1519 date is in any case hypothetical (ibid.).

⁷² Catalogue of Books Printed in the Fifteenth Century now in the British Museum, 10 vols. (and in progress) (London, 1908–), vi, p. 858Google Scholar. Manzi believes that this book is a prose version of the poetical work De balneis Putheolanis by the twelfth-century poet Pietro da Eboli, and that it was also the direct ancestor of the 1519 print, via an intermediary edition of l June 1507 (Naples: Sigismondo Mayr) (Manzi, , Tipografia, pp. 38–9 and 191)Google Scholar.

⁷³ Atlas. review of Perkins, and Garey, , Mellon Chansonnier, p. 143Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ ibid.

⁷⁵ Briquet, C. B., Les Filigranes…A Facsimile of the 1907 Edition with Supplementary Material, ed. Stevenson, A. (Amsterdam, 1968), ii, p. 552Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ A detailed palaeographical comparison is given in Woodley, , ‘Proportionale’, i, pp. 102–16Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ Further elaboration of this will appear in the forthcoming study signalled in n. 12 above.

⁷⁸ See notes to Appendix 2 below.

⁷⁹ An analogous epistolary practice in England can be found in the letter-book of Robert Joseph, monk of Evesham. for the compilation of which the author sometimes asked the recipients of his letters to return them specifically for fair copying, if this had not been done prior to dispatch (Aveling, Dom H. and Pantin, W. A., The Letter Book of Robert Joseph. Oxford Historical Society, n.s., 19 (Oxford, 1967 [for 1964]), p. xiiiGoogle Scholar).

⁸⁰ Pastor, L.. The History of the Popes from the Close of the Middle Ages. ed. Antrobus, F. I. et al. , 40 vols. (London, 1923–1953), iv, pp. 102–5Google Scholar.

⁸¹ De Marinis, . Biblioteca. i. p. 42Google Scholar. Cinico's residence in the Castel Nuovo is indicated by the scribe himself in his 1494 copy of the Flavio Biondo Decades (now Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 11324).

⁸² See Atlas, , Music at the Aragonese Court, p. 74Google Scholar.

⁸³ Seay, , ed., Tinctoris opera theoretica, iia, pp. 9–11Google Scholar: Woodley, , ‘Proportionale’, i, pp. 166–9Google Scholar. On this prohemium, see also Woodley, ‘Renaissance Music Theory as Literature’, passim.

⁸⁴ De Marinis, , Biblioteca, i, pp. 39 and 97Google Scholar; also Filangieri, R., Una cronaca napoletana figurata del quattrocento (Naples, 1956), pp. 82, 114–15, 120, 128–38 and 223Google Scholar. Naples had also been afflicted with a violent outbreak of the plague in 1493.

⁸⁵ Cf. n. 59 above.

⁸⁶ A struggle which Beatrice eventually lost, returning to Naples in 1500.

⁸⁷ See notes to Appendix 2 below. Another important source, with which Tinctoris was undoubtedly acquainted, would have been St Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae, Second Part, Part I, Questions 1–21 (trans. Oesterle, J. A. as: Saint Thomas Aquinas, Treatise on Happiness (Notre Dame, 1983)Google Scholar).

⁸⁸ See Woodley, ‘Printing and Scope’, pp. 241ff.

⁸⁹ See, for example, Reynolds, L. D., The Medieval Tradition of Seneca's Letters (Oxford, 1965)Google Scholar, with some views revised in Reynolds, L. D., Hine, H. M. and Tarrant, R. J., ‘The Younger Seneca’, Texts and Transmission: A Survey of the Latin Classics, ed. Reynolds, L. D. (Oxford, 1983)Google Scholar, and Ross, G. M., ‘Seneca's Philosophical Influence’, Seneca, ed. Costa, C. D. N. (London, 1974), p. 143Google Scholar.

⁹⁰ Woodley, ‘Printing and Scope’, p. 257.