¹ For an introduction to sung liturgical poetry at Sankt Gallen that traces indirect witnesses back as far as the mid-ninth century and extends forwards mainly to the early eleventh century, see Arlt, W., ‘Liturgischer Gesang und gesungene Dichtung im Kloster St. Gallen’, in Ochsenbein, P. (ed.), Das Kloster St. Gallen im Mittelalter: Die kulturelle Blüte vom 8. bis zum 12. Jahrhundert (Stuttgart, 1999), pp. 137–65Google Scholar.

² For Notker’s celebrated cycle of sequences, see Bower, C., The Liber ymnorum of Notker Balbulus, 2 vols., Henry Bradshaw Society, 122–3 (London, 2016)Google Scholar, which follows on from von den Steinen, W., Notker der Dichter und seine geistige Welt, 2 vols. (Berne, 1948)Google Scholar. On the earliest sources for the Liber ymnorum, see Rankin, S., ‘The Earliest Sources of Notker’s Sequences: St Gallen, Vadiana 317, and Paris, Bibliothèque nationale lat. 10587’, Early Music History, 10 (1991), pp. 201–33CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³ The poetry of Ratpert is discussed in at length in Stotz, P., Ardua spes mundi: Studien zu lateinischen Gedichten aus Sankt Gallen (Berne, 1972), pp. 15–130Google Scholar. Melodies that can be securely reconstructed are found in Hymnen I: Die mittelalterliche Hymnenmelodien des Abendlandes, ed. B. Stäblein (Kassel and Basel, 1956), nos. 1018–1021. The relation between music and poetry in the processional versus repertory recorded in Sankt Gallen 484 and 381 is discussed in E. Stratton Hild, ‘Verse, Music, and Notation: Observations on Settings of Poetry in Sankt Gallen’s Ninth- and Tenth-Century Manuscripts’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Colorado, 2014), pp. 58–113.

⁴ Ten of the versified Introit tropes found in Sankt Gallen manuscripts before 1000 are labelled ‘dubia’ in von den Steinen’s edition: Notker der Dichter, Editionsband, pp. 152–4. On the hymnic forms of the Introit cycle, see Björkvall, G. and Haug, A., ‘Tropentypen in Sankt Gallen’, in Arlt, W. and Björkvall, G. (eds.), Recherches nouvelles sur les tropes liturgiques, Acta Universitatis Stockholmiensis. Studia Latina Stockholmiensia, XXXVI (Stockholm, 1993), pp. 119–74Google Scholar, at pp. 130–8; and Björkvall, G. and Haug, A., ‘Primus init Stephanus: Eine Sankt Galler Prudentius-Vertonung aus dem zehnten Jahrhundert’, Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, 49 (1992), pp. 57–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar. To the notated sources listed in the latter should be added the neumed text in the upper margin of Leiden Burm. Q. 3, fol. 181^v.

⁵ On the poems added to Naples IV. G. 68, see Schaller, D., ‘Frühmittelalterliche lateinische Dichtung in einer ehemals St. Galler Handschrift’, Zeitschrift für deutsches Altertum und deutsche Literatur, 93 (1964), pp. 272–91Google Scholar. For plates and detailed discussion of the neumes, see Jammers, E., ‘Rhythmen und Hymnen in einer St. Galler Handschrift des 9. Jahrhunderts’, in Ruhnke, M. (ed.), Festschrift Bruno Stäblein zum 70. Geburtstag (Kassel, 1967), pp. 134–42Google Scholar. The hands that added the poetry are dated to the later ninth and early tenth century in Rankin, S., ‘The Song School of St Gall in the Later Ninth Century’, in King, J. C. (ed.), The Arts and Letters in Medieval and Baroque St Gall Viewed from the Twentieth Century (New York, 1993), pp. 173–98Google Scholar, at p. 176 and p. 195.

⁶ On Sankt Gallen as a centre, see the overview in A. Haug, ‘Sankt Gallen’, Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, new edn, ed. L. Finscher (Kassel, 1998), Sachteil 8, cols. 948–69, esp. §§III (‘Phasen musikbezogener Aktivität’) and IV (‘Aspekte der Zentralität’). On layers in the trope repertory, see Arlt, W. and Rankin, S., Stiftsbibliothek Sankt Gallen Codices 484 & 381, 3 vols. (Winterthur, 1996Google Scholar), i. ‘Einordnungen und Ausblick: Conclusions and Perspectives’, pp. 165–73; and Rankin, S., ‘From Tuotilo to the First Manuscripts: The Shaping of a Trope Repertory at St Gall’, in Björkvall, Arlt (eds.), Recherches nouvelles, pp. 395–413Google Scholar.

⁷ The idea that there was a ‘song school’ at Sankt Gallen crystallised as early as the mid-nineteenth century; see Anselm Schübiger, P., Die Sangerschüle St. Gallens vom achten bis zwölften Jahrhundert: Ein Beitrag zur Gesangsgeschichte des Mittelalters (Einsiedeln and New York, 1858)Google Scholar. The complementary notion that there was a school of poetry at Sankt Gallen was fully articulated by the turn of the twentieth century; see von Winterfeld, P., ‘Die Dichterschule St. Gallens und der Reichenau unter den Karolingern und Ottonen’, Neue Jahrbücher für das klassische Altertum, Geschichte und deutsche Litteratur und für Pädagogik, 5 (1900), pp. 341–61Google Scholar. For an early expression of the view that Sankt Gallen was a centre for all the liberal arts with a ‘golden period’ from the second half of the ninth century onwards that reached its zenith during the abbacy of Salomo (890–920), see Clark, J. M., The Abbey of St Gall as a Centre of Literature and Art (Cambridge, 1926), esp. pp. 285–95Google Scholar.

⁸ A direct link between political freedoms gained by the Abbey in the first half of the ninth century and its subsequent cultural flourishing is often asserted. To cite one relatively recent example: ‘Emperor Louis the Pious granted immunity to the abbey in 818, Louis the German extended this privilege in 833 by granting the free election of the abbot, and in 854 the last obligations to pay tribute to the Bishop of Constance were lifted. Now the framework was created in which St. Gall in the following centuries could develop fully in a spiritual and cultural sense and achieve a hitherto unseen brilliance’; Vogler, W., ‘Historical Sketch of the Abbey of St. Gall’, in King, J. C. (trans. and ed.) and Vogler, W. (ed.), The Culture of the Abbey of St. Gall: An Overview (Stuttgart and Zurich, 1991), p. 13Google Scholar.

⁹ Ratpert St. Galler Klostergeschichten (Casus sancti Galli), ed. and trans. H. Steiner, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores in rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum separatim editi, 75 (Hannover, 2002); and Ekkehard IV: St Galler Klostergeschichten, ed. and trans. H. F. Haefele, Ausgewählte Quellen zur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters, 10 (Darmstadt, 1980).

¹⁰ Arlt noted that Leiden Voss. lat. Q. 69 had implications for the musical performance of rhythmical poetry as an aside in his survey of sung liturgical poetry at Sankt Gallen: Arlt, ‘Liturgischer Gesang’, p. 163. For catalogue descriptions of the manuscript, see de Meyier, K. A., Codices Vossiani Latini, 4 vols. (Leiden, 1973–84), ii. 159–63Google Scholar; and Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts in Microfiche Facsimile, 13: Manuscripts in the Low Countries, ed. R. H. Bremmer, Jr. and K. Dekker (Tempe, AZ, 2006), no. 157 (pp. 89–105).

¹¹ At the end of the first section, the final three leaves of gathering II before the opening of the glossary on fol. (20^r) were cut to stubs. At the end of the second section, the final gathering (VI) consists of a singleton followed by three leaves from an originally larger quire of twelve folios.

¹² A switch to 36 lines from the glossary onwards seems to have been motivated by an intent to complete it within three gatherings. When the text spilled over into the first column of a third gathering, the opening recto maintained 36 lines, which accords with the previous verso on the same opening, before reverting to 35 lines for the remainder of the gathering. A final increase to 37 lines occurs at the beginning of the final gathering, which may have been an attempt to complete the copying of the Pliny extracts on as few folios as possible.

¹³ For a detailed account of the work of two scribes in copying the glossary, see Hessels, J. H., A Late Eighth-Century Anglo-Saxon Glossary Preserved in the Library of the Leiden University (MS. Voss. Q^o lat. No. 69) (Cambridge, 1906), pp. xix–xxGoogle Scholar.

¹⁴ Traube’s dating (‘fere 800 … vel s. ix in.’) is reported in PLAC IV.2, p. 449. Bischoff notes ‘der Leidener Codex aus Sankt Gallen von etwa 800’ in his ‘Gottschalks Lied für den Reichenauer Freund’, MS II, pp. 26–34, at p. 26; cf. Bischoff, KfH II, no. 2222 (‘St. Gallen, VIII./IX. Jh.’). Lowe writes ‘Saec. VIII/IX … Written presumably at St. Gall, as script and contents of the attached thirteenth-century texts suggest’; CLA X, no. 1585.

¹⁵ i.e. a Sankt Gallen charter copied by Manegold, Dean of Sankt Gallen and dated 1262; he also added a list of the abbots of Sankt Gallen from 720 to 1277.

¹⁶ Foundational studies of scripts used at Sankt Gallen and Reichenau highlighted the particular difficulty of distinguishing between the work of the two centres around the turn of the century on purely palaeographical grounds: see, especially, Löffler, K., ‘Die Sankt Galler Schreibschule in der 2. Hälfte des 8. Jahrhunderts’, Palaeographia Latina, 6 (1929), pp. 5–66Google Scholar, at p. 35, and A. Bruckner, ‘Die Bibliothek und Schreibschule St. Gallens VII.–XII. S.’, Scriptoria medii aevi Helvetica III: Schreibschulen der Diözese Konstanz – St. Gallen II (Geneva, 1938), 20. Bernhard Bischoff underlined these difficulties, while pointing to the utility of the Sankt Gallen charters for determining relative chronology given the proximity between charter scripts and the bookhand at Sankt Gallen: see the summary provided in B. Bischoff, ‘Panorama der Handschriftenüberlieferung aus der Zeit Karls des Großen’, MS III, pp. 5–38, at pp. 21–2. Several manuscripts written in Alemannic minuscule previously assumed to have been copied at Sankt Gallen have recently been attributed to Reichenau; see Maag, N., Alemannische Minuskel (744–846 n.Chr.): Frühe Schriftkultur im Bodenseeraum und Voralpenland, Quellen und Untersuchungen zur Lateinischen Philologie des Mittelalters, 18 (Stuttgart, 2014Google Scholar), Part III: ‘St. Gallen und Reichenau – Ähnlichkeiten und Verschiedenheiten’. Leiden Voss lat. Q. 69 is not mentioned in Maag’s study: see, further, D. Ganz’s review in Peritia, 27 (2016), pp. 275–7.

¹⁷ Key features include the use of both cc and minuscule a, t with a beam that sometimes curls on its left-hand side (but rarely back down to the line), a g that is at times in a classic 3-form but at times pulls diagonally to the right below the line, and r and s forms that mostly sit on the line. A large number of r ligatures are used (with all vowels, also rt and rp), as well as nt within and at the end of words, and there is the occasional use of a subscript i joined to n. The mainly rustic capital forms (with occasional uncial A, D and E forms) feature U, N and V forms with right-hand descenders often running below the line and sometimes curling to left, and a L whose lower stroke extends and curves below the line. On the presence of these features in Alemannic minuscule scripts in sources copied c. 800, see Maag, Alemannische Minuskel, pp. 54–68, noting in particular the plates and descriptions of Sankt Gallen 6 and Sankt Gallen 12 (both s. viii–ix, Sankt Gallen), and Colmar 15 (s. viii–ix, Reichenau).

¹⁸ Similarly formed capitals and initials can be seen in Quodvultus’s compendium of scriptural testimonies relating to salvation history, Liber promissionum et praedictorum Dei (Sankt Gallen 185), Isidore of Seville’s Sententiae (Sankt Gallen 228) and lives of ancient Roman Saints (Sankt Gallen 548), all of which were copied in the late eighth century. See von Euw, A., Die St. Galler Buchkunst vom 8. bis zum Ende des 11. Jahrhunderts, 2 vols., Monasterium Sancti Galli, 3 (Sankt Gallen, 2008Google Scholar), II Tafelband Abb. 30–40 for images of initials from Sankt Gallen 124, 185, 228, 548 and 567, all of which are assigned to the last thirty years of the eighth century. Von Euw does not include Leiden Voss. Lat. Q. 69 in his discussion entitled ‘Die Dichtungen des Prudentius in der St. Galler Überlieferung bis zu Sang. 135 (Nr. 167)’, vol. I, Textband, pp. 283–94. Maag assigns a date of ‘s. viii ex’ to Sankt Gallen 185, 228, 548 and 876, giving an origin of ‘Reichenau? St Gallen?’, whereas Sankt Gallen 133 is listed as ‘s. viii–ix, St Gall?’: Maag, Alemannische Minuskel, ‘VII. Katalog 1. Codices’.

¹⁹ For an introduction to the copying of insular texts at Sankt Gallen during this period, see J. Duft, ‘Irish Monks and Irish Manuscripts in St. Gall’, in King and Vogler (eds.), The Culture of the Abbey, pp. 119–32. For a survey placing the survival of Old High German at Sankt Gallen in a wider context, see S. Sonderegger, ‘German Language and Literature in St. Gall’, ibid., pp. 161–84, esp. pp. 166–8, and Sonderegger, ‘Althochdeutsch in St. Gallen’, in Ochsenbein (ed.), Das Kloster St. Gallen im Mittelalter, pp. 205–22.

²⁰ Bruckner, ‘Die Bibliothek und Schreibschule’, p. 20; von Euw, Die St. Galler Buchkunst, I: Textband, pp. 37–40.

²¹ Alcuin’s dedicatory verses (fol. 19^r–v) seem originally to have ended the series of epigrams and inscriptions. The extended ‘l’ of the ascenders used for the title of the prayer by Eugenius of Toledo that immediately follows (fol. 19^v) indicates the work of a new scribe, who also employs extended ascenders and descenders for ‘s’ in the text of the metrical prayer. The use of uncial ‘a’ and ‘m’ forms in the title of the Dynamius text similarly sets the addition apart as the work of a new scribe.

²² McClendon, C. B., ‘Aachen: Buildings: Palatine Chapel: Architecture’, in The Dictionary of Art, i: A to Anckerman, ed. Turner, J. and Brigstocke, H. (New York, 1996), pp. 2–4Google Scholar.

²³ Bremmer, R. H. Jr., ‘Leiden, Universiteitsbibliotheek, Vossianus Latinus Q. 69 (Part 2): Schoolbook or Proto-Encyclopaedic Miscellany?’, in Bremmer, R. H. Jr. and Dekker, K. (eds.), Practice in Learning: The Transfer of Encyclopaedic Knowledge in the Early Middle Ages (Paris, 2010), pp. 19–53Google Scholar.

²⁴ Lapidge, M., ‘The School of Theodore and Hadrian’, Anglo-Saxon England, 15 (1986), pp. 58–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For an edition of the glossary, see Hessels, A Late Eighth-Century Latin-Anglo-Saxon Glossary.

²⁵ Almost all the extracts are identified in Bremmer, Jr., ‘Leiden, Vossianus Lat. Q. 69 (Part 2)’, pp. 28–48.

²⁶ For the exegetical notes, see Biblical Commentaries from the Canterbury School of Theodore and Hadrian, ed. B. Bischoff and M. Lapidge (Cambridge, 1994), Appendix I, pp. 546–7.

²⁷ For the excerpts, see Rück, K., Die Naturalis Historia des Plinius im Mittelalter: Exzerpte aus der Naturalis historia auf den Bibliotheken zu Lucca, Paris und Leiden (Munich, 1898), i, pp. 257–87Google Scholar. For further comment, see Biblical Commentaries, ed. Bischoff and Lapidge, p. 545, and the summary discussion in Reynolds, L. D. (ed.), Texts and Transmission: A Survey of the Latin Classics (Oxford, 1983), pp. 110–11Google Scholar.

²⁸ Desanges, J., ‘Le manuscrit (Ch) et la classe des “recentiores” perturbés de l’Histoire Naturelle de Pline l’Ancien’, Latomus, 25 (1966), p. 509Google Scholar.

²⁹ Epistolae Karolini Aevi 2, ed. E. Dümmler, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Epistolarum 4 (Berlin, 1895), pp. 228–30 (Alcuini epistolae no. 144).

³⁰ See further, with specific reference to the collection in Leiden Voss. lat. Q. 69, Lendinara, P., ‘Gregory, Damasus and Anglo-Saxon England’, in Bremmer, R. H. Jr, Dekker, K. and Johnson, D. F. (eds.), Rome and the North: The Early Reception of Gregory the Great in Germanic Europe (Paris, Leuven and Sterling, VA, 2001), pp. 137–56Google Scholar, at pp. 150–1.

³¹ For the Anthologia Isidoriana, see de Rossi, G. B., Inscriptiones christianae urbis Romae septimo saeculo antiquiores, 2 vols. (Rome, 1857–88), ii/1, pp. 250–4Google Scholar.

³² In short, in Leiden Voss. lat. Q. 69 the auto-epitaph of Pope Damasus and the poem dedicated to St Augustine’s mother, Monica, are removed from their customary positions as nos. 1 and 2 respectively in the Anthologia Isidoriana and placed at the end of the selection of epigrams and tituli from this collection.

³³ The addition to the previously blank folio before this section of an epigram by Pope Damasus on St Paul that circulated widely in insular sources also points in this direction without providing any definitive evidence: see Lendinara, ‘Gregory, Damasus and Anglo-Saxon England’, pp. 150–1.

³⁴ See Jeudy, C., ‘Fragments carolingiens de la grammaire de Dynamius (ms Darmstadt 3303)’, in Law, V. (ed.), History of Linguistic Thought in the Early Middle Ages (Amsterdam, 1993), pp. 127–44CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁵ Evidence from literary witnesses and library catalogues for the place of Prudentian poetry within a canon of texts used in teaching in the Carolingian era is collected together as part of a wider survey in Günter Glauche, Schullektüre im Mittelalter: Entstehung und Wandlungen des Lektürekanons bis 1200 nach den Quellen dargestellt, Münchener Beiträge zur Mediävistik und Renaissance-Forschung, 5 (Munich, 1970), pp. 10–61. An overview that sketches a gradual decline in the use of Christian epic poets, including Prudentius, in texts used in teaching from the high point of the Carolingian era through to a preference for classical poets c. 1100 is provided in Glauche, ‘Die Rolle der Schulautoren im Unterricht von 800 bis 1100’, in La scuola nell’Occidente latino dell’alto Medioevo II, 2 vols., Settimane di studio del Centro Italiano di studi sull’alto Medioevo, 19 (Spoleto, 1972), ii. pp. 617–38.

³⁶ See, principally, Bourgain, P., ‘Qu’est-ce qu’un vers au Moyen Âge?’, Bibliothèque de l’École des Chartes, 147 (1989), pp. 231–82, esp. pp. 266–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Parkes, M. B., Pause & Effect: An Introduction to the History of Punctuation in the West (Aldershot, 1992), pp. 97–8Google Scholar.

³⁷ Parkes, Pause & Effect, p. 98.

³⁸ See Strecker, K., ‘Zu den karolingischen Rhythmen’, Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde, 34 (1909), pp. 599–652Google Scholar, which paved the way for Strecker’s monumental edition of rhythmi, in which the Leiden manuscript took pride of place as one of four manuscripts transmitting series of rhythmi then considered to have been copied at Sankt Gallen: PLAC IV. 2, p. 454. A critique of Strecker’s notion of a Sankt Gallen exemplar for the Carolingian dissemination of rhythmi, which follows consideration of many of the poems in Leiden Voss. lat. Q. 69 as individual items with ultimately unreconstructable histories of transmission, is to be found in Norberg, D., La poésie latine rhythmique du haut moyen âge, Studia Latina Holmiensia, 2 (Stockholm, 1954)Google Scholar, ch. 11 (‘Les recueils des chants rhythmiques’), pp. 112–14. More recent studies of the rhythmi in the Leiden collection in the context of other Carolingian verse collections include Bourgain, P., ‘Les recueils carolingiens de poésie rythmique’, in Holtz, Louis et al. (eds.), De Tertullien aux Mozarabes: Mélanges offerts à Jacques Fontaine, à l’occasion de son 70e anniversaire, par ses élèves, amis et collègues, 3 vols. (Paris, 1992), ii, pp. 117–27Google Scholar, at pp. 121–2; and, in partial defence of Strecker, F. Stella, La poesia carolingia latina a tema biblico (Spoleto, 1993), pp. 421–6.

³⁹ The Cambridge Songs (Carmina Cantabrigiensia), ed. and trans. J. M. Ziolkowski (Tempe, AZ, 1998), p. lv. Ziolkowski makes clear at several points his debt to Hans Spanke’s notion of the Cambridge Songs as a ‘Liederbuch’: Spanke, H., ‘Ein lateinisches Liederbuch des 11. Jahrhunderts’, Studi Medievali, ns 15 (1942), pp. 111–42Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ With respect to Brussels 8860–8867, Paris 1154 and Berne 455 respectively, see Barrett, S., ‘The Sponsorship of Early Medieval Latin Song: The Musical Evidence of Two Carolingian Poetic Collections’, in Binski, P. and New, E. A. (eds.), Patrons and Professionals in the Middle Ages, Harlaxton Medieval Studies, 22 (Donington, 2012), pp. 122–40Google Scholar, at pp. 131–40; Barrett, , ‘New Light on the Earliest Medieval Songbook’, in Deeming, H. and Leach, E. E. (eds.), Manuscripts and Medieval Song: Inscription, Performance, Context (Cambridge, 2015), pp. 9–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Barrett, ‘Glimpses of Carolingian Song: A Laon Verse Collection Reconsidered’, in G. M. Boone (ed.), Music in the Carolingian World: Witnesses to a Metadiscipline (Turnhout, forthcoming).

⁴¹ The opening forty-four lines copied here are replete with allusions to singing and the incarnation drawn from Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel and the Psalms. The Leiden manuscript is the earliest explicitly to attribute the poem to Fortunatus, whose authorship remains disputed. For the complete poem, a French translation and a defence of Fortunatus’s authorship, see Venance Fortunat: Poèmes, ed. and trans. M. Reydellet, 3 vols. (Paris, 1994–2004), iii, pp. 140–4 and pp. 165–9.

⁴² For further discussion of the ordering of the poetry in Berne 455 and Verona LXXXVIII, see Barrett, ‘Glimpses of Carolingian Song’.

⁴³ On the ordering of versus in Brussels 8860–8867, see Barrett, S., ‘Music and Writing: On the Compilation of Paris Bibliothèque Nationale lat. 1154’, Early Music History, 16 (1997), pp. 65–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁴ The earliest securely datable example of neumatic notation has been assigned to 820–40; see Rankin, Susan, Writing Sounds in Carolingian Europe: The Invention of Musical Notation (Cambridge, 2018), pp. 77–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁵ The number of c. 30 notated non-liturgical rhythmi before c. 900 is reached by adding together the twenty-eight rhythmi in CRM, and the notation for Bachifer, eia not included in that volume, for details of which see B. Bischoff, ‘Caritas-Lieder’, MS II, pp. 70–1, and Rankin, Writing Sounds, pp. 101, 102, 131 and 246.

⁴⁶ An indication of the scope of the field to be considered is provided by Dronke, P., ‘Generi letterari della poesia ritmica altomedievale’, in Stella, F. (ed.), Poesia dell’alto Medioevo europeo: Manoscritti, lingua e musica dei ritmi latini (Florence, 2000), pp. 171–85Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ Schaller, ‘Frühmittelalterliche lateinische Dichtung’, pp. 274 and 289.

⁴⁸ F. Stella, ‘Ante saecula et mundi principio’, CRM, pp. 91–2.

⁴⁹ In addition, the poem retelling the story of Dives and Lazarus (Homo quidam, no. 13) survives with notation in three manuscripts beyond Sankt Gallen before the end of the eleventh century. In all three manuscripts, it appears with the first strophe used as a refrain, and in two it appears within liturgical sources, strongly implying later adaptation as a processional song: see S. Barrett, ‘Homo quidam’, CRM, pp. 283–92.

⁵⁰ Haug, A., ‘Ritual and Repetition: The Ambiguities of Refrains’, in Holger Petersen, N. et al. (eds.), The Appearances of Medieval Rituals: The Play of Construction and Modification (Turnhout, 2004), pp. 83–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵¹ CRM, p. 95.

⁵² Ibid.

⁵³ PLAC IV. 2, nos. 41 and 7.

⁵⁴ PLAC IV. 2, no. 38.

⁵⁵ On rhythmi that draw on Mozarabic preces, see Norberg, D., Introduction à l’étude de la versification latine médiévale (Acta Universitatis Stockholmiensis, Studia Latina Stockholmiensia, 5 (Stockholm, 1958), pp. 149–60Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ Haug, ‘Ritual and Repetition’, p. 93.

⁵⁷ A second refrain, Beata virgo et dei genetrix, appears only at the very end of the poem as copied in Leiden Voss. lat. Q. 69. There was evidently some flexibility in practice as Beata virgo is the sole refrain in the version found in the Brussels versus collection, where it blurs the boundary between strophe and refrain by appearing initially as part of the angel’s speech in the Annunciation scene: see PLAC IV.2, no. 6 and Haug, ‘Rituals and Repetition’, pp. 87–8.

⁵⁸ CRM, p. 74.

⁵⁹ Cf. PLAC IV.2, nos. 15, 42, 45, 47 and PLAC III, p. 404.

⁶⁰ For the sources of the Harrowing of Hell passages, which are identified as Pseudo-Augustine Sermo 160 and fragments from sermons by Eusebius ‘Gallicanus’ incorporated within it, see Z. Izydorczyk, ‘The Evangelium Nicodemi in the Latin Middle Ages’, in Z. Izydorczyk (ed.), The Medieval Gospel of Nicodemus: Texts, Intertexts, and Contexts in Western Europe, Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies, 158 (Tempe, AZ, 1997), pp. 43–102 at p. 98.

⁶¹ PLAC IV. 2, no. 42. The translation of the X and Y strophes follows a number of suggestions made in Norberg, La poésie latine rhythmique, p. 58. The manuscript reading, ‘abbati’, in line 5 of the X strophe is retained: the passage recalls the eleemosynary duties of religious communities on high feasts as described in Luke 14:13–14: ‘Cum facis convivium, voca pauperes, debiles, claudos, et caecos: et beatus eris, quia non habent retribuere tibi.’ I thank Christopher Jones for considerable assistance in understanding and translating an obscure text.

⁶² Norberg, La poésie latine rhythmique, pp. 54–9. See, further, Stella, La poesia carolingia, pp. 436–8.

⁶³ See, for example, my comments on the shortened versions of versus by Paulinus of Aquileia in CRM, namely Fuit Domini (pp. 230–1), Gloriam Deo (p. 250) and Tertio in flore (pp. 425–6).

⁶⁴ A number of abecedary poems of fewer than fifteen strophes are transmitted alongside full-length abecedary poems in Verona XC, for a brief introduction to which see CRM, pp. cxiv–cxv. The shorter abecedary poems cover a range of different genres and there is no indication that they were originally longer compositions. In the 10–15 strophe range are nos. 45, 48, 50, 62; shorter poems are nos. 54, 57, 63 and 64 (numbers refer to PLAC IV.2).

⁶⁵ The copying of Theodefrid’s Ante saecula terminates after an L strophe in which the final line is entirely omitted: see Strecker’s notes in PLAC IV.2, p. 562. For extended discussion of the increasing difficulties in the text of Angelus venit de caelo, which breaks off following an L strophe in which neither line is regular and the readings become deeply problematic, see Strecker, ‘Zu den karolingischen Rhythmen’, pp. 612–18.

⁶⁶ In the two earlier cases of truncated abecedary poems, precisely one column was left blank, which suggests a mechanical solution to the problem of completion. If a gap was originally left after Aquarum meis on fol. 13^v, it would have been one column and six lines, which is precisely the amount of space taken up for strophes M to the end of the previous poem De bone sacerdote. In other words, the space left may have been a deliberate calculation in this instance.

⁶⁷ See, further, Norberg, La poésie latine rhythmique, ch. 7 (‘Versus de Asia et de universi mundi rota’).

⁶⁸ Line numbers for the Western Hymn Tradition are provided as indications of general practice in adapting Prudentian poetry for liturgical use rather than as an attempt to trace historical derivation. Line numbers are derived from the texts as edited in AH 50, which for the most part reproduces texts from hymnals, tropers and sequentiaries dating from the eleventh century onwards. Exceptions include LC 1, 2a, 2b, which appear as part of the earliest layer of the New Hymnal. Processional hymns appear not to have achieved standardised forms: LC 3–5 appear in a wide range of different versions from the twelfth century onwards; the versions given here follow the selection of sources cited in AH 50. A few hymns beginning with internal lines (LC 6b, 9b and LP 6b) seemingly derive from the Old Spanish hymn tradition. They are included since they reflect similar line choices for hymns at the end of poems and are also recorded in a handful of early non-liturgical Frankish sources. LC 10 is aligned with the Old Spanish tradition given the proximity of the selection, the isolated use of the hymn in the Spanish Office of the Dead, and the absence of a comparable hymn in the Western tradition. For an account of Prudentian centos in the Old Spanish rite, see AH 27, pp. 35–41.

⁶⁹ It appears as part of a series of conductus for use on Easter day in Madrid 289, fol. 145^v, under the rubric Conductus episcopi ad mensam Salve, festa dies. O crucifer. Pastis visceribus: see Arlt, Wulf, Ein Festoffizium aus Beauvais in seiner liturgischen und musikalischen Bedeutung, 2 vols. (Cologne, 1970)Google Scholar, Darstellungsband, p. 225. Cf. Udine 2, fol. 86^r–v, a fourteenth-century Gradual from Mositz (Moggio), with the rubric In die sancto paschae. Versus post cibum.

⁷⁰ The orthography of the Latin texts discussed here and immediately below follows Aurelii Prudentii Clementis carmina, ed. M. P. Cunningham, Corpus Christianorum Series Latina, 126 (Turnhout, 1966), pp. 19 and 22 (LC 4), and pp. 29 and 34 (LC 6). Translations are lightly adapted from Prudentius’ Hymns for Hours and Seasons: Liber Cathemerinon, trans. N. Richardson (London and New York, 2016), pp. 43, 46, 51 and 54–5.

⁷¹ Cultor Dei is found as a Compline hymn in the Old Spanish tradition; see AH 27, p. 37. The rubric Ymnus ad Completorium is found before the line beginning Cultor Dei in LC 6 in a complete copy of the works of Prudentius transmitted in Berne 394, which suggests that the Old Spanish tradition was known in Western Francia by c. 900. As early as the second quarter of the ninth century, these lines are set apart in another Prudentius codex, Leiden Burm. Q. 3, which was copied at St-Denis: see Bischoff, KfH II, no. 2177.

⁷² i.e. the LC Preface (full), followed by LC 3–11 (the opening 8 strophes each); LC 11 is preceded by LP 4 (str. 1–8), 13 (lines 1–28) and 3 (str. 1–6), and followed by the preface to the Psychomachia. For discussion of the verse contents of Berne 455 paying particular attention to the Prudentian metra, see Barrett, ‘Glimpses of Carolingian Song’, and Barrett, ‘Neumes in a Ninth-Century Verse Collection and the Early History of Messine Notation at Laon’, Études Grégoriennes, 40 (2013), pp. 161–89, at pp. 166–77.

⁷³ Milan D. 36 sup. CLA III, no. 331. On the poetic addition (quo beatae trinitatis concinatur gloria), see Cunningham, M. P., ‘The Nature and Purpose of the Peristephanon of Prudentius’, Sacris Euridiri, 14 (1963), pp. 40–5CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at p. 43. Cunningham also suspects that the Trinitarian doxology at the end of Inventor rutili (LC 5, 161–4) was an early addition to Prudentius’s text.

⁷⁴ Paris lat. 8084. CLA V, no. 571a.

⁷⁵ LC 1, 2a and 2b in Table 3. On the drawing up of the New Hymnal at the court of Louis the Pious in the 820s, see Bullough, D. A. and Harting-Corrêa, A. L., ‘Texts, Chant, and the Chapel of Louis the Pious’, in Godman, P. and Collins, R. (eds.), Charlemagne’s Heir: New Perspectives on the Reign of Louis the Pious (814–40) (Oxford, 1990), pp. 489–508Google Scholar. For a defence of the traditional association of the spread of the New Hymnal with the reforming work of Benedict of Aniane and his contemporaries, see Gneuss, Helmut, ‘Zur Geschichte des Hymnars’, in Haug, A., März, C., Welker, L. and Marz, A. (eds.), Der Lateinische Hymnus im Mittelalter: Uberlieferung, Ästhetik, Ausstrahlung, Monumenta Monodica Medii Aevi, Subsidia, 4 (Kassel and London, 2004), pp. 63–86Google Scholar, at pp. 72–4. Jullien has placed the origins of the New Hymnal even earlier, arguing that it emerged from experiments in the circle of Alcuin: see Jullien, Marie-Hélène, ‘Les hymnes dans le milieu Alcuinien’, in Holtz, Louis, Fredouille, Jean-Claude and Jullien, M. H. (eds.), De Tertullien aux Mozarabes, ii: Antiquité tardive et christianisme ancien (VIe–IXe siècles) (Paris, 1992), pp. 171–82Google Scholar, and earlier Gy, P.-M., ‘Le trésor des hymnes’, La Maison-Dieu, 173 (1988), pp. 19–40Google Scholar, at p. 25.

⁷⁶ The dividing lines are found for Ales diei nuntius (LC 1) 1–4, 81 and 97 and Nox et tenebrae (LC 2) 1–4, 57, 97, 100 and 105. The former suggests an abridged form nearly identical to the New Hymnal form (1–8, 81–94, 97–100). The latter marks out lines from both of the hymns drawn from this poem in the New Hymnal, i.e. Nox ex tenebrae (1–8, 48–49–52–57, and 59–60–67–68) and Lux ecce surgit (25–93–94, 96–108).

⁷⁷ See Barrett, ‘Neumes in a Ninth-Century Verse Collection’, pp. 169–76, for preliminary demonstration.

⁷⁸ Prudentii poetae opera, ed. A. Manutius, Poetae Christiani veteres, 1 (Venice, 1501).

⁷⁹ Bergman, J., ‘De codicum Prudentianorum generibus et virtute’, Sitzungsberichte der philosophisch-historischen Klasse der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaftlichen, 157 (1908), no. V, pp. 1–64, esp. pp. 6–26Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ ‘on ne trouve aucun principe d’organisation de ces poèmes dans les manuscrits, quel que soit le critère envisagé (forme métrique, origine des martyrs, calendrier liturgique)’; Fux, P.-Y., Les sept passions de Prudence (Fribourg, 2003), p. 89Google Scholar. For the suggestion that metrical patterning lies behind the ordering in the Aa and Ab traditions, see Ludwig, W., ‘Die christliche Dichtung des Prudentius und die Transformation der klassichen Gattungen’, in Fuhrmann, M. (ed.), Christianisme et formes littéraires de l’antiquité tardive en Occident, Entretiens sur l’antiquité classique, 23 (Geneva, 1977), pp. 303–63Google Scholar. Most recently, it has been argued that the Ba ordering tradition structures an imaginative journey for the reader, beginning in northern Spain and circling the Mediterranean before returning again: see O’Hogan, C., Prudentius and the Landscapes of Late Antiquity (Oxford, 2016), pp. 30–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸¹ Bergman, ‘De codicum Prudentianorum’, pp. 24–34.

⁸² ‘Fecit et in laudem martyrum sub aliquorum nominibus invitatorium ad martyrium librum unum et hymnorum alterum’; Gennadius, De viris illustribus: see Wilhelm Herding’s edition in ‘Hieronymi De viris inlustribus liber: accedit Gennadii catalogus virorum inlustrium’, Part II of Incerti auctoris de Constantino Magno eiusque matre Helena libellus, ed. E. K. Heydenreich (Leipzig, 1879), pp. 76–7, at p. 77.

⁸³ e.g. Sankt Gallen 134, copied at Sankt Gallen s. ix/x (Bischoff, KfH III, no. 5592), where the Liber Peristephanon opens with the title ‘Incipit liber secundus Peristephanon’. See, further, Stettiner, R., Die illustrierten Prudentiushandschriften (Berlin, 1895), pp. 72–7Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ See Fux, Les sept passions, pp. 53–5.

⁸⁵ The martyrology of Pseudo-Jerome, a list of saints to be celebrated at Mass arranged in calendrical order, enjoyed widespread dissemination in the eighth century before suspicions arose about its authenticity in the ninth. The height of its influence was during the 780s and 790s when it was known in court circles and attained ‘significant levels of popularity … among the elites of Francia’: Lifshitz, F., The Name of the Saint: The Martyrology of Jerome and Access to the Sacred in Francia, 627–827 (Notre Dame, IN, 2006), p. 72Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ See Arlt and Rankin, Stiftsbibliothek Sankt Gallen Codices 484 & 381, i, p. 47.

⁸⁷ Gneuss, H., Hymner und Hymnen im englischen Mittelalter (Tübingen, 1968)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, ch. 3 (‘Die Ablösung des Alten Hymnars’).

⁸⁸ On Sankt Gallen as a centre for copying manuscripts imported especially from Insular, Rhaetian and North Italian centres around the turn of the ninth century, see von Scarpatetti, B., ‘Das St. Galler Scriptorium’, in Ochsenbein, (ed.), Das Kloster St. Gallen, pp. 31–68Google Scholar, at p. 36 and pp. 48–50.

⁸⁹ Bergman, ‘De codicum Prudentianorum generibus’, p. 25. All three of the complete ninth-century Sankt Gallen copies of the LC transmit the Bb tradition, i.e. Leiden Voss. lat. Q. 69, Sankt Gallen 136 and Berlin 542. Berne 264 (‘Reichenau möglich, kaum St. Gallen’ – Bischoff, KfH I, no. 566) contains a variant of the Bb order as noted by Bergman.

⁹⁰ The last line of the fifth strophe of Ales diei (LC 1) was omitted in copying, as was the last line of the fourth strophe of Christe servorum (LC8).

⁹¹ On the likelihood that Luxueil and Corbie were centres for the production of rhythmi closely associated in theme and content that stretch back to the seventh century, see Strecker, ‘Zu den karolingischen Rhythmen’, p. 638; Norberg, La poésie latine rythmique, pp. 112–14; and Stella, F., ‘Le raccolte dei ritmi precarolingi e la tradizione manoscritta di Paolino d’Aquileia: Nuclei testuali e rapporti di trasmissione’, Studi Medievali, ser. 3, 39 (1998), pp. 809–32Google Scholar, at pp. 820–8.

⁹² On the ordering in the St-Bertin and St-Denis collections, see, respectively, Barrett, ‘Music and Writing’, pp. 65–9 and Barrett, ‘Glimpses of Carolingian Song’.

⁹³ Shortened versions unique to the Leiden manuscript are found for Lingua prophetarum, Asia ab oriente, Gratuletur omnis caro and Homo quidam, while the refrain for Ante saecula et mundi is specific to Sankt Gallen and first found in this source.

⁹⁴ A summary of the unusually rich evidence relating to the various stages of hymn reform at Reichenau is given in Gneuss, ‘Zur Geschichte des Hymnars’, pp. 80–1. For the hymn copied by Reginbert, see Gamber, Klaus, ‘Ein Brevier-Fragment aus der 1. Hälfte des 9. Jahrhunderts’, Revue Bénédictine, 95 (1985), pp. 232–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹⁵ Strabo’s poetry is collected together in PLAC II, pp. 259–473. His hymns are most easily appreciated as a group in AH 50, nos. 121–31. On Strabo’s poetry, see Godman, P., Poetry of the Carolingian Renaissance (London, 1985), pp. 34–40Google Scholar. The authorial colophon of his liturgical cycle of distichs (PLAC II, 365, no. 20) suggests that these were intended for individual reading: ‘Haec quicumque legas, veniam deposcere Strabo / Sis memor et cunctos hos voca in auxilium.’

⁹⁶ Walahfrid Strabo wrote in chapter 26 of his treatise, in the context of discussing hymns in the early Church and following directly on from a discussion of hymns composed by St John of Constantinople: ‘Notandum autem ymnos dici non tantum, qui metris vel rithmis decurrunt, quales composuerunt Ambrosius et Hilarius, Beda Anglorum presbyter et Prudentius Hispaniarum scolasticus et alii multi, verum etiam ceteras laudationes’ (‘However, it should be noted that not only were hymns sung which flow in metres or rhythms, such as those which Ambrose, Hilary, Bede, Priest of the English, Prudentius, scholar of the Spaniards, and many others composed, but also other chants of praise were sung’). Harting-Corrêa, A. L., Walahfrid Strabo’s ‘Libellus de exordiis et incrementis quarundam in observationibus ecclesiasticis rerum’: A Translation and Liturgical Commentary (Leiden and New York, 1996), pp. 158–9Google Scholar.

⁹⁷ A manuscript of Strabo’s poetry was copied at Sankt Gallen in the latter half of the ninth century, Sankt Gallen 869 (Bischoff, KfH III, no. 5855).

⁹⁸ On the scribe of the Sankt Gallen school plan, see Bernhard Bischoff, ‘Die Entstehung des Sankt Galler Klosterplanes in paläographischer Sicht’, MS I, pp. 41–9, at p. 43, and Maag, Alemannische Minuskel, pp. 77–80.

⁹⁹ Berschin, W., Eremus und Insula: St. Gallen und die Reichenau im Mittelalter – Modell einer lateinischen Literaturlandschaft (Wiesbaden, 1987), p. 14Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁰ For the text of this letter, see Rauner, E., ‘Notkers des Stammlers Notatio de illustribus viris: Teil I. Kritische Edition’, Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch, 21 (1986), p. 65Google Scholar.

¹⁰¹ Glauche, Schullektüre im Mittelalter, p. 26. This manuscript may be Sankt Gallen 136, a collection of Prudentian carmina copied at the Abbey during the second quarter of the ninth century (Bischoff, KfH III, no. 5593), which provides evidence not only of engagement with the text through glossing, but also of singing in the form of interlinear and marginal notation by several different hands added to a wide range of Prudentian metra. For an analysis of the neumes added to the Prudentian verse in Sankt Gallen 136, see Stratton Hild, ‘Verse, Music, and Notation’, pp. 233–46.

¹⁰² Von den Steinen, Notker der Dichter, Darstellungsband, p. 51.

¹⁰³ Stotz, Ardua spes mundi, pp. 60, 125, 128, 157, 166, 174, 176–8, 187 and 199.

¹⁰⁴ For an edition of the text within the context of the cycle, see von den Steinen, Notker der Dichter, Editionsband, pp. 152–4; for the melody and detailed commentary, see Haug and Björkvall, ‘Primus Init Stephanus’.

¹⁰⁵ The Prudentian verses in the Naples manuscript that directly follow the rhythmi are taken from an internal selection of lines rather than the beginning and end of the metrum as in the Leiden manuscript. The notations added to Prudentian verse in Sankt Gallen 136 show no clear overlap with the sung portions indicated in Leiden Voss. lat. Q. 69: two of the three notated Prudentian items are not included in the Leiden manuscript (LC 12 and the Preface to Psychomachia), and the notation for the other does not imply any specific connection (the first strophe of LC 3).

¹⁰⁶ For tables listing the two series of versus in Sankt Gallen 381, see Arlt and Rankin, Stiftsbibliothek Sankt Gallen Codices 484 & 381, i, pp. 217–18 and 240; and Stratton Hild, ‘Verse, Music, and Notation’, p. 64.

¹⁰⁷ Latin text, translation and commentary in Bower, Liber ymnorum, i, p. 133 and ii, pp. 12–13. Prudentius, LC 9, ix–xiv and xxii–xxi, trans. Richardson, Prudentius’ Hymns, pp. 63–4; Latin text from Aurelii Prudentii Clementis carmina, ed. Cunningham, pp. 47–8.

¹⁰⁸ Cf. von den Steinen, Notker der Dichter, Darstellungsband, p. 559; Bower, Liber ymnorum, ii, pp. 12–13.

¹⁰⁹ On the similar terms used by Strabo and Notker in their attempt to justify the introduction of ymni into the Roman liturgy in the ninth century, see, further, F. Heinzer, ‘Medial Ambiguity: Liturgical Books of the Latin Church and their Changing Status in Medieval Tradition’, Manuscript Cultures, 10 (2017), pp. 31–50, at pp. 40–1.

¹¹⁰ On isotonicism as a working principle of the poetry in the Liber ymnorum, see Davis-Secord, J., ‘Rhythm and Music: The Sequences of Notker Balbulus’, Journal of Medieval Latin, 22 (2012), pp. 117–48CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Latin text from Bower, Liber ymnorum, i, p. 238.

¹¹¹ In his edition and commentary, Calvin Bower translates this as ‘The gestures of individual melodic segments ought to have individual syllables’: Bower, Liber ymnorum, ii, p. 1. For an earlier translation reflecting the view that the phrase should read singuli motus cantilenae as found in sources copied after Notker’s lifetime, see Haug, A., ‘Re-reading Notker’s Preface’, in Cannata, D. B. et al. (eds.), Quomodo cantabimus Canticum? Studies in Honor of Edward H. Roesner (Middleton, WI, 2008), pp. 65–80Google Scholar, at p. 70: ‘Single motions of the melody ought to have single syllables.’

¹¹² For melodies added to Prudentian extracts later used as processional hymns, see Stäblein, Hymnen, nos. 1001–6.

¹¹³ It is only in the elegiacs of LP 8 and 11, and the alternating hexameter and iambic trimetre lines of LP 9, that significant variation in linear syllable count is found in the poetry of the Liber Cathemerinon and Liber Peristephanon.

¹¹⁴ CRM, pp. 69–75 and pp. 257–75.

¹¹⁵ For a detailed reading of the levels of melodic articulation in the poem from strophe through to quarter-line, see Stratton Hild, ‘Verse, Music, and Notation’, pp. 224–9.

¹¹⁶ The neumatic notations in Example 1 are transcribed from Berne 455 (fol. 32^r), Sankt Gallen 136 (p. 11), Oxford Auct. F. 3. 6 (fol. 3^v) and Trier 1093 (fol. 3^r). Neumes were on occasion not added over the first syllable, which was copied as an initial. Neumed versions have also been identified to date in Berne 394, Cambridge Corpus 223, Montpellier 219, Munich clm 14395, Munich clm 18922, Oxford Oriel 3 and Oxford Auct. T. 2. 22. The pitched versions are reproduced from Paris n.a. lat. 1064 (Beauvais Cantatorium, fol. 20^v, Stäblein, Hymnen, no. 1004) and Udine 2 (fol. 85^v, as signalled in the notes to Stäblein, Hymnen, no. 1004, p. 616).

¹¹⁷ Stratton Hild, ‘Verse, Music, and Notation’, p. 64.

¹¹⁸ Huglo, M., ‘Les versus de Venance Fortunat pour la procession du Samedi-saint à Notre-Dame de Paris’, Revue de Musicologie, 86 (2000), 119–26CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Huglo, , ‘Les versus “Salve festa dies”: Leur dissémination dans les manuscrits du processional’, in Dobszay, L. (ed.), Papers Read at the 12th Meeting of the IMS Study Group: Cantus Planus Lillafüred/Hungary 2004. Aug. 23–28. (Budapest, 2006), pp. 595–605Google Scholar.