¹ Hamm, C., ‘Manuscript Structure in the Dufay Era’, Acta musicologica, 34 (1962), pp. 166–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

² Haberl, F. X., ‘Wilhelm Du Fay: Monographische Studie über dessen Leben und Werke’, Vierteljahrsschrift für Musikwissenschaft, 1 (1885), pp. 471–5Google Scholar (subsequently published as Bausteine für Musikgeschichte, 3 vols. (Leipzig, 1885–1888), i)Google Scholar.

³ Hamm, C., ‘The Manuscript San Pietro b 80’, Revue Belge de Musicologie, 14 (1960), p. 49CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴ The motets Haberl dealt with are Dufay's Ave regina and Compère's Omnium bonorum plenum. The other studies are Gerber, R., ‘Römische Hymnenzyklen des späten 15. Jahrhunderts’, Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, 12 (1955), pp. 40–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Loyan, R., ‘The Music in the Manuscript Florence, Fondo Magliabechiano xix, 112bis’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of California, Berkeley, 1973), pp. 169–75, 185–96, 225–6Google Scholar; Kanazawa, M., ‘Polyphonic Music for Vespers in the Fifteenth Century’ (Ph.D. thesis, Harvard University, 1966)Google Scholar, passim; Ward, T. R., ‘The Polyphonic Office Hymn and the Liturgy of Fifteenth-Century Italy’, Musica Disciplina, 26 (1972), pp. 161–88Google Scholar.

⁵ Kast, P., ‘Römische Handschriften’, Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, ed. Blume, F., 16 vols. (Kassel, 1949–1979), xi, col. 757Google Scholar; Hamm, ‘San Pietro b 80’, p. 46. Among published estimates, Hamm's favours the earliest dating. Without stating their reasons, Stephan, Wolfgang (Die burgundisch-niederländische Motette zur Zeit Ockeghems (Kassel, 1937))Google Scholar, puts it after 1480, and Kirsch, Winfried (Die Quellen der mehrstimmigen Magnificat- und Te Deum-Vertonungen bis zur Mitte des 16. Jahrhunderts (Tutzing, 1966), p. 160)Google Scholar at ‘about 1480’.

⁶ Information on the secondary scribes of San Pietro b 80 can be found in my forthcoming dissertation, ‘The Music Chapel at San Pietro in Vaticano in the Later 15th Century’ (Ph.D. thesis, Princeton University, in preparation)Google Scholar.

⁷ The two systems are visible in Figure 5.

⁸ Folio 249 is part of a bifolio supplied at the time of binding as a flyleaf, the other half having been pasted to the back cover. Similarly, two blank bifolios were placed at the beginning of the manuscript. All that remains of these is the first folio pasted to the front cover and the stubs of the others which were cut away.

⁹ The letters ‘dd’ are barely visible in the extreme lower right-hand corner of Figure 5.

¹⁰ Because the Dufay Mass is complete as far as the Osanna and the anonymous Mass which follows consists of the Benedictus and Agnus, Hamm proposed that they represented a composite Mass, fashioned perhaps because Dufay's Mass ‘was copied into SPb80 before it had been completed’; see Hamm, ‘San Pietro b 80’, p. 46. Alejandro Planchart, in a paper read at the Dufay conference at Brooklyn College in 1974, argued that the break-off was due to ‘the loss of an entire fascicle from that source’; see Planchart, A. E., ‘Guillaume Dufay's Masses: A View of the Manuscript Traditions’, Papers Read at the Dufay Quincentenary Conference, ed. Atlas, A. W. (New York, 1976), p. 44Google Scholar.

¹¹ For an estimate of the damage done to the San Pietro library in 1527, see Mercati, G., Codici latini Pico Grimani Pio … e i codici greci Pio di Modena con una digressione per la storia dei codici di S. Pietro in Vaticano, Studi e Testi 75 (Vatican City, 1938), p. 167Google Scholar. A third possibility is that the missing fascicles were among the quinterns from useless books (librorum inutilium) sold to a used-book shop in the Campo dei Fiori when the San Pietro archives and library were moved to the Tempio della Madonna detta della Febbre in 1535; see Mercati, p. 145, and Schiaparelli, L., ‘Le carte antiche dell'Archivio Capitolare di S. Pietro in Vaticano’, Archivio della Società Romana di Storia Patria, 24 (1901), p. 410Google Scholar.

¹² Schünke, I., Die Einbände des Palatina in der Vatikanischen Bibliothek, Studi e Testi 216 (Vatican City, 1962), pp. 10, 12Google Scholar. The terminology I use in this description is from Goldschmidt, E. P., Gothic and Renaissance Bookbindings (London, 1928)Google Scholar, passim.

¹³ The signature below these stickers, ‘Ego Joannes paulus turunt’, belongs to one of the secondary scribes. There is no indication that he was also responsible for the binding.

¹⁴ The Obligationes communes record the ‘obligations’ levied on abbots and bishops in the ‘common interest’ of the College of Cardinals and the Apostolic Camera; see the account in Boyle, L. E., A Survey of the Vatican Archives and of its Medieval Holdings (Toronto, 1972), pp. 45, 157–9Google Scholar. Volume 10 is discussed briefly in Göller, E., ‘Untersuchungen über das Inventar des Finanzarchivs der Renaissancepäpste’, Miscellanea Francesco Ehrle: Scritti di storia e paleografia, v: Biblioteca ed Archivio Vaticano, biblioteche diverse, Studi e Testi 91 (Rome, 1924), p. 257Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Goldschmidt, , Gothic and Renaissance Bookbindings, i, p. 260Google Scholar. The stamp used in both bindings was juxtaposed exactly eleven times in rows along the top and bottom of each cover.

¹⁶ During these years the San Pietro payment records are complete except for one eleven-month stretch, from April 1489 to February 1490. But since the surviving records vary in their thoroughness from year to year, the lack of a payment record for the binding of San Pietro b 80 does not mean that the book was bound during this eleven-month gap. Regarding payments for bindings in the papal account-books, Müntz, Eugene and Fabre, Paul published a number of notices in La Bibliothèque du Vatican au XV^e siècle, Bibliothèque des Écoles Françaises d'Athènes et de Rome 48 (Paris, 1887), pp. 148–58Google Scholar. Tammaro de Marinis extracted all their documents referring to binding, and printed them consecutively in La legatura artistica in Italia net secoli XV e XVI, 2 vols. (Florence, 1960), i, p. 32, n. 3Google Scholar. The findings of Ernst Pitz suggest that Obligationes communes 10 was bound in 1492 when entries into the volume ceased; in Supplikensignatur und Briefexpedition an der römische Kurie im Pontificat Papst Calixts iii (Tübingen, 1972), p. 97, he observes: ‘Die lagen wurden beschrieben, bevor man sie zu Bänden formierte.’

¹⁷ The lack of a payment record for the binding of San Pietro b 80 raises the possibility that the manuscript went unbound for a decade or two, and suggests a practice of performing from individual fascicles rather than from a single volume. A far more luxurious manuscript, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Borg. lat. 425, the ‘Messa di natale di Alessandro vi’ illuminated by Pinturicchio, also appears to have waited some years for a binding. Though there is a portrait of Alexander vi on folio 8, the binding bears the coat of arms of Leo x or Clement viii; see Quinto centenario della Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana 1474–1975: Catologo della mostra (Vatican City, 1975), p. 104Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Hamm, ‘San Pietro b 80’, p. 46. Pen-and-ink initials such as those found in San Pietro b 80 were commonly drawn by the scribe and not by a separate illuminator; see Valentine, L. N., Ornament in Medieval Manuscripts: A Glossary (London, 1965), p. 76Google Scholar.

¹⁹ The animals and caricatures are on folio 65^v (‘P' of ‘Patrem’ is made with a captive dragon), folio 67^v (‘S’ of ‘Sanctus’ is a mermaid, decapitated when the folios were cut), folio 80^v (‘K’ of ‘Kyrie’ has a bear standing in it), and folios 91^v and 100^v (in each the ‘E’ of ‘Et in terra’ has the same grotesque face).

²⁰ Inventarium codicum manuscriptorum latinorum Archivii Basilicae S. Petri in Vaticano, i/a—b, Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Sala consult. MS 411, p. 169.

²¹ Cappella Sistina 14 and 51 are thought to date from the early 1480s, ‘not before 1481’ according to Haberl, ‘Wilhelm Du Fay’, p. 72.

²² There is an abbreviation in a fifteenth-century missal from San Pietro (Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS San Pietro e 11, fol. 55), which may have a bearing on this possibility. In the margin next to the prayer to be said for the pope (‘Deus omnium fidelium pastor’) are the letters ‘P PP’ meaning ‘pro papa’.

²³ Virgil, Eclogue 10, 1. 69. This line also begins an octavo print entitled Predicatio amoris which de Marinis, T., in the Catalogue d'une collection d'anciens livres à figures italiens (Milan, 1925), no. 150, pp. 60–1Google Scholar, tentatively identifies as Roman, c. 1500. The Predica discusses the militancy of divine love and is set beneath a print of a preacher in a field surrounded by a group of disciples. The print and first folio are reproduced in Sander, M., Le livre à figures italiens depuis 1467 jusqu'à 1530, 6 vols. (Milan, 1942), vi, no. 790Google Scholar.

²⁴ The sequence is notated in the fourteenth-century Florentine manuscript, Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, MS b.r.18(ii.i.122), fol. 144^v; see Becherini, B., Catalogo dei manoscritti musicali della Biblioteca Nazionale di Firenze (Kassel, 1959)Google Scholar, no. 74. It was also used as the triplum of the motet Amor–Marie preconio–Aptatur in Burgos, Monasterio de Las Huelgas, MS without number, fols. 116^v–117, Montpellier, Bibliothèque Interuniversitaire, MS Médecin h 196, fol. 321, and Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, MS fonds lat. 11266, fol. 37; see Anglès, H., El Codex musical de Las Huelgas: (Música á vens dels segles XII–XIV), 3 vols. (Barcelona, 1931), i, pp. 287–9, iii, 244–8Google Scholar. During the time Cappella Sistina 15 was written, c. 1492–1500, this phrase served as the motto of the poet–cavaliere Matteo Maria Boiardo (1430–94); see Tornaghi, O., Romana sapienza: Motti, locuzioni e proverbi latini, ed. Quilici, N. and Viviani, F. (Ferrara, 1937), p. 175Google Scholar.

²⁵ In Cappella Sistina 15 if one starts at the top of the ‘S’ with the uppermost letter and reads down through the curve the result is ‘Roma vincit’; in San Pietro b 80 Virgil's words are distributed around the ‘P’ of ‘Patrem’ in what seems a rather indiscriminate fashion (see Figure 4), with ‘amori’ placed in the middle, not on the right. Yet the placement of ‘et nos cedamus’ around the outer loop of the ‘P’ creates a clockwise, circular motion which leads into ‘amori’ from the bottom. If this motion is followed through, the second half of the motto would read ‘et nos cedamus i roma’. An early-fifteenth-century collection of sayings included a conditional version of ‘Roma vincit omnia’: ‘Roma ruit, si stat; si vertitur, omnia vincit’. The quote is included in Walther, H., ed., Proverbia sententiaeque latinitatis medii aevi, Carmina Medii Aevi Posterioris Latina 2, 6 vols. (Göttingen, 1963–1965), iv, no. 26938Google Scholar. In earlier times ‘Amor’ was said to be Rome's mystical name; see Graf, A., Roma nella memoria e nelle immaginazioni del Medio Evo (Turin, 1923), p. 10, n. 25Google Scholar.

²⁶ It was misnumbered 14 in this list due to an earlier error in the numeration. The description of a ‘white leather’ cover is puzzling. Perhaps that too is an error related to the misnumbering. At any rate, Grimaldi omitted this description in the 1603 revision.

²⁷ Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Archivio Capitolare di San Pietro (here-after ACSP), Armaria 19–20, Inventario no. 2, fol. 23^v: ‘Item liber musice in canto figurato bartholomeus de magister socittatis copertis tabulis de corio albo’. Ducrot, Ariane (‘Histoire de la Cappella Giulia au xvi^e siècle, depuis sa fondation par Jules ii (1513) jusqu'à sa restauration par Grégoire xiii (1578)’, Mélanges d'Archéologie et d'Histoire de l'École Française de Rome: Moyen Âge – Temps Modernes, 75 (1963), pp. 179–240, 467–559)CrossRefGoogle Scholar traces the choir's separate library up to 1598, until which time ‘la bibliothèque fut confiée à la seule responsabilité des chanteurs. Ils faisaient relier les livres, fabriquer des caisses ou des armoires’ (pp. 525–7).

²⁸ The manuscript was completed on 18 July 1475, according to a note on folio 423^v. Martinus de Rosa died just over a week later on 26 July. Müntz, Eugene (Les arts à la cour des papes pendant le XV^e et le XVI^e siècle, iii, Bibliothèque des Écoles Françaises d'Athènes et de Rome 28 (Paris, 1882), p. 268, n.)Google Scholar prints a contemporary inventory of objects Martinus left to San Pietro on his death, beginning with a reference to his missal: ‘Unum missale magnum et pulchrum’.

²⁹ Haberl (Haberl, F. X., ‘Die Römische “Schola cantorum” und die päpstlichen Kapellsänger bis zur Mitte des 16. Jahrhunderts’, Vierteljahrsschrift für Musikwissenschaft, 3 (1887), p. 50, n.)Google Scholar, wrongly counts him present in the choir during 1479.

³⁰ This is the source of Haberl's reference to ‘Nicholas Isquina’ in 1474; op. cit., p. 49, n.

³¹ Folios 87–87^v of ACSP, Armaria 47–50, Quietanza no. 6 (1474–5), are reproduced in Figures 6 and 7.

³² Conversion charts for the various currencies circulating in Rome at this time can be found in the following sources: Montel, R., ‘Un “casale” de la campagne romaine de la fin du xiv^e siècle au début du xviii^e: le domaine de Porto’, Mélanges d'Archéologie et d'Histoire de l'École Française de Rome: Moyen Âge – Temps Modernes, 83 (1971), pp. 85–7Google Scholar, discusses currencies used in the Censualia of San Pietro, and publishes an exchange table from G. Garampi's unpublished Saggi di osservazione sul valore delle antiche monete Ponteficie (1776), MS, in Rome, Accademia di Francia; Delumeau, J., La vie économique et sociale de Rome dans la seconde moitié du 16^e siècle, Bibliothèque des Écoles Françaises d'Athènes et de Rome 184, 2 vols. (Paris, 1957–1959), ii, pp. 656 ffGoogle Scholar; Hoffmann, W. V., Forschungen zur Geschichte der Kurialen Behorden, 2 vols. (Rome, 1914), ii, pp. 199–200Google Scholar.

³³ Hamm, ‘San Pietro b 80’, p. 42.

³⁴ It is worth noting that Ausquier was paid no more for his labours on the first seven fascicles than was the cartolario Johannes Fini. Johannes's fee takes into consideration not only the sheepskin, but also the preparation of this material. The dressing of parchment was a lengthy process, entailing cleaning, scraping, cutting and, in this case, folding and assembling into quinterns. Johannes Fini may be the ‘giovanni di Piero Fini’ paid on 26 April 1461 for preparing parchment quinterns for papal scribes; the payment has been printed in Müntz, and Fabre, , La Bibliothèque du Vatican au XV^e siècle, p. 129Google Scholar. The will of Cardinal Guillaume d'Estouteville also mentions ‘Johannes Fini cartulario’ regarding an inventory of the books in his library; see Müntz, , Les arts à la cour des papes, iii, p. 294Google Scholar.

³⁵ See note 18 above. Figure 8 reproduces Table 4, no. 19.

³⁶ Among the similarities are: the capital ‘E’ as in ‘Ego’ in each entry in the Quietanza and in San Pietro b 80 on folio 83^v, line 5; the final ‘s’ as in his first signature in the Quietanza and in San Pietro b 80 on folio 237, line 1, in ‘virgines’ and ‘vestras’. In both San Pietro b 80 and his receipts there are similar inconsistencies. See for instance the two forms of ‘r’ as in ‘camerario’ (bottom of Figure 6) and in San Pietro b 80 on folio 83^v, line 7, in ‘incarnatus’ and ‘virgine’; and also the ‘d’ as in the third line of his first Quietanza entry and in San Pietro b 80 on folio 83^v, lines 5 and 6 (straight stem) and folio 89^v, line 2 (looped stem).

³⁷ Paul ii's Bull of 19 April 1470, confirmed by Sixtus iv on 26 March 1472, proclaimed that Jubilee years would henceforth occur every twenty-fifth year, rather than, as was customary, every fiftieth; see Pastor, L., The History of the Popes, 40 vols. (St Louis, 1891–1953), iv, ed. and trans. Antrobus, F., pp. 117, 273ffGoogle Scholar.

³⁸ Whether or not the three hymns in the Magnificat section (fols. 194, 219, 228^v) should be considered part of the older manuscript is not clear.

³⁹ Table 4, no. 3b transmits a slightly different version of this notice. The date is given as 15 May (rather than 10 May) and no mention is made of the music having been composed (‘factis’). Yet there can be no questioning the fact that the two entries refer to the same payment. For 1461 two complete Libri exitus exist. The first, ACSP, Armaria 41–2, Censualia no. 8 (1461), Intorno iii, from which Table 4, no. 3b is taken, is in fact a tidy copy of the second, Censualia no. 8 (1461), Intorno iv. Priority is therefore given to the earlier version.

⁴⁰ Many of the Paduan records have been printed in Casimiri, R., ‘Musica e musicisti nella Cattedrale di Padova nei secoli xiv, xv, xvi’, Note d'Archivio per la Storia Musicale, 18 (1941), pp. 8–11, 152–6Google Scholar. For further details see Reynolds, ‘The Music Chapel at San Pietro in Vaticano’, chapter 6.

⁴¹ The fullest account of the conflict and exile is given in Zakythinos, D. A., Le despotat grec de Morée, 2 vols. (Paris, 1932–1953), i, pp. 241–90Google Scholar. See also Miller, W., The Latins in the Levant: A History of Frankish Greece (1204–1566) (Cambridge, 1908), pp. 444–54Google Scholar; Fallmerayer, J., Geschichte der Halbinsel Morea (Stuttgart, 1830), ii, pp. 400–9Google Scholar. The best description of Thomas's entrance into Rome is in Pastor, , History iii, pp. 249–51Google Scholar.

⁴² Pastor, op. cit., p. 251.

⁴³ I am very grateful to Dr Strohm for this information and for many other helpful suggestions. He has provided the following note:

The cantus firmus of the Missa Thomas cesus comes from the well-known rhymed office for St Thomas Becket of Canterbury (29 December) of the thirteenth century, Pastor caesus in gregis medio (Analecta Hymnica Medii Aevi, ed. Dreves, G. M., Blume, C. and Bannister, H. M., 55 vols. (Leipzig, 1886–1922), 13, no. 92)Google Scholar. It is probably of English origin, though Analecta Hymnica gives more continental than English sources for the text. Several other excerpts from the office were used in English polyphonic works of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries: Pastor caesus, Jacet granum oppressum palea, Opem nobis, o Thome, porrige, etc. Thanks to Karlheinz Schlager of Erlangen, who gave me access to the microfilm collection of liturgical manuscripts founded by Bruno Stäblein, I have so far identified the cantus firmus Thomas cesus in three continental manuscripts: Douai, Bibliothèque Municipale, MS 116 (antiphonary from the abbey of St Rictrud in Marchiennes, p. 15); Lübeck, Stadtbibliothek, MS 2°6 (from Lübeck Cathedral, a manuscript written by Herbord Kürler of Dortmund, dated 1397); Erfurt, Kreisbibliothek, MS Amplon. 8°44 (antiphonary, perhaps from Aachen, which also contains polyphony, p. 14). The passage is contained in the seventh responsory of Matins (mode 7), which reads as follows (quoted from Douai 116, fol. 60^v): ‘R Mundi florem a mundo conteri/Rachel plorans iam cessat conqueri/Thomas cesus dum datur funeri/Novus Abel succedit veteri. V. Vox cruoris vox sparsi cerebri/Celum replet clamore celebri.’ The melody of the cantus firmus in San Pietro b 80, however, seems slightly closer to the version preserved in Lübeck 2°6, a manuscript with apparently Hanseatic-Flemish connections. As long as not all surviving transcriptions of the chant melody have been compared with the cantus firmus in San Pietro, the provenance of the Mass cannot be established with certainty. (For the musical tradition of the Office in honour of St Thomas Becket of Canterbury, see Stäblein, B., Das Schriftbild der einstimmigen Musik, Musikgeschichte in Bildern iii/4 (Leipzig, 1975), pp. 162–5.)Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Hannas, R., ‘Concerning Deletions in the Polyphonic Mass Credo’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 5 (1952), p. 155CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Disagreement first came in Ford's, W. K. letter in Journal of the American Musicological Society, 7 (1954), pp. 170–2Google Scholar. More effective replies are in Kenney, S., Walter Frye and the Contenance Angloise (New Haven, 1964), pp. 52–3Google Scholar; Bent, M. and Bent, I., ‘Dufay, Dunstable, Plummer – a New Source’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 22 (1969), pp. 413–14CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Chew, G., ‘The Early Cyclic Mass as an Expression of Royal and Papal Supremacy’, Music and Letters, 53 (1972), pp. 260–2Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ This is according to the table of Garampi printed by Monel in ‘Un “casale” de la campagne romaine’, p. 87.

⁴⁶ In 1467 Johannes Raat and Johannes Cornuel were paid 21 bolognini for one Mass. Given the average length of one quintern per Mass, and the mid-1470 rate of 22 bolognini per quintern, it is safe to calculate the mid-1460 rate at one bolognini less.

⁴⁷ The only attribution Ausquier left in San Pietro b 80 is that to ‘F. Caron’. A close examination of his hand removes any doubt about this reading. Haberl (in ‘Wilhelm du Fay’, p. 471) and Eitner, Robert (in his Quellenlexikon, 10 vols. (Leipzig, 1900—1904), ii, p. 341Google Scholar) both misread it as ‘P. Caron’. Their error was pointed out in Thomson, J., An Introduction to Philippe (?) Caron (New York, 1964), p. 3Google Scholar. The only difference between the capital ‘S’ on folio 210^v and the ‘F’ on folio 99 is the crossbar which forms the ‘F’. Accompanying Ausquier's attribution is what I take to be a portrait (of Caron?) in the margin directly below the superius initial. It is definitely not one of Ausquier's grotesques, nor does it appear to be a caricature, but rather a profile of a man dressed in a cassock (see Figure 9).

⁴⁸ ‘Die dicta dicti mensis [31 March 1465] solvi philippo nostro cantori de voluntatis capituli ducatos duos quos donaverunt dicto philippo pro elemosina prime misse cantatis in ecclesia nostra,’ ACSP, Armaria 41–2, Censualia no. 10 (1465), Intorno iii, Liber exitus, fol. 52.

⁴⁹ Fox, C. W., ‘Barbireau and Barbingant: A Review’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 13 (1960), pp. 70–101Google Scholar; Hamm, C., ‘Another Barbingant Mass’, Essays in Musicology in Honor of Dragan Plamenac, ed. Reese, G. and Snow, J. (Pittsburgh, 1969), pp. 83–90Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ Hamm has twice shown this Mass to be by Barbingant. In addition to the stylistic similarities discussed in ‘Another Barbingant Mass’, he had previously identified one passage with an example in Tinctoris's Proportionale musices, see Hamm, ‘San Pietro b 80’, p. 43.

⁵¹ Oeuvres poétiques de Guillaume Crétin, ed. Chesney, K. (Paris, 1932), pp. 60–73Google Scholar.

⁵² A connection between Barbingant and Paris may exist in the two chansons with conflicting attributions to Barbingant. L'homme banni bears Barbingant's name in the Mellon Chansonnier (New Haven, Yale University, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, MS 91) and in Tinctoris's Proportionale musices, while it is attributed to Fede in Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Magl. 176. Au travail suis, ascribed to Barbingant in the Dijon Chansonnier (Dijon, Bibliothèque Municipale, MS 517) is attributed to Ockeghem in the Nivelle de la Chausée manuscript (Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale). Even if Barbingant was responsible for neither chanson, in each case the other attributee is a musician with strong ties with Paris: Ockeghem was in the service of three successive French monarchs from at least 1453 until his death in 1497, and Fede apparently spent most of the years between 1449 and 1474 in Paris (see Wright, C., ‘Dufay at Cambrai: Discoveries and Revisions’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 28 (1975), pp. 204–5)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵³ Frye's ballade is printed in the Walter Frye: Collected Works, ed. Kenney, S. W., Corpus Mensurabilis Musicae 19 (n.p., 1960)Google Scholar, and also in Kenney, S. W., ‘Contrafacta in the Works of Walter Frye’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 8 (1955), pp. 201–2CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁴ The Missa Soyez emprentich, anonymous in San Pietro b 80 is attributed to W. de Rouge in Trent, Castello del Buon Consiglio, Biblioteca della Soprintendenza, MS 90 (fols. 310^v – 318). W. de Rouge has on several occasions been identified with Guillaume Ruby, organist at Rouen in 1399, member of the royal chapel of Charles vi, and later at Burgundy under John the Fearless (1415) and Philip the Good (1430–51); see Bukofzer, M. F., ‘An Unknown Chansonnier of the 15th Century’ [the Mellon Chansonnier], Musical Quarterly, 28 (1942), p. 27Google Scholar; and Reese, G., Music in the Renaissance (2nd edn, New York, 1959), pp. 43, 92–3Google Scholar. However, it seems more likely that de Rouge is the Lerouge mentioned by Tinctoris in his Proportionale musices as the composer of a Missa Mon couer pleur, and the Le Rouge included by d'Amerval, Éloy in his Livre de la déablerie (Paria, 1508)Google Scholar, where he is placed alongside Ockeghem, Agricola and others. The ‘maistre Guillaume le Rouge’ listed in the chapel of Charles of Orleans in 1455 would be of the correct generation to fit these citations (see Dahnk, E., ‘Musikausübung an den Höfen von Burgund und Orleans während des 15. Jahrhunderts’, Archiv für Kulturgeschichte, 25 (1934), pp. 184–5)Google Scholar. Tinctoris also lived for a time in Orleans; he appears in the list of students at the university in 1462 (see Gotteri, N., ‘Quelques étudiants de l'université' d'Orléans en 1462’, Mélanges d'Archéologie et d'Histoire de l'École de Rome: Moyen Âge – Temps Modernes, 84 (1972), p. 557Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ Thomson, James (An Introduction to Philippe (?) Caron, pp. 4ff)Google Scholar identified the ‘Philippe le Caron’ listed among the choirboys at Cambrai with the composer of five extant Masses and some twenty chansons. Wright, (‘Dufay at Cambrai’, p. 205) shows that this list was made between 1469 and 1483 when Jean Hémart was magister puerorum, and is therefore too late to have included the composer of the Caron Mass in San Pietro b 80.

⁵⁶ Hamm, ‘San Pietro b 80’, pp. 45, 50–1. See also Kanazawa, , ‘Polyphonic Music for Vespers’, i, pp. 393–8Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ Adler, G. and Koller, O., eds., Sechs Trienter Codices: Erste Auswahl, Denkmäler der Tonkunst Österreich 14–15 (Vienna, 1900), p. xxGoogle Scholar. The suggestion of the editors that the codices were copied between 1444 and 1465 is no longer tenable. More recent investigations include Kanazawa's work on the watermarks and fascicle structure (‘Polyphonic Music for Vespers’, i, pp. 95ff); Ward, T. R., ‘The Structure of the Manuscript Trent 92/i’, Musica Disciplina, 29 (1975), pp. 127–47Google Scholar; Spilstead, G., ‘Towards the Genesis of the Trent Codices: New Directions and New Findings’, Studies in Music, 1 (1976), pp. 55–70Google Scholar. Spilstead argues for a compilation spanning approximately the years 1459–70 (p. 60–1).

⁵⁸ Adler, and Koller, , eds., Sechs Trienter Codices, p. xixGoogle Scholar; see also Gottlieb, L., ‘The Mass Cycles of Trent Codex 89’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of California, Berkeley, 1953), pp. 193–200Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ There is also a question about the identity of the Mass copied by the singers Johannes Raat and Johannes Cornuel into the libro ecclesie. Together they were paid 21 bolognini for transcribing one Mass on 30 November 1467 (see Table 4, no. 6).

⁶⁰ Houdoy, J., ‘Histoire artistique de la cathédrale de Cambrai’, Mémoires de la Société des Sciences de l'Agriculture et des Arts de Lille (Paris, 1880), pp. 195, 197Google Scholar.

⁶¹ Hamm noted that ‘the hand of the main scribe resembles that found in parts of Brussels 5557 and in the Mellon Chansonnier’, ‘San Pietro b 80’, p. 45. Rifkin, Joshua (‘Scribal Concordances for some Renaissance Manuscripts in Florentine Libraries’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 26 (1973), pp. 305–25)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, calls attention to instances in which one scribe copied the same piece into two different manuscripts.

⁶² On fifteenth-century construction in Rome in general, see Magnuson, T., Studies in Roman Quattrocento Architecture (Rome, 1958)Google Scholar. On the plans for rebuilding San Pietro formulated under Nicholas v, see pp. 163–214. Delumeau gives an overview in his La vie économique et sociale de Rome dans la seconde moitié du XVI^e siècle, i, including lists of churches (p. 257) and palazzi (p. 274) built in the fifteenth century.

⁶³ On the plans and construction of the new San Pietro see the comprehensive article, Frommel, C., ‘Die Peterskirche unter Papst Julius ii in Licht neuer Dokumente’, Römisches Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte, 16 (1976) pp. 57–131Google Scholar.