¹ As early as the fifth century BC there apparently existed two versions of the story: in one, Orpheus rescued Eurydice successfully; in the other, he failed. See Bowra, C. M., ‘Orpheus and Eurydice’, Classical Quarterly, 11 (1952), pp. 113–26CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sansone, D., ‘Orpheus and Eurydice in the Fifth Century’, Classica et Mediaevalia, 36 (1985), pp. 53–64Google Scholar. For an overview of the Orpheus myth in texts before Virgil, see Lee, M. O., Virgil as Orpheus: A Study of the Georgics (Albany, N.Y., 1996), pp. 1–11Google Scholar.

² General studies of the Orpheus myth include Brisson, L., ‘Orphée et l'Orphisme à l'époque impériale: Témoignages et interprétations philosophiques, de Plutarque à Jamblique’, in Aufstieg und Niedergang der Römischen Welt, ii/36.4 (Berlin and New York, 1990), pp. 2867–931Google Scholar; Henry, E., Orpheus with his Lute: Poetry and the Renewal of Life (Carbondale and Edwardsville, Ill., 1992)Google Scholar; Norden, E., ‘Orpheus und Eurydice’, Sitzungsberichte der Preuβischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 22 (1934), pp. 626–83Google Scholar; Zeigler, K., in Paulys Real-Encyclopädie der Classischen Altertumswissenschaft, 18/1 (Stuttgart, 1939), cols. 1120–1316Google Scholar; Segal, C., Orpheus: The Myth of the Poet (Baltimore and London, 1989)Google Scholar; Sternfeld, F. W., ‘Orpheus, Ovid, and Opera’, Journal of the Royal Musical Association, 113 (1988), pp. 172–202CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³ Jesnick, I., The Image of Orpheus in Roman Mosaic (Oxford, 1997), pp. 5–44Google Scholar, is particularly valuable for its synthesis of visual with textual evidence and its consideration of popular imagery of Orpheus.

⁴ Segal, , Orpheus, pp. 1–35Google Scholar.

⁵ ‘ut idem musici et vates et sapientes iudicarentur, mittam alios, Orpheus et Linus’; M. Fabi Quintiliani Institutionis Oratoriae Libri XII, ed. L. Radermacher (Leipzig, 1971), i, p. 58 (I. 10.9).

⁶ ‘siluestres homines sacer interpretes deorum / caedibus et uictu foedo deterruit Orpheus / dictus ob hoc lenire tigris rabidosque leones’ (Ars poetica 391–3); Horace: Epistles Book II and Epistle to the Pisones (‘Ars Poetica’), ed. Rudd, N. (Cambridge 1989), p. 71Google Scholar.

⁷ Vergil, , Georgica 4.490; Aeneid VI.637–65Google Scholar; see Anderson, W. S., ‘The Orpheus of Virgil and Ovid: flebile nescio quid', in Orpheus: The Metamorphoses of a Myth, ed. Warden, J. (Toronto, 1982), pp. 25–50Google Scholar; Pennacini, A., ‘La narrazione patetica di Virgilio: Orfeo nell'Ade’, in Orfeo e l'Orfeismo: Atti del Seminario Nazionale (Rome-Perugia 1985–1991), ed. Masaracchia, A. (Rome, 1993), pp. 211–18Google Scholar; Segal, , Orpheus, pp. 36–53Google Scholar. Lee, , Virgil as Orpheus, pp. 12–13Google Scholar, argues that Virgil's is the first extant written acccount of Orpheus' failure to bring Eurydice from Hades.

⁸ ‘hinc aestimo et Orphei vel Amphionis fabulam, quorum alter animalia ratione carentia, alter saxa quoque trahere cantibus ferebantur, sumpsisse principium, quia primi forte gentes vel sine rationis cultu barbaras, vel saxi instar nullo affectu molles, ad sensum voluptatis canendo traxerunt’; Macrobius, , Commentarii in Somnium Scipionis ii.iii.8, ed.Willis, J. (Leipzig, 1963), p. 105Google Scholar.

⁹ Santini, C., ‘Orfeo come personaggio delle Metamorfosi e la sua storia raccontata da Ovidio’, in Orfeo e l'Orfeismo, pp. 219–33Google Scholar; Segal, , Orpheus, pp. 54–72, 81–94Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Boethius, , De consolatione philosophiae, iii.xii.52–8Google Scholar. This tradition in the interpretation of the myth will not be considered further here; on early-medieval Boethius commentaries and their influence, see Wittig, J. S., ‘King Alfred's Boethius and Its Latin Sources: A Reconsideration’, Anglo-Saxon England, 11 (1983), pp. 157–98Google Scholar. (I thank Joseph Wittig for giving me an offprint of this article.) On interpretations of Boethius' Orpheus metre in the later Middle Ages, see Friedman, , Orpheus, pp. 90–117Google Scholar; Medieval Literary Theory and Criticism c. 1100–1375: The Commentary-Tradition, ed. Minnis, A. and Scott, A.B. (Oxford, 1988), pp. 121, 320–1Google Scholar.

¹¹ On medieval interpretations of Orpheus in general, see Friedman, J., Orpheus in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, Mass., 1970)Google Scholar; Heitmann, K., ‘Orpheus im Mittelalter’, Archiv für Kulturgeschichte, 45 (1963), pp. 235–94Google Scholar. Orpheus also functioned as a model of love and mourning; on the image of Orpheus in Paschasius Radbertus' Vita Adalhardi, see von Moos, P., Consolatio: Studien zur Mittellateinischen Trostliteratur über den Tod und zum Problem der Christlichen Trauer (Munich, 1971) i, pp. 39–40; ii, pp. 99–100Google Scholar. On Christian readings of the myth, see Friedman, , Orpheus, pp. 38–145Google Scholar; Irwin, E., ‘The Songs of Orpheus and the New Song of Christ’, in Orpheus: The Metamorphoses of a Myth, pp. 51–62Google Scholar; Skeris, R., ‘Chroma theoi’: On the Origins and Theological Interpretation of the Musical Imagery Used by the Ecclesiastical Writers of the First Three Centuries, with Special Reference to the Image of Orpheus (Altötting, 1976), pp. 146–60, 256–9Google Scholar; Vicari, P., ‘Sparagmos: Orpheus among the Christians’, in Orpheus: The Metamorphoses of a Myth, pp. 63–84Google Scholar.

¹² See Friedman, , Orpheus, pp. 117–36Google Scholar. A widely transmitted marginal gloss on Metamorphoses x.63, part of a commentary composed c. 1250 in central France, presents an allegory of the myth based on Boethius' moral interpretation; the Orpheus myth is edited by Coulson, F., The ‘Vulgate’ Commentary on Ovid's Metamorphoses: The Creation Myth and the Story of Orpheus (Toronto, 1991), p. 139Google Scholar. For more bibliography on medieval commentaries on the Metamorphoses, see Coulson, F. and Molyviati-Toptsis, U., ‘Vaticanus latinus 2877: A Hitherto Unedited Allegorization of Ovid's Metamorphoses’, Journal of Medieval Latin, 2 (1992), pp. 134–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹³ Dronke, P., ‘The Return of Eurydice’, Classica et Mediaevalia, 23 (1962), pp. 198–215Google Scholar; Jaeger, S., ‘Orpheus in the Eleventh Century’, Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch, 27 (1992), pp. 141–68Google Scholar; idem, The Envy of Angels (Philadelphia, 1994), pp. 143–64.

¹⁴ For example, The Commentary on the First Six Books of the Aeneid of Vergil Commonly Attributed to Bernardus Silvestris,/Commentum Quod Dicitur Bernardi Silvestris Super Sex Libros Eneidos Virgilii, ed. Jones, J. W. and Jones, E. F. (Lincoln, Neb., and London, 1977), p. 55Google Scholar (on VI. 119) ‘CITHARA: oratione rethorica. FIDIBUS: ornatibus rethoricis’.

¹⁵ The Commentary on Martianus Capella's De Nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii Attributed to Bernardus Silvestris, ed. Westra, H. J. (Toronto, 1986), p. 98Google Scholar (on De nuptiis v.124–34).

¹⁶ ‘Integumentum vero est oratio sub fabulosa narratione verum claudens intellectum, ut de Orpheo. Nam et ibi historia et hie fabula misterium habent occultum’; The Commentary, p. 45 (on De nuptiis ii.74–5). All translations are my own unless otherwise indicated.

¹⁷ ‘L'altro si chiama allegorico, e questo è quello che si nasconde sotto / '1 manto di queste favole, ed è una veritade nascosa sotto bella menzogna: sì come quando dice Ovidio che Orfeo facea colla cetera mansuete le fere, e li arbori e le pietre a sé muovere: che vuol dire che lo savio uomo collo strumento della sua voce faccia mansuescere e umiliare li crudeli cuori, e faccia muovere alia sua volontade coloro che non hanno vita di scienza e d'arte: e coloro che non hanno vita ragionevole alcuna sono quasi come pietre’; Dante, , Convivio ii.i.3, ed. Ageno, F. B. (Florence, 1995), ii, p. 65Google Scholar. On this passage, see also Medieval Literary Theory, p. 384.

¹⁸ Aquinas, commentary on Aristotle's De anima 1.12.190, cited in Buck, A., Der Orpheus-Mythos in der italienischen Renaissance (Krefeld, 1961), pp. 11, 31 n. 27Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Boccaccio, , Genealogie deorum gentilium libri V.12, ed. Romano, V. (Bari, 1951), i, pp. 244–7Google Scholar.

²⁰ On Renaissance interpretations of Orpheus, see Buck, Der Orpheus-Mythos; Harrán, D., ‘Orpheus as Poet, Musician, and Educator’, in Altro Polo: Essays on Italian Music in the Cinquecento, ed. Charteris, R. (Sydney, 1990), pp. 265–76Google Scholar; Scavizzi, G., ‘The Myth of Orpheus in Italian Renaissance Art, 1400–1600’, in Orpheus: The Metamorphoses of a Myth, pp. 111–62Google Scholar.

²¹ See Mazzotta, G., ‘Orpheus: Rhetoric and Music’, in his The Worlds of Petrarch (Durham, N.C., and London, 1993), pp. 129–46CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²² Petrarch, ,Epistolae ad Familiares, i.ix.7Google Scholar: ‘Non refer am tibi nunc que de hac re Marcus Cicero in libris Inventionum copiosus disputat – est enim locus ille notissimus – nec fabulam Orpheus vel Amphionis interseram quorum ille beluas immanes, hie arbores ac saxa cantu movisse et quocunque vellet duxisse perhibetur, nonnisi propter excellentem facundiam, qua fretus alter libiniosos ac truces brutorumque animantium moribus simillimos, alter agrestes et duros in saxi modum atque intractabiles animos, ad mansuetudinem et omnium rerum patientiam creditur animasse.’ Ed. Rossi, V., Francesco Petrarca: Le Familiari (Florence, 1933), i, pp. 46–7Google Scholar.

²³ Walker, D. P., ‘Orpheus the Theologian and Renaissance Platonists’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 16 (1953), pp. 100–20CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Warden, J., ‘Orpheus and Ficino’, in Orpheus: The Metamorphoses of a Myth, pp. 85–110Google Scholar.

²⁴ On Fulgentius, see most recently Hays, B. G., ‘Fulgentius the Mythographer’, Ph.D. diss. (Cornell University, 1996)Google Scholar. Hays has shown (pp. 263–91) that Fulgentius the mythographer was not the same person as the Bishop of Ruspe, earlier discussed by Langlois, P., ‘Les oeuvres de Fulgence le mythographe et le problème des deux Fulgences’, Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum, 7 (1964), pp. 94–105Google Scholar. See also Chance, J., Medieval Mythography: From Roman North Africa to the School of Chartres, ad 433–1177 (Gainesville, Fla, 1994), pp. 95–128Google Scholar.

²⁵ Aurelian of Réôme mentions the myth in passing in Aureliani Reomensis Musica Disciplina, i.3–4, ed. Gushee, L., Corpus Scriptorum de Musica 21 (Stuttgart, 1975), p. 58Google Scholar, but his use of it falls outside the scope of this study.

²⁶ ‘ut scolastici, postquam psalmi, cantica et hymni memoriae commendata fuerint, regula, post regulae textum liber comitis, interim uero historiam diuinae auctoritatis et expositores eius necnon et conlationes patrum et uitas eorum legendo magistris eorum audientibus percurrant. Postquam uero in istis probabiliter educati fuerint, ad artem litteraturae et spirituales se transferant flores’; ‘Actuum praeliminarium synodi primae aquisgranensis commentationes sive Statuta Murbacensia (816)’, in Consuetudines Saeculi Octavi et Noni, ed. Semmler, J., Corpus consuetudinum monasticarum i (Siegburg, 1963), p. 442Google Scholar.

²⁷ The Aachen reform stipulated, with limited success, that only child oblates committed to becoming monks could study in monastic schools. see de Jong, M., ‘Carolingian Monasticism: The Power of Prayer’, in The New Cambridge Medieval History, ii: c. 700-c. 900, ed. McKitterick, R. (Cambridge, 1995), pp. 631–3Google Scholar. On secular students in monastic schools, see Hildebrandt, M. M., The External School in Carolingian Society (Leiden, 1992)Google Scholar. For recent surveys of Carolingian education, see Contreni, J. J., ‘The Carolingian Renaissance: Education and Literary Culture’, in The New Cambridge Medieval History, ii, pp. 709–57Google Scholar; idem, ‘The Pursuit of Knowledge in Carolingian Europe’, in ‘The Gentle Voices of Teachers’: Aspects of Learning in the Carolingian Age, ed. R.Sullivan(Columbus, Ohio, 1995), pp. 106–41; Pederson, O., The First Universities: Studium Generale and the Origins of University Education in Europe, trans. North, R. (Cambridge, 1997), pp. 67–91Google Scholar.

²⁸ Contreni, ‘The Carolingian Renaissance’, p. 727, points out that ‘it would be misleading to compress the reality of Carolingian learning to the liberal arts programme’; most advanced monastic studies seem to have consisted primarily of grammar and included little of the other liberal arts.

²⁹ On education in the early rules, see Riché, P., Education and Culture in the Barbarian West, Sixth Through Eighth Centuries, trans. Contreni, J. J. (Columbia, S.C., 1976), pp. 113–16Google Scholar; on education in the customaries, see Tilliette, J., ‘Le vocabulaire des écoles monastiques d'après les prescriptions des consuetudines (X^e–XII^e siècles)’, in Vocabulaire des écoles et des méthodes d'enseignement au âge, ed. Weijers, O. (Turnhout, 1992), pp. 60–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁰ Although the outline of the stages of music education presented by van Waesberghe, J. Smits in Musikerziehung: Lehre und Theorie der Musik im Mittelalter, Musikgeschichte in Bildern 3 (Leipzig, 1969), p. 18Google Scholar, assigns the study of the ars musica to adolescentes, most monks were probably not exposed to this discipline.

³¹ For Boethius' definition of the musicus, see below. On the distinction between musicus and cantor, see Reimer, E., ‘Musicus und Cantor. Zur Sozialgeschichte eines musikalischen Lehrstücks’, Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, 35 (1978), pp. 1–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³² For a useful overview of developments in this period, see Rankin, S., ‘Carolingian Music’, in Carolingian Culture: Emulation and Innovation, ed. McKitterick, R. (Cambridge, 1994), pp. 274–316Google Scholar; on the early history of notation, see most recently Barrett, S., ‘Music and Writing: On the Compilation of Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale lat. 1154’, Early Music History, 16 (1997), pp. 55–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lew, K., Gregorian Chant and the Carolingians (Princeton, 1998), pp. 3–18, 187–252Google Scholar. On music theory, see also Schueller, H., The Idea of Music: An Introduction to Musical Aesthetics in Antiquity and the Middle Ages (Kalamazoo, Mich., 1988), pp. 283–327Google Scholar.

³³ A major redaction is Glossa Maior in Institutionem musicam Boethii, ed. Bernhard, M. and Bower, C. (Munich, 1993–)Google Scholar. See also Bernhard, M., ‘Überlieferung und Fortleben der antiken lateinischen Musiktheorie im Mittelalter’, in Geschichte der Musiktheorie, iii, Rezeption des antiken Fachs im Mittelalter, ed. Zaminer, F. (Darmstadt, 1990), pp. 24–31Google Scholar.

³⁴ Hucbald of St Amand's Musica (885–900) and the Enchiriadis treatises are early attempts to reconcile musica and cantus. On the Enchiriadis treatises, see below. For the most recent edition and translation of Hucbald's text, see Chartier, Y., L'oeuvre musicale d'Hucbald de Saint-Amand: Les compositions et le traité de la musique (Saint-Laurent, 1995)Google Scholar; on the date, see pp. 76–7; on Hucbald's reconciliation of ancient theory with practical music, see pp. 46–77.

³⁵ Gushee, L., ‘Questions of Genre in Medieval Treatises on Music’, in Gattungen der Musik in Einzeldarstellungen: Gedenkschrift Leo Schrade, ed. Arlt, W., Lichtenhahn, E. and Oesch, H., i (Bern, 1975), p. 395Google Scholar.

³⁶ C. Bower, ‘Reception, Reaction, and Redaction: A Reflection on Carolingian and Post-Carolingian Musical Thought’, unpublished paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Musicological Society (Phoenix, Ariz., 11 1997). Bower divides the influence of Boethius in the ninth century into three stages: reception (800–830), demonstrated by the early glosses on De institutione musica; reaction (830–60), evidenced by Aurelian's use of glosses on Boethius; and redaction (860–900), exemplified by the synthesis of musica and cantus in the Enchiriadis treatises.

³⁷ See Jeffery, P., Re-envisioning Past Musical Cultures (Chicago and London, 1992), pp. 59–62Google Scholar, on the importance of studying the lives of musicians for understanding the transmission of medieval chant.

³⁸ Customaries are prescriptive texts that supplement the Benedictine rule with detailed guidelines for the life of a monastic community. For an overview of the genre, see Donnat, L., ‘Les coutumiers monastiques: Une nouvelle entreprise et un territoire nouveau’, Revue Mabillon, 64 (1992), pp. 5–21CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁹ See Fassler, M., ‘The Office of the Cantor in Early Western Monastic Rules and Customaries: A Preliminary Investigation’, Early Music History, 5 (1985), pp. 29–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Boynton, S., ‘The Liturgical Role of Children in Monastic Customaries from the Central Middle Ages’, Studia Liturgica, 28 (1998), pp. 194–209Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ Fassler, ‘The Office of the Cantor’, pp. 39–42.

⁴¹ ‘Haec igitur fabula artis est musicac dcsignatio. Orpheus dicitur oreafone, id est optima uox, Euridice uero profunda diiudicatio. In omnibus igitur artibus sunt primae artes, sunt secundae; ut in puerilibus litteris prima abecetaria, secunda nota, in grammaticis prima lectio, secunda articulatio … in musicis prima musica, secunda apotelesmatice’; Fabii Planciadis Fulgentii V.C. Oper iii. 10 (hereafter Mitologiae), ed. Helm, R., rev. J. Préaux (Stuttgart, 1970), pp. 77–9Google Scholar.

⁴² Klinck, R., Die Lateinische Etymologic des Mittelalters (Munich, 1970), p. 181Google Scholar.

⁴³ ‘Aput astrologos aliut est astrorum ac siderum cursus effectusque cognoscere, aliut significata traducere’; Mitologiae, p. 78.

⁴⁴ ‘in musicis uero aliud est armonia ptongorum, sistematum et diastematum, aliud effectus tonorum uirtusque uerborum; uocis ergo pulchritudo delectans interna artis secreta uirtutem etiam misticam uerborum attingit’; Mitologiae, p. 78.

⁴⁵ Aristides Quinliliani de musica libri tres, ed. Winnington-Ingram, R. P. (Leipzig, 1963)Google Scholar. The relation of music to the universe is the subject of IIL.ix–xxvii; on this section, see On Music In Three Books, trans. Mathiesen, T. J. (New Haven and London, 1983), pp. 42–57Google Scholar. Macrobius, , Commentarii in Somnium Scipionis, iii–iv, pp. 95–109Google Scholar. Capella, Martianus, De nuptiis philologiae el mercurii, ed Willis, J. (Leipzig, 1983)Google Scholar. In this work, Harmonia is the culmination of the liberal arts, and as a figure of the harmony of the universe Harmonia prepares the path to heaven; see Cristante, L., Marliani Capella De Nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii Liber IX (Padua, 1987), pp. 15–17Google Scholar. On the connection between music and astrology, see Wille, G., Musica Romana: Die Bedeutung der Musik im Leben der Römer (Amsterdam, 1967), pp. 591–3CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁶ ‘ipsa ars communionem hominum uitat. Quae quidem serpentis ictu moritur quasi astutiae interceptu, secretis uelut inferis transmigrate’; Mitologiae, p. 78.

⁴⁷ ‘Sed post hanc artem exquirendam atque cleuandam uox canora descendit et quia apotelesmatica fonascica omnia praebet et modulis tantum ui secreta latentibus uoluptatum reddit effectus; dicere enim possumus quos Dorius tonus aut Frigius Saturno coiens feras mulceat, si Ioui, aues oblectet. At uero si rei expositio quaeritur cur hoc fiat, uestigandae rationis captus inmoritur’; Mitologiae, pp. 78–9. I am grateful to Leofranc Holford-Strevens for help with the phrase apotelesmatica fonascica.

⁴⁸ ‘Ideo ergo et ne eam respiciat prohibetur et dum uidet amittit; nam perfectissimus Pithagoras dum modulos numeris coaptaret simphoniarumque pondera terminibus arithmeticis per mela et rithmos uel modulos sequeretur, effectus ucro rationem reddere non potuit'; Mitologiae, p. 79.

⁴⁹ ‘Is vero est musicus, qui ratione perpensa canendi scientiam non servitio operis sed imperio speculationis adsumpsit … isque est musicus, cui adest facultas secundum speculationem rationemve propositam ac musicae convenientem de modis ac rythmis deque generibus cantilenarum ac de permixtionibus…’ Boethius, , De institutione musica I.xxxiv, in Anicii Manlii Torquati Severini Boetii De institutione arithmetica libri duo, de institutione musica libri quinque, ed. Friedlein, G. (Leipzig, 1867), pp. 223–4Google Scholar, trans. Bower, C., Fundamentals of Music (New Haven and London, 1989), p. 51Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ Laistner, M. L., ‘Fulgentius in the Carolingian Age’, in The Intellectual Heritage of the Early Middle Ages, ed. Starr, C. (New York, 1983), pp. 202–15Google Scholar.

⁵¹ Glossa maior, iii, p. 3Google Scholar. I thank Calvin Bower for this reference; see also Bernhard, ‘Überlieferung’, pp. 23–4.

⁵² On the date of De nuptiis (probably the 470s to 480s, and certainly between 430 and 512) and its historical context, see Shanzer, D., A Philosophical and Literary Commentary on Martianus Capella's De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii Book l (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1986), pp. 1–28Google Scholar.

⁵³ On Neoplatonic ideas in this work, see Gersh, S., Middle Platonism and Neoplatonism: The Latin Tradition (Notre Dame, Ind., 1986), ii, pp. 597–602Google Scholar. On medieval interpretations of the allegory in De nuptiis, see ibid., p. 603; Nuchelmans, G., ‘Philologia et son mariage avec Mercure jusqu'à la fin du XII^e siècle’, Latomus, 16 (1957), pp. 84–107Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ De nuptiis IX.907: Nam Thrax quo duri rumpere regna Erebi quoque suam meruit immemor Eurydicen quo cantu stupidae tigridis ira ruit, quo fertur rabidas perdomuisse feras, quo vidit rigidas glandibus ire comas Ismaros et silvas currere monte suas, carmine quo Strymon continuit latices et Tanais versis saepe relatus aquis; quo impune accubuit rictibus agna lupi et lepus immiti contulit ora cani: hoc nunc permulsit insonuitque melo accumulansque magis carmina sacra Iovi(ed. Willis, p. 346). On Book 9 of De nuptiis, see most recently Shanzer's, D. review of Cristante, Martianus Capellae De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii Liber IX, in Gnomon, 68 (1996), pp. 13–28Google Scholar. I thank Danuta Shanzer for giving me an offprint of this review.

⁵⁵ Eriugena was the foremost proponent of Greek philosophy and theology on the Continent in the mid-ninth century. On Eriugena's teaching career, see O'Meara, J. J., Eriugena (Oxford, 1988), pp. 16–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Remigius of Auxerre, who studied with a pupil of Eriugena, taught in Rheims and Paris at the end of the ninth century. On Remigius, see Bolton, D., ‘Remigian Commentaries on the “Consolation of Philosophy” and Their Sources’, Traditio, 33 (1977), pp. 381–94CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Brunhölzl, F., Histoire de la littérature latine du moyen age, i/2: L'époque carolingienne, trans. Rochais, H. (Louvain-la-Neuve, 1991), pp. 238–41, 318–21Google Scholar; Jeudy, C., ‘L'oeuvre de Remi d'Auxerre: état de la question’, in l'école carolingienne d'Auxerre de Murethach à Remi, 830–908, ed. Iogna-Prat, D., Jeudy, C., and Lobrichon, G. (Paris, 1991), pp. 373–97Google Scholar; eadem, ‘Clavis des oeuvres de Remi d'Auxerre’, in L'école carolingienne, pp. 457–500Google Scholar. Remigius' commentary, which relied significantly on Eriugena's glosses, was a major compendium of ninth-century learning. see O'Meara, J. J., ‘Eriugena's Immediate Influence’, in Eriugena Redivivus: Zur Wirkungsgeschichte seines Denkens im Mittelalter und im übergang zur Neuzeit, ed. Beierwaltes, W. (Heidelberg, 1987), pp. 13–25Google Scholar, esp. 22–5. For a list of manuscripts containing Remigius’ commentary on De nuptiis, and extracts from its glosses, see Wittig, , ‘King Alfred's Boethius’, pp. 186–98Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ ‘Euridice interpretatur profunda inventio. Ipsa ars musica in suis profundissimis rationibus Euridice dicitur, cuius maritus Orpheus dicitur, id est ΩΡΙΟΣ ΦΩNH id est pulchra vox. Qui maritus si aliqua neglegentia artis virtutcm perdiderit velut in quendam infernum profundae disciplinae descendit, de qua iterum artis regulas iuxta quas musicae voces disponuntur reducit. Sed dum voces corporeas et transitorias profundae artis inventioni comparat, fugit iterum in profunditatem disciplinae ipsa inventio quoniam in vocibus apparere non potest, ac per hoc tristis remanet Orpheus, vocem musicam absque ratione retinens’; Remigii Autissiodorensis Commentum in Martianutn Capellam Libri III-IX, ed. Lutz, C. (Leiden, 1965), p. 310Google Scholar. Wittig, , ‘King Alfred's Boethius’ (p. 192)Google Scholar, points out the similarity of the Orpheus gloss to the Vatican mythographers and to Fulgentius. The accounts of the myth in the Vatican Mythographers are found in Mythographi Vaticani I et II, ed. Kulcsár, P., Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaeualis 91C (Turnhout, 1987), pp. (33–4, 141)Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ ‘Eurydice dicitur profunda intentio. Ipsa ars musica in suis profundissimis rationibus Eurydice dicitur, cuius quasi maritus Orpheus dicitur, hoc est ωριοζ φΩυή, id est pulcra vox; qui maritus si aliqua neglegentia artis virtutem perdiderit veluti in quendam infernum profundae discipline descendit, de qua iterum artis regulas iuxta quas musicae voces disponuntur reducit. Sed dum voces corporeas et transitorias profundae artis inventioni comparat, fugit iterum in profunditatem disciplinae ipsa inventio quoniam in vocibus apparere non potest ac per hoc tristis remanet Orpheus, , vocem musicam absque ratione retinens’; Iohannis Scotti Annotationes in Marcianum, ed. Lutz, C. (Cambridge, 1939), pp. 192–3Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ On Eriugena's glosses on Martianus Capella, see Jeauneau, E., Quatre thèmes érigéniens (Montréal and Paris, 1978)Google Scholar; Leonardi, C., ‘Glosse Eriugeniane a Marziano Capella in un codice Leidense’, in Jean Scot Engène et l'histoire de la philosophie (Paris, 1977), pp. 171–82Google Scholar; Liebeschütz, H., ‘The Place of the Martianus “Glossae” in the Development of Eriugena's Thought’, in The Mind of Eriugena (Dublin, 1973), pp. 49–58Google Scholar; idem, ‘Zur Geschichte der Erklärung des Martianus Capella bei Eriugena’, Philologus, 104 (1960), pp. 127–37; Münxelhaus, B., ‘Aspekte der Musica Disciplina bei Eriugena’, in Jean Scot Engène et l'histoire, pp. 253–62Google Scholar; Preáaux, J., ‘Jean Scot et Martin dc Laon en face du De nuptiis de Martianus Capella’, in Jean Scot Erigène et l'histoire, pp. 161–70Google Scholar; Schrimpf, G., ‘Zur Frage der Authentizität unserer Texte von Iohannes Scottus’ Annotationes in Marcianum', in The Mind of Eriugena, pp. 125–39Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ Duchez, M., ‘Jean Scot Erigène premier lecteur du “De institutione musica” de Boèce?’ in Eriugena: Studien zu seinen Quellen, ed. Beierwaltes, W. (Heidelberg, 1980), pp. 165–87Google Scholar; eadem, ‘Le savoir theorico-musical carolingien dans les commentaires de Martianus Capella. La tradition erigenienne’, in Giovanni Scoto nel suo tempo. L'organizzazione del sapere in età carolingia (Spoleto, 1989), pp. 553–92Google Scholar.

⁶⁰ O'Meara, , Eriugena, p. 27Google Scholar; see Lutz, , Remigii Autissiodorensis, iii, pp. 13–22Google Scholar.

⁶¹ Glosses on ix.932–4 (ed. Willis, pp. 358–9), ed. in Lutz, Remigii Autissiodorensis, iii, pp. 332–3; several chants are cited with musical notation to illustrate ratios.

⁶² Erickson, R., ‘Eriugena, Boethius and the Neoplatonism of Musica and Scolica Enchiriadis’, in Musical Humanism and its Legacy: Essays in Honor of Claude V. Palisca, ed. Baker, N. K. and Hanning, B. R. (Stuyvesant, N.Y., 1992), pp. 53–78Google Scholar, argues against linking Eriugena to the Enchiriadis treatises and maintains that the Platonism and Neoplatonism in the treatises is indebted to earlier Latin writings, especially Boethius. Chartier (L'oeuvre musicale, p. 79) notes that the idea of knowledge of music as inaccessible in Hucbald's Musica is comparable to the Orpheus legend in Musica Enchiriadis and Eriugena's gloss on Martianus Capella, and concludes that this thematic connection implies common sources.

⁶³ On the dating of the treatises, see Erickson, , trans., Musica Enchiriadis and Scolica Enchiriadis (New Haven, 1995), pp. xxi–xxiiGoogle Scholar; Phillips, N., ‘“Musica” and “Scolica Enchiriadis”: The Literary, Theoretical, and Musical Sources’, Ph.D. diss. (New York University, 1984), pp. 9–15, 511–16Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ Erickson, , Musica, pp. xxvi–xxvii;Google Scholar Phillips, ‘ “Musica” ’, pp. 54–6, 384–97. Dronke, P., ‘The Beginnings of the Sequence’, Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur, 87 (1963), pp. 43–73Google Scholar, esp. 70–3, dated Musica Enchiriadis to before Eriugena's commentary on Martianus Capella, on the basis of similarity in the two texts' versions of the Orpheus myth; however, as Phillips has observed, this conclusion is questionable, particularly because Chapter 19 seems attributable to the author of Scolica Enchiriadis.

⁶⁵ Phillips, ‘ “Musica” ’, p. 389–91 suggests that Chapter 19 functions as a rhetorical device and points out the rhetorical terms used in the chapter. On organum in the Enchiriadis treatises, see most recently Cohen, D., ‘Boethius and the Enchiriadis Theory: The Metaphysics of Consonance and the Concept of Organum’, Ph.D. diss. (Brandeis University, 1993)Google Scholar; idem, ‘Metaphysics, Ideology, Discipline: Consonance, Dissonance, and the Foundations of Western Polyphony’, Theoria, 7 (1993), pp. 1–85.

⁶⁶ ‘Fictum est ab antiquis Aristeum Euridicem nympham Orphei coniugem adamasse. Quemque dum ilia se sequentem fugeret, a serpente extincta sit. Orpheum, cuius nomen oreo phone, id est optima vox sonat, in cantore perito seu dulcisono cantu intellegimus. Cuius Euridicem, id est profundam diiudicationem, si quis vir bonus, quod Aristeus interpretatur, amando sequitur, ne penitus teneri possit, quasi per serpentem divina intercipitur prudentia. Sed dum rursus per Orpheum, id est per optimum cantilenae sonum, a secretis suis acsi ab inferis evocatur, imaginarie perducitur usque in auras huius vitae dumque videri videtur, amittitur, scilicet quia inter cetera, quae adhuc ex parte et in enigmate cernimus, haec etiam disciplina haud ad plenum habet rationem in hac vita penetrabilem’; Musica et Scolica Enchiriadis, ed. Schmid, H. (Munich, 1981), p. 57Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ ‘Siqu idem diiudicare possumus, sitne rata factura meli, dinoscere qualitates sonorum atque modorum et reliqua huius artis; item possumus musicorum sonorum spatia vel vocum simphonias ad numerorum rationem adducere, consonantiae atque discrepantiae quasdam rationes reddere. Quomodo vero tantam cum animis nostris musica commutationem et societatem habeat, etsi scimus quadam nos similitudine cum ilia compactos, edicere ad liquidum non valemus’; Schmid, , Musica, p. 57Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ Mitologiae, p. 79.

⁶⁹ ‘In talibus cum iudicatio nostra esse possit, plura sunt tamen, quae nos sub causis occultioribus lateant’; Schmid, , Musica, p. 58Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ ‘Dicuntur ferae atque aves modis quibusdam delectari magis quam aliis, sed quare et quomodo haec aliave sint, non facile investigatur’; Schmid, , Musica, p. 58Google Scholar. Cf. Fulgentius, ‘for we can say that the Dorian or Phrygian mode combined with Saturn soothes beasts; if it coincides with Jupiter it delights birds’ (‘dicere enim possumus quos Dorius tonus aut Frigius Saturno coiens feras mulceat, si Ioui, aues oblectet’); Mitologiae, p. 79.

⁷¹ Mitologiae, p. 78.

⁷² Ed. Bernhard, M. in Clavis Gerberti: Eine Revision von Martin Gerberts Scriptores ecclesiastici de musica sacra potissimum (St. Blasien 1784), i (Munich, 1989), pp. 37–73Google Scholar. On Regino's treatise, see Boncella, P. A. L., ‘Regino Prumensis and the Tones’, in Songs of the Dove and the Nightingale: Sacred and Secular Music c. 900-c.1600, ed. Hair, G. M. and Smith, R. (Basel, 1995), pp. 74–89Google Scholar; Gushee, ‘Questions of Genre’, pp. 402–4; Oberti, E., ‘L'estetica musicale di Reginone di Pruem e l'attualità dell'estetica medievale’, Rivista di Filosofia Neoscolastica, 52 (1960), pp. 336–54Google Scholar. On the tonary, see Huglo, M., Les tonaires: Inventaire, analyse, comparaison (Paris, 1971), pp. 71–89Google Scholar. For a recent overview of Regino's works, see Brunhölzl, , Histoire de la littérature latine du moyen âge, ii: De l'époque carolingienne au milieu du XI^e siècle, trans. Rochais, H. (Louvain-la-Neuve, 1996), pp. 70–7, with bibliography on pp. 505–6Google Scholar.

⁷³ Bower, C., ‘Natural and Artificial Music: The Origins and Development of an Aesthetic Concept’, Musica Disciplina, 25 (1971), p. 20Google Scholar, argues that Chapter 18 is one of the additions to the original letter made when the treatise was copied in monastic scriptoria, because it is not in all the manuscripts. Bower finds it particularly significant that the chapter is missing from an early manuscript (Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale 2751) that he considers to be ‘probably an apograph of Regino's original work’ and ‘the extant text closest to Regino's original letter and tonary’. Bernhard, M., Studien zur Epistola de armonica institutione des Regino von Prüm (Munich, 1979), pp. 26–31Google Scholar, disagrees, arguing for the authenticity of the version containing Chapter 18 (which is found in the early tenthcentury manuscript Leipzig, Stadtbibliothek, Rep. I 93); the Brussels manuscript may be abbreviated rather than representing the earliest, shortest version of the treatise. Dyer, J., ‘The Monastic Origins of Western Music Theory’, in International Musicological Society Study Group Cantus Planus: Papers Read at the Third Meeting, Tihany, Hungary, 19–24 September 1988, ed. Dobszay, L. (Budapest, 1990), p. 222Google Scholar, agrees with Bernhard, noting that there was little demand for music theory in the monastic environment. Gushee, ‘Questions of Genre’, pp. 402–3, helpfully suggests considering the various states of Regino's text as different works rather than as different versions of the same work.

⁷⁴ Epistola i.1–6, Clavis Gerberti, p. 39.

⁷⁵ ‘Scire autem oportet peritum cantorem’ (Epistola ii.1, Clavis Gerberti, p. 40); ‘Illud autem sumopere prudens cantor observare debet’ (Epistola ii.33, Clavis Gerberti, p. 42). ‘Cantor’ can be translated either as ‘singer’ or with the more specific meaning of ‘cantor’.

⁷⁶ ‘Sed multi audiunt tonum et fortassis ignorant, quid sit tonus, aut quare dicatur tonus’; Epistola iv.l, Clavis Gerberti, p. 43.

⁷⁷ ‘a minus perito musico quaeri potest, quae distantia sit inter musicam naturalem et artificialem’ (‘a less skilled musicus may ask what the difference is between natural and artifical music’); Epistola v.2, Clavis Gerberti, p. 45. ‘Idcirco definiunt musici sonum ita’ (‘For that reason musici define sound thus’); Epistola v.17, Clavis Gerberti, p. 46. ‘Ex hac igitur coniectura dicunt astrologi vel musici’ (‘From this inference, then, astrologers and musici say’); Epistola v.19, Clavis Gerberti, p. 46.‘quem tonum musici vocaverunt’ (‘which musici call a tone’); Epistola ix.16, Clavis Gerberti, p. 54. ‘Proinde scire convenit, nullum posse perfecte fieri musicum’(‘Therefore it should be known, that no one can fully become a musicus’); Epistola X.10, Clavis Gerberti, p. 56. ‘Musicus’ could be translated as ‘musician’, but retaining the Latin term in translation preserves the connotation of the Boethian definition.

⁷⁸ v.61–4, on human responses to melodies (cantilenis), concerns singing as a universal activity, as opposed to ecclesiastical singing (the primary meaning of cantus in the Epistola). The final sentence of this section, however, could be taken to refer to ecclestical singing as well: ‘And yet there are not a few who cannot sing with others sweetly and in a skilled manner; nevertheless, by themselves they can sing something sweet in a disagreeable fashion’ (‘Etsi sunt nonnulli, qui docte ac suaviter aliis canere non possunt, sibi tamen aliquid insuaviter suave canunt’); Epistola v.64, Clavis Gerberti, p. 48.

⁷⁹ ‘Quamobrem nobis utile et pernecessarium videtur, ut primum de cordis et earum nominibus parumper disseramus, et unicuique cordae suum subiciamus tonum, ut cum de suprascriptis consonantiis aliquid apertius et manifestius caeperimus tractare, mittere possimus sobrium cantorem ad prefatas cordas, ut ibi oculo inspiciat et digito contrectet, quod a nobis verbo et scripto aure percipit’ (‘Therefore it seems useful and very necessary to us that we first discourse about the strings and their names for a little while, and that we append each string to its mode, so that since we began to discuss rather openly and clearly the consonances written about above, we may send a prudent cantor to the abovementioned strings, so that there he may examine with the eye and feel with the finger that which he learns from us through speech and writing’); Epistola xiv.1, Clavis Gerberti, pp. 58–9.

⁸⁰ ‘Haec ex multis pauca perstrinximus, ne musicis ac peritis cantoribus de nostra imperitia risum praeberemus … Sed scientes vos egregium atque perfectum esse cantorem, cum vestra excellenti prudentia et cum aliis peritis cantoribus nostra sit sermocinatio et disputationis ratio. Huius epistolae verba vobis tantum et perpaucis aliis musicis, si quando ea legitis, conloquantur; ceteros vero ita submoveamus, ut qui capere intellectu nequiverint, ad ea etiam legenda videantur indigni’; Epistola xviii.28–31, Clavis Gerberti, pp. 72–3.

⁸¹ ‘Sed ecce dum tonos ostendere conamur, per vastissimam et profundissimam musicae institutionis silvam longius evagati sumus, quae tantae caliginis obscuritate involvitur, ut a notitia humana recessisse videatur. Namque cum perpauci sint, qui eius vim et naturam certa ratione perpendant, tamen quod de ea intellegunt, manuum opere ad liquidum demonstrare non possunt. Rursus cum multi sint, qui earn digitis operentur, vel vocis sono promant, eius tamen vim atque naturam minime intellegunt. Denique si roges cytharaedum sive liricum vel alium quemlibet instrumentorum musicorum notitiam habentem, ut tibi pandat tonos, semitonia vel consonantias, ostendat cognitionem cordarum, qualiter ilia corda ad aliam rata numerorum proportione societur; nullum tibi penitus ex his dabit responsum. Solum hoc confitebitur, quod hec ita faciat, sicut a magistro accepit et didicit. Cum igitur a scientibus et a nescientibus se musica ex permaxima parte abscondit, quasi in profundo obtecta caligine iacet’; Epislola xviii.1–6, Clavis Gerberti, pp. 70–1.

⁸² ‘numerose id faciunt ac suaviter, quamvis interrogati de ipsis numeris, vel de intervallis acutarum graviumque vocum, respondere non possint?’; Aurelii Augustini De musica, ed. Marzi, G. (Florence, 1969), p. 98Google Scholar.

⁸³ ‘Quod cum maritus cognovisset, earn sono cytharae de inferno ad superos conatus est revocare; sed minime valuit … Orpheus ergo vult revocare de inferno Euriticem sono cythare, sed non praevalet, quia humanum ingenium conatur profunditatem armonice subtilitatis penetrare et eam certis rationibus diiudicare et discernere et ad lucem, id est ad scientiam revocare; sed ilia humanam cognitionem refugiens in tenebris ignorantiae latet’; Epistola xviii.10–13, Clavis Gerberti, p. 71.

⁸⁴ ‘Interea sciendum est, quod non ille dicitur musicus, qui eam manibus tantummodo operatur, sed ille veraciter musicus est, qui de musica naturaliter novit disputare, et certis rationibus eius sensum enodare … [Omnis enim ars, omnisque disciplina honorabiliorem naturaliter habet rationem, quam artificium, quod manu atque opere artificis exercetur. Multo enim maius est scire, quod quisque faciat, quam facere, quod ab alio discit … Is itaque musicus est, qui ratione perpensa canendi scientiam non servitio operais, sed imperio speculationis adsumsit.] Quisquis igitur armonicae institutionis vim atque rationis penitus ignorat, frustra sibi nomen cantoris usurpat, tarn etsi cantare optime sciat’; Epistola xviii.14–24, Clavis Gerberti, pp. 71–2. The passage in brackets is from Boethius, De institutions musica, i.xxxiv, pp. 223–4.

⁸⁵ ‘Neque enim ille, qui lectionem legit, sed qui lectionem exponit, magister appellatur. Et licet pueri psalmorum verba memoriter decantent, ab eorum tamen scientia alieni existunt, quia eorum sensus misticos penetrare nesciunt’; Epistola, xviii.25–6, Clavis Gerberti, p.25

⁸⁶ On the importance of the Psalms in monastic life, see particularly Dyer, J., ‘Monastic Psalmody of the Middle Ages’, Revue Bénédictine, 99 (1989), 41–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸⁷ I disagree with Barassi, E. Ferrari, ‘I modi ecclesiastici nei trattati musicali dell'età carolingia’, Studi Musicali, 4 (1975), pp. 30–1Google Scholar, who argues that Regino's use of the Orpheus myth implies that theory and practice are irreconcilable.

⁸⁸ Phillips, ‘ “Musica” ’, p. 388, points out that the ‘negative view of the accessibility of knowledge’ in Chapter 19 of Musica Enchiriadis contrasts with the ‘pervasively positive approach found in Musica and Scolica’.

⁸⁹ ‘Proinde scire convenit, nullum posse perfecte fieri musicum, nisi antea fuerit arithmeticis regulis pleniter institutus’; Epistola, x.10, Clavis Gerberti, p. 56.

⁹⁰ For bibliography on Aimo's Vita Abbonis, see Gwara, S., ‘Three Acrostic Poems by Abbo of Fleury’,Journal of Medieval Latin, 2 (1992), pp. 203–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar; on Aimo, see Brunhölzl, , Histoire de la littérature latine, ii, pp. 155-63, with bibliography on pp. 526-7Google Scholar.

⁹¹ On Abbo, see Brunhölzl, , Histoire de la litterature latine, ii, pp. 148–55, with bibliography on pp. 524–6Google Scholar.

⁹² ‘Cum vero iam ad tantae praefecisset fastigium scientiae, ut aliis quoque percepti talenti valeret donativum erogare, imbuendis praeficitur scolasticis; quos ille per aliquot annorum curricula, lectione simul et cantilena cum tanta erudivit cura, ut palam se gaudere monstraret quod pecuniae sibi creditae lucra augmentare valeret’ (‘But when he had obtained the height of such knowledge that he was able to expend the largesse of his acquired gift on others as well, he was put in charge of training the students; he instructed them for a number of years in reading and song with so much care that he rejoiced openly because he was able to increase the profit from the capital lent to him’); Aimoinus of Fleury, ‘Vita sancti Abbonis’, Chap. iii, PL 139.390B.

⁹³ ‘Inde Aurelianis regressus, musicae artis dulcedinem, quamvis occulte, propter invidos, a quodam clerico non paucis redemit nummis’; ‘Vita sancti Abbonis’, PL 139.390C. On Abbo's studies of the liberal arts outside Fleury, see Mostert, M., The Political Theology of Abbo of Fleury (Hilversum, 1987), p. 31Google Scholar; idem, ‘Kennisoverdracht in het klooster: Over de plaats van lezen en schrijven in de vroegmiddeleeuwse monastieke opvoeding’, in Scholing in de middeleeuwen, ed. R.E.V. Stuipt and C. Vellekoop (Hilversum, 1995), pp. 114–15.

⁹⁴ On the notion of an ‘intellectual elite of the cloister’, see Mostert, ‘Kennisoverdracht’, pp. 119–20.

⁹⁵ On the context of Carolingian child oblation, see de Jong, M., In Samuel's Image: Child Oblation in the Early Medieval West (Leiden, 1996)Google Scholar.

⁹⁶ ‘Igitur quae in hac arte Deo donante sapimus, utamur eis tantum in laudibus Dei, et ea, quae laboriosa veterum indagatione nobis inventa sunt, assumamus in iubilando, celebrando, canendo, quae in prioribus generationibus non sunt agnita filiis hominum, sed nunc revelata sunt sanctis eius. Pandit multa musicae rationis miracula praestantissimus auctor Boetius magisterio numerorum enucleatim cuncta comprobans’; Schmid, , Musica, p. 59Google Scholar; Erickson, , Musica, p. 32Google Scholar. Bower, ‘Reception, Reaction, and Redaction’, also interprets this passage as historical narrative advocating the study of texts newly in circulation, which were not available to earlier authors.

⁹⁷ ‘Si quis vero tantae profunditatis ac perplexe subtilitatis curiosus investigator existit, legat sepe dicti Boetii tertium librum de armonica institutione, et ibi fortassis non solum eius curiositati satisfiet, verum etiam suum experiri poterit ingenium. Si enim ad haec capienda idoneus inventus fuerit, noverit nihil sibi difficile in septem liberalibus disciplinis’; Epistola, xvi.43–4, Clavis Gerberti, p. 69.

⁹⁸ E.g. Godman, P., Poets and Emperors: Frankish Politics and Carolingian Poetry (Oxford, 1987)Google Scholar; Nees, L., A Tainted Mantle: Hercules and the Classical Tradition at the Carolingian Court (Philadelphia, 1991)Google Scholar.

⁹⁹ A new interpretation of these texts was available to me only after this article had already gone to press: Ostheimer, Andreas, ‘Orpheus und die Entstehung einer Musiktheorie im 9. Jahrhundert’, Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch, 33 (1998), pp. 19–35Google Scholar.