¹ For a detailed narrative and a bibliography of the dispute on modal rhythm in the chanson, see Haines, J., ‘The Footnote Quarrels of the Modal Theory: A Remarkable Episode in the Reception of Medieval Music’, Early Music History, 20 (2001), pp. 87–120CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On poetic types see e.g. Christopher Page’s analysis of the poetic language of the motet, built on the remains of low-register songs with penetration of high registers in Voices and Instruments of the Middle Ages: Instrumental Practice and Songs in France 1100–1300 (Berkeley, 1986), pp. 74–6. The penetration of choreographic topoi of the rondet de carole is discussed in J. Stevens, Words and Music in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, 1986), pp. 460–5; M. Everist, French Motets in the Thirteenth Century: Music, Poetry and Genre (Cambridge, 1994), pp. 97–101; and C. Page, The Owl and the Nightingale: Musical Life and Ideas in France 1100–1300 (London, 1989), pp. 118–20. The sharing of sources and the occasional convergence of notational practices were notably highlighted by P. Aubry in 1905 (Les plus anciens monuments de la musique française (Paris, 1905), pp. 11–13). On the penetration of motet mensural notation into a number of trouvère songs preserved in chansonniers, see C. Page, ‘Tradition and Innovation in BN fr. 146: The Background to the Ballades’, in M. Bent and A. Wathey (eds.), Fauvel Studies: Allegory, Chronicle, Music, and Image in Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, MS Français 146 (Oxford, 1998), pp. 353–94, at pp. 359–61; M. O’Neill, Courtly Love Songs of Medieval France: Transmission and Style in the Trouvère Repertoire (Oxford, 2006), pp. 45–52; M. Everist, Polyphonic Music in Thirteenth-Century France: Aspects of Sources and Distribution (New York, 1989), pp. 200–3; M. Thomson, ‘Interaction between Polyphonic Motets and Monophonic Songs in the Thirteenth Century’ (D.Phil. thesis, University of Oxford, 2016)’, ch. 3. On the sharing of sources see G. Saint-Cricq, ‘Motets in Chansonniers and the Other Culture of the French Thirteenth-Century Motet’, in J. Hartt (ed.), A Companion to Medieval Motets (Woodbridge, 2018), pp. 225–42; see also the introduction to Motets from the Chansonnier de Noailles, ed. G. Saint-Cricq with E. Doss-Quinby and S. N. Rosenberg (Middleton, Wis., 2017) for the analysis of a motet collection preserved in a songbook and related to the local trouvère circle and production of Arras.

² The sharing of material between motet and song was highlighted long ago through the sharing of refrains (for a review of the scholarship on this issue, see Saltzstein, J., ‘Relocating the Thirteenth-Century Refrain: Intertextuality, Authority and Origins’, Journal of the Royal Musical Association, 135 (2010), pp. 245–79CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. pp. 245–48; see also below, nn. 19 and n. 81), and the copying across sources of works both as part of a polyphonic motet and as an entire song strophe (Gennrich, F., ‘Trouvèrelieder und Motettenrepertoire’, Zeitschrift für Musikwissenschaft, 9 (1926–7), pp. 8–39Google Scholar and 65–85, and Thomson, ‘Interaction’). Motets borrowing the formal structure of the rondeau have been examined by Friedrich Ludwig (Repertorium organorum recentioris et motetorum vetustissimi stili, 2 vols. (Halle, 1910); rev. and ed. Luther A. Dittmer, Musicological Studies, 7 (Brooklyn, NY and Hildesheim, 1964–72), i. 290, 298) and Everist, Mark (‘The Rondeau Motet: Paris and Artois in the Thirteenth Century’, Music & Letters, 69 (1988), pp. 1–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and French Motets, pp. 90–109), and those using the form pedes et cauda by Saint-Cricq, G. (‘A New Link between the Motet and the Trouvère Chanson: The Motet-pedes cum cauda’, Early Music History, 32 (2013), pp. 179–223CrossRefGoogle Scholar).

³ See below, pp. 33–4.

⁴ For the motet, see Everist, French Motets, esp. pp. 148–80; for interpolated romance and song, see Butterfield, A., Poetry and Music in Medieval France: From Jean Renart to Guillaume de Machaut, Cambridge Studies in Medieval Literature, 49 (Cambridge, 2002)Google Scholar.

⁵ de Coussemaker, C.-E.-H., L’art harmonique aux XIIe et XIIIe siècles (Paris, 1865)Google Scholar, part II, chs. 5 and 6. Note that two authors before Coussemaker had brought together – albeit rather crudely – trouvères and polyphony. Fétis was the first to establish this link in 1837 (Fétis, F.-J., Bibliographie universelle des musiciens, 8 vols. (Brussels, 1837–44), i, pp. clxxxiii–cxcviGoogle Scholar), prompted ten years earlier by his discovery of MS W/Ha, recording the works of Adam de la Halle (Fétis, F.-J., ‘Découverte de plusieurs manuscrits intéressans pour l’histoire de la musique’, Revue Musicale, 1 (1827), pp. 3–11Google Scholar). A score of years later, Théodore Nisard maintained that all trouvère songs were conceived with plain-chant harmonisation in view, a phenomenon eventually effected in the motet (Études sur la restauration du chant grégorien au XIXe siècle (Paris, 1856), pp. 154–62).

⁶ Typically, Pierre Aubry and Jean Beck, the very musicologists who based their modal theories on the convergence between song and motet, never allude to possible common authors between these repertories, and neither does Matthew Thomson in his recent investigation of works both as part of a polyphonic motet and as song strophe (‘Interaction’). Beck, in his edition of the Cangé chansonnier, separates the activity of the trouvères and the descanters (Le chansonnier Cangé: Manuscrit français 846 de la Bibliothèque Nationale de Paris, ed. Beck, J., 2 vols. (Philadelphia, 1927Google Scholar), ii. 50 and 68). Aubry, in his edition of Ba motets, speaks of the motet ‘composers’ without any further specification, evoking the role of jongleurs only as performers (Cent motets du XIIIe siècle, publiés d’après le manuscrit Ed. IV. 6 de Bamberg, ed. Aubry, P., 3 vols. (Paris, 1908), iii. 37–9Google Scholar).

⁷ Hendrik van der Werf acknowledges that, in general, some musicians might have worked both in the realm of written composition and that of oral culture, considering the convergence between motet and trouvère chanson (The Chansons of the Troubadours and Trouvères: A Study of the Melodies and their Relation to the Poems (Utrecht, 1972), p. 72Google Scholar).

⁸ Thus, Robert Falck (‘Robert de Reins [Rains] La Chievre’, in Grove Music Online (http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com)) notes that Richart de Fournival and Robert de Reims ‘are associated with the early motet’, while Falck and John Haines (‘Richart de Fournival’, in Grove Music Online (http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com)) observe that Richart ‘may be regarded as one of the earliest poet-composers associated with the genre’.

⁹ Gaston Raynaud (Recueil de motets français, ed. Raynaud, G., 2 vols. (Paris, 1881–3), i, pp. xxxii–xxxiiiGoogle Scholar) and Hans Tischler (The Style and Evolution of The Earliest Motets (to circa 1270), 3 vols. (Henryville, Pa., Ottawa and Binningen, 1985), pp. 205–6Google Scholar) limit this participation to the text of the motets. Yvonne Rokseth is open to the possibility of a trouvère being responsible for the music as well, but she does not elaborate this notion beyond a single motet (see Appendix II.A, no. 7) mentioned in her edition of Mo (Polyphonies du XIIIe siècle: Le manuscrit H 196 de la Faculté de médecine de Montpellier, ed. Rokseth, Y., 4 vols. (Paris, 1935–9), iv. 239Google Scholar).

¹⁰ The interaction of Adam’s motets and songs, on the other hand, has been noted many times: see Butterfield, A., ‘Vernacular Poetry and Music’, in Everist, M. (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Medieval Music (Cambridge, 2011), pp. 205–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at pp. 223–4; Everist, ‘The Polyphonic Rondeau c. 1300: Repertory and Context’, Early Music History, 15 (1996), pp. 59–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at pp. 87–9; and Saltzstein, J., The Refrain and the Rise of the Vernacular in Medieval French Music and Poetry, Gallica, 30 (Cambridge, 2013), pp. 126–7Google Scholar.

¹¹ The most explicit account of the creation and performance background of the motet is in Grocheo’s De musica, in the late thirteenth century, depicting a sophisticated genre meant for an informed audience (Johannes De Grocheio: Ars musice, ed. Mews, C. J., Crossley, J. N., Jeffreys, C., McKinnon, L. and Williams, C. J. (Kalamazoo, Mich., 2011), pp. 84–5Google Scholar). See Christopher Page’s suggestion of alternative backgrounds, such as ecclesiastical banquets or secular celebrations (‘Around the Performance of a 13^th-Century Motet’, Early Music, 28 (2000), pp. 343–58CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at pp. 348–51; ‘The Performance of Ars Antiqua Motets’, Early Music, 16 (1988), pp. 147–64Google Scholar; Discarding Images: Reflections on Music and Culture in Medieval France (Oxford, 1993), pp. 43–64Google Scholar; and Owl, pp. 144–54). On the other hand, Rebecca A. Baltzer suggests that some motets were composed and performed for the liturgy (‘Aspects of Trope in the Earliest Motets for the Assumption of the Virgin’, in Studies in Medieval Music: Festschrift for Ernest H. Sanders, ed. Lefferts, P. M. and Seirup, B. (New York, 1991), pp. 5–42Google Scholar, and ‘Performance Practice, the Notre-Dame Calendar, and the Earliest Latin Liturgical Motets’, paper read at the international symposium ‘Das musikgeschichtliche Ereignis Notre-Dame’ at the Herzog August Bibliothek, Wolfenbüttel, Germany, April 1985 (rev. 1986)).

¹² A new edition of Robert de Reims’s entire corpus, presenting the music and the texts with translations into both English and Modern French, is available in Robert de Reims: Songs and Motets, ed. and trans. Doss-Quinby, E., Saint-Cricq, G. and Rosenberg, S. N. (University Park, Pa., forthcoming 2019Google Scholar). Part of the material edited in this article also appears, with modifications, in this book.

¹³ It is presumed that Robert belongs to the La Chièvre family of thirteenth- and fourteenth-century Reims (Les chansonniers de Champagne aux XIIe et XIIIe siècles, ed. Tarbé, P. (Reims, 1850), p. lGoogle Scholar). It is also in Reims that Marie-Geneviève Grossel situates Robert’s work (Le milieu littéraire en Champagne sous les Thibaudiens (1200–1270), 2 vols. (Orléans, 1994), i. 484Google Scholar).

¹⁴ See below, pp. 28–9.

¹⁵ For an explanation of the sigla and abbreviations, see Appendix I.

¹⁶ In the motet repertory, attributions in the sources themselves come down to the five motets by Adam de la Halle in Ha. Critically, the only reason for which Adam is explicitly credited with polyphonic motets hinges on the exceptional nature of this source, whose first section is an opera omnia devoted to him. The very same works fail to appear with attribution in regular collections of polyphony, such as Mo, Ba and Tu.

¹⁷ In the case of the works listed in B, authorship of the song is only presumed to be the same as that of the host text; there is no undisputable evidence for this.

¹⁸ Moreover, five non-strophic works copied in song collections are included in standard motet bibliographies although no corresponding polyphonic motets have been found so far: motets 1137, 1137a and 1138 by Jehan Erars, motet 1143a by Fournival, and motet 1139 (anon.).

¹⁹ The notion that the material shared between song and motet comes from song has long prevailed (see above, n. 2 and below, n. 81), and this includes the sharing of voices between the two repertories, as held by Gennrich (‘Trouvèrelieder’), Beck (Le chansonnier, pp. 50 and 68) and Rokseth (Polyphonies, iv, pp. 239–40). Conversely, Stevens offers the more recent view that most of these works come from the motet (Words and Music, pp. 460–1).

²⁰ On this two-way process, see Thomson, ‘Interaction’, chs. 1–2.

²¹ Raynaud (Recueil, i, p. xxxiii) and Rokseth (Polyphonies, iv, p. 240) posited that Quant florissent and Qant voi were originally songs, while Falck claims that these two works and Main s’est levee are primarily motets, and that L’autrier is ‘constructed like a motet’ (‘Robert de Reins’). In Robert White Linker’s A Bibliography of Old French Lyrics (University, Miss., 1979), Main s’est levee and Quant florissent are motets, while L’autrier and Qant voi are songs (pp. 230–1). Thomson argues that Main s’est levee is primarily a song (‘Interaction’, pp. 57–64), as might also be Quant florissent (p. 350), while Qant voi is originally a motet (pp. 128–42).

²² On the motets including tenors rearranged in order to accommodate probable pre-existing songs, see G. Saint-Cricq, ‘Formes types dans le motet du XIII^e siècle: Étude d’un processus répétitif’, 2 vols. (Ph.D. diss., University of Southampton, 2009)’, pp. 46–7, 198. Examples of unusual tenors in Appendix II.C are nos. 1, 5, 6, and no. 2 in Appendix II.B. Tenors probably invented in Appendix II.A are nos. 8 and 35 (see Saint-Cricq, ‘New Link’).

²³ The scribe responsible for Noailles was mistaken in his copying of the tenor et tenuerunt (M17), which actually belongs to the motet that follows in the collection. The correct tenor melisma appears in MüA but is erroneously identified as ‘Ne’, a syllable usually pointing to the last syllable of ‘Domine’ from the gradual Sederunt principes ℣ Adiuva me Domine (M3). This scribal confusion is explicable by the fact that the first five pitches are shared by M71 on ‘-nem’ and M3 on ‘Ne’.

²⁴ Note that in this analysis of the generic provenance of the works, only the texts common to motet and song versions are taken in account, i.e., the first strophes.

²⁵ In Ulrich Mölk and Friedrich Wolfzettel’s Répertoire métrique de la poésie lyrique française des origines à 1350 (Munich, 1972), fifteen-line patterns include 40 motets but only 11 songs, fourteen-line patterns cover 60 motets vs 27 songs, and thirteen-line patterns include 51 motets vs 38 songs. Songs built on these patterns are mainly pastourelles, chansons de malmariée, chansons de toile, jeux-partis and lais.

²⁶ Note that the last word of line 10 shows textual inconstancy through the sources. While W2 and Mo read the unmatched ‘riens’, X reads ‘avoir’, thus pairing this line with line 12. Cl reads ‘avenir’, pairing this line with rhyme a, but exceeding the metrical scheme and the pitches available. Given that the song in X is a later recomposition (see §§II–III below) of the motet, the word ‘riens’ has been retained in our edition of the motet version.

²⁷ The schemes of L’autrier, Qant voi, Main s’est levee and Quant florissent are, respectively, nos. 937, 576, 384 and 714 in the Répertoire.

²⁸ Huot, S., Allegorical Play in the Old French Motet: The Sacred and the Profane in Thirteenth-Century Polyphony (Stanford, Calif., 1997), pp. 16 and 173Google Scholar.

²⁹ A similar exordium opens Du tens pascor (136) and Q[u]ant froidure (135), the latter staging Robin and Marion in a reverdie setting, and the motet L’autrier par un main (138), like L’autrier de jouste, is a pastourelle type.

³⁰ The spelling of the first line differs between motet and song versions in Qant voi (Quant voi in the song) and Quant florissent (Quant feuillissent in the song). Yet, for the sake of clarity, the motet spelling has been retained throughout the text to designate both song and motet versions.

³¹ All these texts are anthologised in Bec, P., La lyrique française au moyen âge (XIIe–XIIIe siècles), 2 vols. (Paris, 1977–8), ii, pp. 150–5Google Scholar. Note that Aelis is additionally the subject of moral recasting in several ecclesiastical sermons (see Hunt, T., ‘De la chanson au sermon: Bele Aalis et Sur la rive de la mer’, Romania, 104 (1983), pp. 433–56Google Scholar, and Huot, Allegorical Play, pp. 59–62).

³² On the motifs of the Aelis archetype, see Huot, Allegorical Play, pp. 57–9.

³³ Bec, P., ‘L’accès au lieu érotique’, in Hoecke, W. Van and Welkenhuysen, A. (eds.), Love and Marriage in the Twelfth Century (Louvain, 1981), pp. 250–99Google Scholar, at pp. 250–3.

³⁴ These are rondets Main se leva bele Aëliz (lines 310–) and Aëliz main se leva (lines 1579–14). See Butterfield, Poetry and Music, pp. 43–63, for a discussion of these works and of the rondet type in general.

³⁵ One case, however, is questionable: L’autrier, whose first strophe – and thus the motet version – ends on the narrator/shepherdess encounter, omitting the expected episodes of the dialogue and its outcome. Nonetheless, other cases of ‘pending’ pastourelles are found in the motet repertory. The narration interrupts at the same point – although with a final line in direct speech – in Hier main (492) / domine (M41) and Zo frigandes (1044) / C’est a Paskes (1045) / (Tenor omitted), and the encounter does not even occur in A grant joie (507a) / iustus (M49).

³⁶ See also Thomson, ‘Interaction’, pp. 139–42, on the discrepancies between initial and subsequent strophes in Qant voi.

³⁷ The final couplet indeed echoes refrain vdB 808 ‘Hé, Dieus, chele m’a traï / qui m’a tolu mon ami’.

³⁸ See below, p. 34 and n. 67.

³⁹ See Grossel, Le milieu, i, p. 487.

⁴⁰ In the Répertoire, the schemes of RS 383, 319, 1163, 957 and 1655 are, respectively, nos. 674, 626, 860, 400 and 752.

⁴¹ For the references to the ‘genuine’ songs not present in Appendix V, see Robert de Reims, ed. Doss-Quinby et al.; see also Wilhelm Mann’s edition (‘Die Lieder des Dichters Robert de Rains, genannt La Chievre’, Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie, 23 (1899), pp. 79–116Google Scholar), and, for RS 383, ‘Sottes chansons contre Amours’: Parodie et burlesque au Moyen Âge, ed. and trans. Doss-Quinby, E., Grossel, M.-G. and Rosenberg, S. N. (Paris, 2010), pp. 120–2Google Scholar.

⁴² Grossel, Le milieu, i, pp. 484–7.

⁴³ This art of echoed rhymes was pointed out long ago by Jean-Baptiste de La Curne de Saint-Palaye, regarding RS 957, in his copies of trouvère songs in MS Paris, Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal 3304 (p. 777), then unceasingly emphasised from the moment Louis Jean Nicolas Monmerqué edited this song (Monmerqué, L. J. N. and Michel, F., Théâtre français au moyen-age (XIe–XIVe siècles): Publié d’après les manuscrits de la Bibliothèque du roi (Paris, 1839), p. 38Google Scholar), Robert even becoming the poet of echoed rhymes (see Mann, ‘Die Lieder’, pp. 97–8 and 103; Jeanroy, A., ‘W. Mann, Die Lieder des Dichten [sic] Robert die [sic] Rains genannt La Chievre’, Romania, 28 (1899), pp. 456–7Google Scholar, at p. 456; and Aubry’s edition, heading RS 957 ‘rimes en échos’ (Les plus anciens, p. 16). Tarbé acknowledges that Robert was one of the first poets to employ it (Les chansonniers, p. l). More recently, the quality of Robert’s echoed rhymes is highlighted in Hunt, T., Miraculous Rhymes: The Writing of Gautier de Coinci (Cambridge, 2007), p. 105Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ The later songs with intensive echo rhyming include two chansons by Gilles le Vinier, whose production is situated in the second quarter of the thirteenth century: the contrafactum is RS 2101a, his other song in echo being RS 257; RS 556 by Gautier de Coinci, found in the second part of the Miracles, dates to the 1220/1230s; finally, rondeau rond. 190 copied in k, a chansonnier from the early fourteenth century.

⁴⁵ For a summing-up of the different claims on Robert’s chronology, see ‘Sottes chansons’, ed. Doss-Quinby et al., pp. 16–17.

⁴⁶ I warmly thank Robert Lug for having shared with me his latest findings, not yet published, on chansonnier U. Some outcomes are already available in Lug, ‘Katharer und Waldenser in Metz: Zur Herkunft der ältesten Sammlung von Trobador-Liedern (1231)’, in Rieger, A. (ed.), Okzitanistik, Altokzitanistik und Provenzalistik: Geschichte und Auftrag einer europäischen Philologie (Frankfurt, 2000), pp. 249–74Google Scholar, and Lug, ‘Politique et littérature à Metz autour de la guerre des Amis (1231–1234): Le témoignage du Chansonnier de Saint-Germain-des-Prés’, in Chazan, M. and Regalado, N. (eds.), Lettres, musique et société en Lorraine médiévale (Geneva, 2012), pp. 451–83Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ W₂ can be dated to the mid-thirteenth century (Everist, Polyphonic Music, pp. 97–110). It is somewhat difficult to date MüA owing to its very fragmentary condition, but its notation and contents are comparable to those of W₂.

⁴⁸ Brakelmann, Julius (‘Die dreiundzwanzig altfranzösischen Chansonniers in Bibliotheken Frankreichs, Englands, Italiens und der Schweiz’, Archiv für das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Literaturen, 42 (1868), pp. 43–72Google Scholar) suggests, as early as 1868, the regrouping of trouvère chansonniers according to five distinct families, one being composed of KNPO (pp. 51–5). In 1886, Schwan, Eduard (Die altfranzösischen Liederhandschriften: Ihr Verhältniss, ihre Entstehung und ihre Bestimmung (Berlin, 1886Google Scholar)) distinguished three main traditions, the most important being the one joining KNPXLV (pp. 86–173) and the one grouping Noailles and Roi with aAZ (pp. 19–86). Musicologists then claimed that on account of their musical convergences, KNPX were probably copied from the same great anthology, unlike Roi and Noailles, whose divergences suggest that they were made from various collections (Karp, Theodore, ‘The Trouvère MS Tradition’, in Mell, A. (ed.), The Department of Music Queens College of the City University of New York: Twenty-Fifth Anniversary Festschrift (1937–1962) (New York, 1964), pp. 25–52Google Scholar, esp. pp. 32–47, and Parker, I., ‘A propos de la tradition manuscrite des chansons de trouvères’, Revue de Musicologie, 64 (1978), pp. 181–202CrossRefGoogle Scholar).

⁴⁹ Genette, G., Palimpsestes : La littérature au second degré (Paris, 1982), p. 7Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ J. Kristeva, Sèméiôtikè: Recherches pour une sémanalyse (Paris, 1969).

⁵¹ Yolanda Plumley’s works are good examples of the relevancy of the concept of intertextuality in the field of medieval music and poetry: see amongst others ‘Intertextuality in the Fourteenth-Century Chanson’, Music & Letters, 84 (2003), pp. 355–77CrossRefGoogle Scholar, ‘Crossing Borderlines: Points of Contact between the Late-Fourteenth Century Song and Lyric Repertories’, Acta Musicologica, 76 (2004), pp. 201–21Google Scholar, and with Bacco, G. Di and Jossa, S. (eds.), Citation, Intertextuality, and Memory in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, I: Image, Music and Text, from Machaut to Ariosto (Exeter, 2011)Google Scholar. In motet studies, this concept has proven particularly useful for the examination of the phenomena of borrowing and of polytextuality (see in particular Huot, Allegorical Play).

⁵² Palimpsestes, chs. 1–2.

⁵³ Ibid., ch. 7.

⁵⁴ Ibid., chs. 27–8.

⁵⁵ See above, p. 17 and n. 35.

⁵⁶ See above, p. 28.

⁵⁷ As Michaël Riffaterre puts it, ‘The intertext is the reader’s perception of relations between a given work and others, whether earlier or later’ (‘La trace de l’intertexte’, La Pensée, 215 (1980), pp. 4–18, at p. 9). For an account of this notion, see also the preface and Lina Bolzoni’s introduction in Plumley et al. (eds.), Citation, Intertextuality.

⁵⁸ A famous example is the batch of conducti adapted in the Roman de Fauvel (Steiner, R., ‘Some Monophonic Latin Songs Composed around 1200’, Musical Quarterly, 52 (1966), pp. 56–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at pp. 64–5; A.-Z. Rillon-Marne, ‘Philippe le Chancelier et son œuvre: Étude sur l’élaboration d’une poétique musicale’, 2 vols. (Ph.D. diss., Université de Poitiers, 2008), i. 89, 225–6. See also the later addition of strophes in Stupeat natura (T. B. Payne, ‘Poetry , Politics, and Polyphony: Philip the Chancellor’s Contribution to the Music of the Notre Dame School’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1991), pp. 360–3).

⁵⁹ See Van der Werf, Chansons of the Troubadours, pp. 26–30.

⁶⁰ The ‘chansonnisation’ undergone by Robert’s motets can thus be compared to the formal transpositions that Genette lays out in chs. 40–58 of Palimpsestes, such as the change from verse to prose, from narration to performance, etc.

⁶¹ For examples of generic ambiguity between the early motet and the conductus or the organum, see Everist, French Motets, pp. 38–42 and C. A. Bradley, ‘Origins and Interactions: Clausula, Motet, Conductus’, in Hartt, Jared (ed.), A Companion to Medieval Motets (Woodbridge, 2018), pp. 43–68Google Scholar, at pp. 43–60. On the connection of the strophic motet to the conductus in the work of Philip the Chancellor, see Philip the Chancellor: Motets and Prosulas, ed. Payne, T. B. (Middleton, Wis., 2011), pp. xviii–xxiGoogle Scholar.

⁶² See Callahan, C., ‘Collecting Trouvère Lyric at the Peripheries: The Lessons of MSS Paris, BnF fr. 20050 and Bern, Burgerbibliothek 389’, Textual Cultures, 8 (2013), pp. 15–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar, for a reflection on the evolution of the organisational principles in the chansonniers, and the place granted to the motet.

⁶³ Butterfield, Poetry and Music, esp. ch. 2. Saltzstein also shows that refrains may act as auctoritas, creating hermeneutic connections between different works and genres (‘Relocating’ and Refrain and the Rise, pp. 35–113). See also Clark, S., ‘“S’en dirai chançonete”: Hearing Text and Music in a Medieval Motet’, Plainsong and Medieval Music, 16 (2007), pp. 31–59CrossRefGoogle Scholar).

⁶⁴ The monophonic motet and the motets entés have been highlighted as examples of hybrids (Leach, E. E., ‘The Genre(s) of Medieval Motets’, in Hartt, J. (ed.), A Companion to Medieval Motets (Woodbridge, 2018), pp. 15–41Google Scholar), especially between songs and motets (Peraino, J., ‘Sampling and Grafting in the Middle Ages’, Musical Quarterly, 85 (2001), pp. 644–80CrossRefGoogle Scholar) (see also below, n. 69). I have shown, in a corpus of polyphonic motets, how quotations could behave like media and formal references reporting the compositional framework of the chanson within the polyphonic organism of the motet (‘New Link’). Everist has revealed how, in some late thirteenth-century motets, the quotation of songs in the tenor could influence the compositional prerogatives of the motet (‘‘Motets, French Tenors, and the Polyphonic Chanson ca. 1300’, Journal of Musicology, 24 (2007), pp. 365–406CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also M. Hasselman, ‘The French Chanson in the Fourteenth Century’ (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1970), pp. 97–136). Plumley has identified the corpus of ballettes in I as grafted works allowing the symbiosis of material coming from trouvère song, motet and choreographic song (The Art of Grafted Song: Citation and Allusion in the Age of Machaut (New York and Oxford, 2013), pp. 21–55). The musical interpolations of Fauvel have been highlighted as the locus of a hybridisation between song and motet through quotations (Plumley, ibid., pp. 89–121), and of generic degeneration through the reuse of a refrain in a range of works (Dillon, E., The Sense of Sound: Musical Meaning in France, 1260–1330 (New York and Oxford, 2012), pp. 122–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar).

⁶⁵ The link between ‘grafted’ repertories and the rise of the polyphonic chanson is given much emphasis in Plumley, Art of Grafted Song. A survey of the progressive emergence of the polyphonic song even within thirteenth-century repertories is proposed in Everist, M., ‘The Emergence of Polyphonic Song’, in Everist, M. and Kelly, T. F. (eds.), The Cambridge History of Medieval Music (Cambridge, 2018), pp. 907–36Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ Page, ‘Tradition and Innovation’, pp. 384–6.

⁶⁷ Chansonnier O, copied around 1300, is a famous example of song notation imitating the measured notation of the motet (Everist, Polyphonic Music, pp. 200–3, and Thomson, ‘Interaction’, pp. 166–92), but M and T, copied around 1270, also include a few mensurally copied songs. Besides, O provides numerous examples of unique songs stripped back to only one to three strophes (see Jeanroy, A. and Långfors, A., ‘Chansons inédites tirées du manuscrit français 846 de la Bibliothèque Nationale’, Archivum Romanicum, 3 (1919), pp. 1–27Google Scholar). Chansonnier V includes a series of thirty-three unica of grands chants, twenty-six of them being heterostrophic in rhymes, lengths and even in the number of lines (see Jeanroy, A. and Långfors, A., ‘Chansons inédites tirées du manuscrit français 24406 de la Bibliothèque Nationale’, Romania, 45 (1919), pp. 351–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar).

⁶⁸ Another probable instance is no. 9 in Appendix II.A.

⁶⁹ The symbiotic aspect of monophonic motets, particularly the motets entés, has been highlighted by Peraino: resting upon the grafting of exogenous material, they exhibit sophisticated organisms merging the features of the motet with those of the chanson, a hybridity that affects register, form, notation, and even sources (J. Peraino, ‘Giving Voice to Love: Song and Self-Expression from the Troubadours to Guillaume de Machaut (New York and Oxford, 2011), ch. 4). Such hybridity led Leach to evoke Anna Zayaruznaya’s notion of ‘creature concept’ regarding the monophonic motets in D and even concerning the motet as a genre (‘The Genre(s)’, p. 41). On the link between the monophonic motets in PaN and song, see also Butterfield, A., ‘Enté: A Survey and Reassessment of the Term in Thirteenth- and Fourteenth-Century Music and Poetry’, Early Music History, 22 (2003), pp. 67–101CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Saint-Cricq, ‘Motets in Chansonniers’.

⁷⁰ These four songbooks were all very likely copied in Artois or Picardy in the 1270s or 1280s, K and N sharing the same literary hand and the same decorative style (see E. Aubrey, ‘Sources, MS, §III: Secular Monophony, 4: French’, in Grove Music Online (http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com), and Huot, S., From Song to Book: The Poetics of Writing in Old French Lyric and Lyrical Narrative Poetry (Ithaca, NY, 1987), pp. 46–64Google Scholar).

⁷¹ Tyssens, Madeleine, in ‘Intavulare’, Tables de chansonniers romans. Chansonnier français, 1. a (B.A.V., Reg. Lat. 1490), b (B.A.V., Reg. Lat. 1522), A (Arras, Bibliothèque municipale 657), ed. Tyssens, M. (Vatican City, 1998), pp. 21–2Google Scholar makes the same assumption.

⁷² On the construction of Adam as authorial persona, see Saltzstein, Refrain and the Rise, pp. 114–48, and Dillon, Sense of Sound, pp. 129–73.

⁷³ The traditional genealogising of clausula and motet maintains that the latter sprang from the addition of texts to the upper part of the clausula. Drawing on a finding made by the philologist Wilhelm Meyer (‘Der Ursprung des Motett’s: Vorläufige Bemerkungen’, Nachrichten von der königliche Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen: Philologisch-historische Klasse, 1898, 4 vols. (Göttingen, 1898); repr. in Gesammelte Abhandlungen zur mittellateinischen Rhythmik, 3 vols., ii, pp. 303–41 (Berlin, 1905)), it has been postulated by musicologists since Ludwig and his Repertorium. Since Ludwig, the traditional filiation also posits that the vernacular motet marks a later stage than the Latin motet in the development of the genre. For a summary of this traditional view, see Bradley, C. A., ‘‘Contrafacta and Transcribed Motets: Vernacular Influences on Latin Motets and Clausulae in the Florence Manuscript’, Early Music History, 32 (2013), pp. 1–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at pp. 2–4.

⁷⁴ In Polyphonies (iv. 67–8), Rokseth claims that Robert added the motet text Qant voi to the pre-existing clausula. Later, she asserts that this text, as well as that of Quant florissent, were borrowed from their related song (iv, p. 240). According to these two statements, Qant voi would then curiously stem from the placement of a pre-existing song’s text in the music of a pre-existing clausula. In any case, it is clear that for Rokseth a motet cannot pre-exist its related clausula. Note that Rokseth’s statements only concern those two works by Robert that are included in Mo.

⁷⁵ Several studies have paved the way, arguing that some clausulae may actually be pre-existing motets deprived of their texts: Waite, W. G., The Rhythm of Twelfth-Century Polyphony: Its Theory and Practice (New Haven, 1954)Google Scholar; Sanders, E. H., ‘The Medieval Motet’, in Arlt, W. et al. (eds.), Gattungen der Musik in Einzeldarstellungen: Gedenkschrift Leo Schrade (Bern, 1973), pp. 497–573Google Scholar; Frobenius, W., ‘Zum genetischen Verhältnis zwischen Notre-Dame-Klauseln und ihren Motetten’, Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, 44 (1987), pp. 1–39CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Bradley, C. A., Polyphony in Medieval Paris: The Art of Composing with Plainchant (Cambridge, 2018CrossRefGoogle Scholar), ch. 4.

⁷⁶ Waite, Rhythm, pp. 100–1.

⁷⁷ Regarding L’autrier and Qant voi, Frobenius rightly points to, respectively, the notation of the clausula and the presence of refrain vdB 1149 (‘Zum genetischen’, 22). On the other hand, he strangely puts forward the supposed anteriority of the triplum En mai to the motetus Qant voi in Cl and Mo, as well as the presumed songlike structure of this latter part (p. 16).

⁷⁸ For case studies of reworkings between clausulae and their related motets, see Smith, N. E., ‘The Earliest Motets: Music and Words’, Journal of the Royal Musical Association, 114 (1989), pp. 141–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar and ‘An Early Thirteenth-Century Motet’, in Everist, M. (ed.), Models of Musical Analysis: Music before 1600 (Oxford, 1992), pp. 20–40Google Scholar, and Bradley, C. A., ‘New Texts for Old Music: Three Early Thirteenth-Century Latin Motets’, Music & Letters, 93 (2012), pp. 149–69CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and ‘Origins’ and Polyphony, ch. 3.

⁷⁹ Frobenius, ‘Zum genetischen’, p. 22.

⁸⁰ For an overview of the functions of the tractus in treatises and in the motet repertory, see Saint-Cricq, ‘Formes types’, pp. 72–7.

⁸¹ Bradley, Polyphony, pp. 128–45. This recent view has enriched the debate surrounding the provenance of refrains circulating amongst song, motet and clausula, a debate that aims to challenge the traditional account of the origin of citations in song (see above, nn. 2 and 19). In this perspective, Everist (French Motets, pp. 54–71), Clark (‘“S’en dirai”’) and Saltzstein (‘Relocating’, pp. 252–3) have also claimed that refrains could originate in the motet, and even the clausula.

⁸² See Anderson, ‘Newly Identified Tenor Chants in the Notre Dame Repertory’, Music & Letters, 50 (1969), pp. 158–71Google Scholar. Anderson’s tendency to hypothesise the pre-existence of the French version over a corresponding Latin motet is visible in the critical comments of his edition of W₂ Latin motets (The Latin Compositions in Fascicules VII and VIII of the Notre Dame Manuscript Wolfenbüttel Helmstadt 1099 (1206), ed. G. A. Anderson, 2 vols., Musicological Studies, 24 (Brooklyn, NY, 1968–76)). He does not evoke this possibility for Virgo gignit since its contrafactum relation with L’autrier has escaped notice until now.

⁸³ As David Rothenberg maintains, this kind of pairing is as common in French motets as they are rare in Latin ones (Rothenberg, D. J., The Flower of Paradise: Marian Devotion and Secular Song in Medieval and Renaissance Music (New York and Oxford, 2011), pp. 85–6Google Scholar).

⁸⁴ See above, p. 13.

⁸⁵ Bradley, ‘Contrafacta’, pp. 63–7.

⁸⁶ See above, n. 73.

⁸⁷ See above, nn. 75, 81 and 82.

⁸⁸ See Thomson, ‘Interaction’ for an examination of some of these works. For those tied to Moniot d’Arras, see Saint-Cricq, ‘Motets in Chansonniers’.

⁸⁹ For a study of literacy and education in Arras, and the amalgamation of clerical and lay identities in schools and social spaces, see Berger, Roger, Littérature et société arrageoises au XIIIe siècle: Les chansons et dits artésiens, Mémoires de la commission départementale des monuments historiques du Pas-de-Calais, 21 (Arras, 1981), esp. pp. 58Google Scholar, 110–11, and Le nécrologe de la confrérie des jongleurs et des bourgeois d’Arras (1194–1361), 2 vols., Mémoires de la commission départementale des monuments historiques du Pas-de-Calais, 11, no. 2 (text and tables) and 13, no. 2 (introduction) (Arras, 1963–70), p. 34; see also Symes, C., A Common Stage: Theater and Public Life in Medieval Arras (Ithaca, NY, 2007), esp. pp. 40–4Google Scholar, 154–9, 172–4. On the trouvères who were also clerics and employees of the ecclesiastical institutions, see Guesnon, A., ‘Recherches biographiques sur les trouvères artésiens’, Bulletin historique et philologique du comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques (1894), pp. 420–36Google Scholar, Guesnon, ‘Nouvelles recherches biographiques sur les trouvères artésiens’, Le Moyen Age, 15 (1902), pp. 137–73Google Scholar, and Berger, Littérature, pp. 321, 435–42.

⁹⁰ Saltzstein has thoroughly examined how the clerical education of Artesian trouvères is visible in the literary and musical production of Arras (Saltzstein, J., ‘Cleric-trouvères and the Jeux-Partis of Medieval Arras’, Viator, 43 (2012), pp. 147–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Refrain and the Rise, pp. 80–113). See also Gally, M., Parler d’amour au puy d’Arras: Lyrique en jeu, Medievalia, 46 (Orléans, 2004), pp. 19–23Google Scholar.

⁹¹ Mentions of towns in northern France in motet texts are listed by Raynaud (Recueil, i, p. xxxii). Documentary traces of polyphonic activity in Picardy have been uncovered by Everist (Polyphonic Music, pp. 205–21). For motet practices and sources from outside Paris, see Everist (ibid., pp. 238–50), Saint-Cricq et al. (Motets, Introduction), Saint-Cricq, ‘Motets in Chansonniers’ and Bradley, Polyphony, ch. 6.

⁹² Introduction in Motets from the Chansonnier de Noailles, ed. Saint-Cricq et al.

⁹³ Grossel, Le milieu, i. 485.