1 Thus, a complementary marriage was negotiated between Maximilian's daughter Margaret and prince John (Juan), the only son and heir to the Catholic Kings. For the political circumstances see Wiesflecker, H., Kaiser Maximilian I: Das Reich, Österreich und Europa an der Wende zur Neuzeit, ii: Reichsreform und Kaiserpolitik. 1493–1500. Entmachtung des Königs im Reich und in Europa (Vienna, 1975), pp. 32–43CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Kohler, A., ‘Die Doppelhochzeit von 1496/97: Planung, Durchführung und dynastische Folgen’, in Rosenauer, A. (ed.), Kunst um 1492: Hispania – Austria. Die Katholischen Könige, Maximilian I. und die Anfänge der Casa de Austria in Spanien (exh. cat., Milan, 1992), pp. 56–86Google Scholar ; Cauchies, J.-M., Philippe le Beau: Le dernier duc de Bourgogne (Burgundica, 6; Turnhout, 2003), pp. 51–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar . For the wedding ceremonial and music performed in the collegiate church of Sint Gummarus see d'Hulst, H. [Vanhulst], Le mariage de Philippe le Beau avec Jeanne de Castille à Lierre le 20 octobre 1496 (Antwerp, 1958)Google Scholar , and Schreurs, E. and Wouters, A., ‘De Lierse biotoop van Antonius Busnoys en Johannes Pullois: Muziek in Sint-Gummarus ten tijde van het huwelijk van Philips de Schone en Johanna van Castilië (20 oktober 1496)’, Musica Antiqua, 13/(3) (1996), pp. 106–132Google Scholar . For music and politics in the Low Countries around 1500 see Heidrich, J. (ed.), Die Habsburger und die Niederlande: Musik und Politik um 1500 (Troja – Jahrbuch für Renaissancemusik, 8 (2008–9); Kassel, 2010)Google Scholar .

2 In 1503, Archduke Philip exerted direct control over its finances; see Martens, M., ‘Bruxelles, Capitale’, in Bruxelles au XV^e siècle (Brussels, 1953), pp. 33–52Google Scholar , and Dickstein-Bernard, C., ‘Bruxelles résidence princière (1375–1500)’, in Martens, M. (ed.), Histoire de Bruxelles (Toulouse, 1976), pp. 139–165Google Scholar , at p. 162. According to Lorenzo de Padilla (1538), a well-informed eyewitness, Antwerp had already superseded Brussels as ‘the most important city of Brabant’; see de Padilla, L., ‘Crónica de Felipe I^o llamado el hermoso’, in Colección de documentos inéditos para la historia de España, 8, ed. Salvá, M. and Sainz de Baranda, P. (Madrid, 1846), pp. 5–267Google Scholar , at p. 40: ‘Anveres, que es la mas principal villa de Brabante’. H. Pleij, De sneeuwpoppen van 1511: Literatuur en stadscultuur tussen middeleeuwen en moderne tijd (Meulenhoff Editie, 1018; Amsterdam and Leuven, 1988), has even characterised the spectacle given for Joanna in 1496 as an ‘over-kill in het inkomstwezen, opgezet door de doodarme stad’ (p. 318).

3 Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett, inv. 78.D.5, fol. 2^r: ‘exertiis brachiis pronis affectibus patulisque ymmo effusis precordiis insignis’.

4 See Bonenenfant, P., ‘Bruxelles et la Maison de Bourgogne’, in Bruxelles au XV^e siècle, pp. 21–32Google Scholar , and Eichberger, D. (ed.), Women of Distinction: Margaret of York, Margaret of Austria (exh. cat., Mechelen, 2005)Google Scholar .

5 For the political significance of the entries of Emperor Maximilian I and Archduke Philip the Handsome with respect to the integration of the numerous territories and cities, elites and corporations see Cauchies, J.-M., ‘Die burgundischen Niederlande unter Erzherzog Philipp dem Schönen (1494–1506), ein doppelter Integrationsprozeß’, in Seibt, F. and Eberhard, W. (eds.), Europa 1500: Integrationsprozesse im Widerstreit: Staaten, Regionen, Personenverbände, Christenheit (Stuttgart, 1987), pp. 27–52Google Scholar , and id., ‘La signification politique des entrées princières dans les Pays-Bas: Maximilien d’Autriche et Philippe le Beau', in Cauchies, J.-M. (ed.), À la cour de Bourgogne: Le duc, son entourage, son train (Burgundica, 1; Turnhout, 1998), pp. 137–154CrossRefGoogle Scholar , at p. 151: ‘Il s’agit pour eux d'intégrer des pays, des villes, des élites, des corps subordonnés, des communautés entières à leur édifice politique si longtemps déséquilibré par quelque quinze années de guerre et de troubles.'

6 For pictorial evidence (with further bibliography) see Wind, T., ‘Musical Participation in Sixteenth-Century Triumphal Entries in the Low Countries’, Tijdschrift van de Vereniging voor Nederlandse Muziekgeschiedenis, 37 (1987), pp. 111–169CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Franke, B., ‘Feste, Turniere und städtische Einzüge’, in Franke, B. and Welzel, B. (eds.), Die Kunst der burgundischen Niederlande: Eine Einführung (Berlin, 1997), pp. 65–84Google Scholar ; Eichberger, D., ‘Illustrierte Festzüge für das Haus Habsburg-Burgund: Idee und Wirklichkeit’, in Freigang, C. and Schmitt, J.-C. (eds.), Hofkultur in Frankreich und Europa im Spätmittelalter = La culture de cour en France et en Europe à la fin du Moyen Âge (Passagen/Passages, 11; Berlin, 2005), pp. 73–98Google Scholar . See also nn. 17 and 27 below.

7 For this differentiation see Avonds, P., ‘Joyeuse Entrée (Blijde Inkomst)’, Lexikon des Mittelalters, v (Munich and Zurich, 1991), cols. 641–642Google Scholar ; Soenen, M., ‘Fêtes et cérémonies publiques à Bruxelles aux temps modernes’, Bijdragen tot de geschiedenis, 68 (1985), pp. 47–102Google Scholar , esp. p. 48; and Thøfner, M., ‘Marrying the City, Mothering the Country: Gender and Visual Conventions in Johannes Bochius's Account of the Joyous Entry of the Archduke Albert and the Infanta Isabella into Antwerp’, Oxford Art Journal, 22 (1999), pp. 1–27CrossRefGoogle Scholar , at p. 4: ‘not simply a sumptuous pageant staged to welcome the sovereign; it was also a formalization and a dramatization of the social contract between the ruler and the ruled’.

8 Blockmans, W., ‘Le dialogue imaginaire entre princes et sujets: Les Joyeuses Entrées en Brabant en 1494 et 1496’, Publication du centre européen d'études bourguignonnes (XIV^e–XVI^e s.), 34 (1994), pp. 37–53CrossRefGoogle Scholar (repr. in Cauchies (ed.), À la cour de Bourgogne, pp. 155–70); id., Geschichte der Macht in Europa: Völker – Staaten – Märkte (Frankfurt am Main and New York, 1998), p. 283.

9 The term is by Blockmans, W.; see ‘La joyeuse entrée de Jeanne de Castille à Bruxelles en 1496’, in Lechner, J. and den Boer, H. (eds.), España y Holanda: Ponencias presentadas durante el Quinto Coloquio Hispanoholandés de Historiadores (Diálogos Hispánicos, 16; Amsterdam and Atlanta, Ga., 1995), pp. 27–42Google Scholar , at p. 32.

10 Franke, B., Assuerus und Esther am Burgunderhof: Zur Rezeption des Buches Esther in den Niederlanden (1450–1530) (Berlin, 1998), pp. 110–111Google Scholar , at p. 48.

11 Festive chariots, ludic representations and a cycle of Marian plays (Seven bliscappen van Maria) contributed to the ommegang's pageantry; see Soenen, ‘Fêtes et cérémonies’, pp. 72–7; Pleij, De sneeuwpoppen van 1511, pp. 170–4 and pp. 264–5; and Strietman, E., ‘Finding Needles in a Haystack: Elements of Change in the Transition from Medieval to Renaissance Drama in the Low Countries’, in Gosman, M. and Walthaus, R. (eds.), European Theatre 1470–1600: Traditions and Transformations (Mediaevalia Groningana, 18; Groningen, 1996), pp. 99–112Google Scholar , esp. pp. 100–2. Given the main focus of the present article, however, I cannot delve further into this aspect.

12 ‘Les rues de la ville, par lesqueles il debvoit passer, estoyent ricement tendues, et les quarfours d’icelles notablement aornéz d'histoires, jusques au nombre de trente chincq, fondées sur les livres de Moyse, fort bien appropriees à la venue et reception de mondit seigneur …'. Jean Molinet, Chroniques (1474–1506), ed. G. Doutrepont and O. Jodogne, 3 vols. (Académie Royale de Belgique: Classe des lettres et des sciences morales et politiques, Collection des anciens auteurs belges; Brussels, 1935), ii, p. 418. See also Pleij, De sneeuwpoppen van 1511, p. 318.

13 See n. 69 below.

14 Molinet, Chroniques, i, p. 525.

15 A detailed catalogue entry is provided by Wescher, P., Beschreibendes Verzeichnis der Miniaturen – Handschriften und Einzelblätter – des Kupferstichkabinetts der Staatlichen Museen Berlin (Leipzig, 1931), pp. 179–181Google Scholar . Astonishingly, inv. 78.D.5 fails to be mentioned by F. Steenbock in her survey of the Berlin collection of medieval manuscripts; see ‘Handschriften und Miniaturen’, in Dückers, A. (ed.), Das Berliner Kupferstichkabinett: Ein Handbuch zur Sammlung (Berlin, 1994), pp. 43–63Google Scholar .

16 Herrmann, M., Forschungen zur deutschen Theatergeschichte des Mittelalters und der Renaissance (Berlin, 1914), pp. 367–409Google Scholar . Accordingly, Edmund A. Bowles has dealt with the music-related items on a rather positivistic level, in search of theatrical ‘reality’; see his Musikleben im 15. Jahrhundert (Musikgeschichte in Bildern, 3/viii; Leipzig, 1977), pp. 136–7, fig. 128: Saint Luke painting the Virgin Mary, and La pratique musicale au moyen âge/Musical Performance in the Late Middle Ages (Geneva, 1983), p. 162, fig. 128: Jubal and Tubalcain (with erroneous references to Bruges instead of Brussels in both instances). M. Clouzot, Images de musiciens (1350–1500): Typologie, figurations et pratiques sociales (Épitome musical; Turnhout and Tours, 2008), p. 216 only makes a passing reference to the Berlin manuscript in a chapter otherwise dedicated to late medieval mystères, underlining the scarcity of comparable musical depictions.

17 Blockmans, ‘Le dialogue imaginaire’, pp. 37–53 (À la Cour de Bourgogne, pp. 155–70); id., ‘La joyeuse entrée’; id., ‘Rituels publics’, in Prevenier, W. (ed.), Le prince et le peuple: Images de la société du temps des ducs de Bourgogne, 1384–1530 (Antwerp, 1998), pp. 321–333Google Scholar ; Blockmans, W. and Donckers, E., ‘Self-Representation of Court and City in Flanders and Brabant in the Fifteenth and Early Sixteenth Centuries’, in id. and Janse, A. (eds.), Showing Status: Representation of Social Positions in the Late Middle Ages (Medieval Texts and Cultures of Northern Europe, 2; Turnhout, 1999), pp. 81–111CrossRefGoogle Scholar , esp. pp. 94–6 and 99–107; Eichberger, ‘Illustrierte Festzüge’.

18 Kipling, G., Enter the King: Theatre, Liturgy, and Ritual in the Medieval Civic Triumph (Oxford, 1998)CrossRefGoogle Scholar , ch. 6: ‘The Queen's Advent’, and above all the publications of Franke, B.: Assuerus und Esther; id., ‘“Huisvrouw”, Ratgeberin und Regentin: Zur niederländischen Herrscherinnenikonographie des 15. und beginnenden 16. Jahrhunderts’, Jahrbuch der Berliner Museen, 39 (1997), pp. 23–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; id., ‘Cat. 16: Joyous Entry of Juana of Aragon-Castile in Brussels’, in D. Eichberger (ed.), Women of Distinction, p. 81; id., ‘Female Role Models in Tapestries’, ibid., pp. 154–65, at pp. 156–57: ‘The manuscript is very much like a manual of canonical panegyric in its portrayal of the honour accorded and the expectations demanded of a young ruler and royal wife around 1500’. B. Welzel, ‘Widowhood: Margaret of York and Margaret of Austria’, ibid., pp. 102–13 even interprets the Berlin manuscript in terms of a Speculum principis (‘as a sort of theatrical treatise on female statecraft’, p. 105).

19 Jooss, B., Lebende Bilder: Körperliche Nachahmung von Kunstwerken in der Goethezeit (Berlin, 1999)Google Scholar , ch. 2.3: ‘Stationäre Tableaux vivants auf Straßenbühnen’ (pp. 34–7), and Helas, P., Lebende Bilder in der italienischen Festkultur des 15. Jahrhunderts (Berlin, 1999)CrossRefGoogle Scholar .

20 See von Höfler, C. R., Donna Juana: Königin von Leon, Castilien und Granada … 1475–1555. Aus den Quellen bearbeitet (Denkschriften der Philosophisch-Historischen Classe der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 35; Vienna, 1885), p. 17Google Scholar ; L. Pfandl, Johanna die Wahnsinnige: Ihr Leben, ihre Zeit, ihre Schuld (Freiburg i. Br., 1930); M. Fernández Álvarez, Juana la loca: 1479–1555 (Corona de España, Serie Reyes de Castilla y León, 15; Palencia, 1994). (I have not been able to see R. Fagel, ‘Juana de Castilla y los Países Bajos: La historiografía neerlandesa sobre la reina’, in Zálama, M. Á. (ed.), Juana I de Castilla [1504–1555]: De su reclusión en Tordesillas al olvido de la historia (Valladolid, 2006)Google Scholar , ch. 4.) Exceptional in this respect are the passing references to inv. 78.D.5 to be found in Zalama, M. Á., Vida cotidiana y arte en el palacio de la Reina Juana I en Tordesillas (Estudios y documentos, 48; 2nd edn, Valladolid, 2003), pp. 290 and 394Google Scholar , and Aram, B., Juana the Mad: Sovereignty and Dynasty in Renaissance Europe (Baltimore, 2005), pp. 39–40Google Scholar .

21 Duggan, M. K., ‘Queen Joanna and her Musicians’, Musica Disciplina, 30 (1976), pp. 73–92Google Scholar .

22 The interest in its festive culture has been surprisingly low; see Soenen, ‘Fêtes et cérémonies’, p. 47: ‘en général les historiens et les historiens de l’art ne se sont guère interessés à ce phénomène historique et culturel en ce qui concerne Bruxelles'.

23 The only study of ‘Music, Liturgy, and Ceremony in Brussels, 1350–1500’, by B. H. Haggh (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, 1988), touches the joyous entry only in passing (ii, pp. 450–5; p. 454 has a different date for Joanna's entry: 9 January 1497), without even mentioning the Berlin manuscript. As a matter of fact, the main focus of this otherwise fundamental study lies on the religious institutions, mainly the collegiate churches of St Gudula and St Nicholas and their respective musical patronage.

24 For a recent case study on art patronage and musical identities around 1500 see Lütteken, L., ‘Musikalische Identitäten: Hofkapelle und Kunstpolitik Maximilians I. um 1500’, in Die Habsburger und die Niederlande, pp. 15–26Google Scholar . See also Musik und kulturelle Identität: Bericht über den Internationalen Kongress der Gesellschaft für Musikforschung in Weimar 2004, ed. D. Altenburg and R. Bayreuther, 3 vols. (Kassel, 2011, in press).

25 To cite just a few more recent publications (with further bibliography): Lascombes, A. (ed.), Spectacle and Image in Renaissance Europe (Symbola et emblemata, 4; Leiden, 1993)Google Scholar ; Hanawalt, B. A. and Reyerson, K. L. (eds.), City and Spectacle in Medieval Europe (Medieval Studies at Minnesota, 6; Minneapolis and London, 1994)Google Scholar ; Arnade, P., Realms of Ritual: Burgundian Ceremony and Civic Life in Late Medieval Ghent (Ithaca, NY, and London, 1996)Google Scholar ; Johnston, A. F. and Hüsken, W. (eds.), Civic Ritual and Drama in Medieval and Renaissance Europe (Ludus: Medieval and Early Renaissance Theatre and Drama, 2; Amsterdam and Atlanta, Ga., 1997)Google Scholar ; Ellenius, A. (ed.), Iconography, Propaganda, and Legitimation (The Origins of the Modern State in Europe, Theme G; Oxford, 1998)Google Scholar ; Ashley, K. and Hüsken, W. (eds.), Moving Subjects: Processional Performance in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance (Amsterdam and Atlanta, Ga., 2001)Google Scholar ; Seipel, W. (ed.), Wir sind Helden: Habsburgische Feste in der Renaissance (Vienna, 2005)Google Scholar .

26 Knighton, T. and Morte García, C., ‘Ferdinand of Aragon's Entry into Valladolid in 1513: The Triumph of a Christian King’, Early Music History, 18 (1999), pp. 119–163CrossRefGoogle Scholar , at p. 123, n. 13.

27 For the only substantial survey on the main pictorial topoi within triumphal entries in the Low Countries see Wind, ‘Musical Participation’. Surprisingly, the Berlin manuscript is not cited at all, probably owing to the author's restriction to prints, and the year 1515 as upper limit of his Amsterdam Ph.D. dissertation, following the confines of J. Landwehr's bibliographic repertory (Splendid Ceremonies: State Entries and Royal Funerals in the Low Countries, 1515–1791. A Bibliography (Nieuwkoop and Leiden, 1971)). I. van Roeder-Baumbach, Versieringen bij blijde inkomsten gebruikt in de Zuidelijke Nederlanden gedurende de 16^e en 17^e eeuw (Maerlantbibliotheek, 13; Antwerp, 1943), p. 177, on the other hand, had already recognised the importance of the Berlin manuscript.

28 For difficulties in reassessing the place of music see F. Reckow, ‘“… magnifice susceptus est cum hymnis et laudibus Dei …”: Die Musik in Arnolds Bericht über den Kaiser-Empfang zu Lübeck im Jahre 1181’, in Edler, A. and Schwab, H. W. (eds.), Studien zur Musikgeschichte der Hansestadt Lübeck (Kieler Schriften zur Musikwissenschaft, 31; Kassel, 1989), pp. 9–18Google Scholar .

29 For Bruges 1440, epochal not least due to its consistent use of tableaux vivants, see Strohm, R., Music in Late Medieval Bruges (Oxford, 1985), pp. 80–83Google Scholar ; Kipling, Enter the King, pp. 48–60; and Ramakers, B., ‘Multifaceted and Ambiguous: The Tableaux Vivants in the Bruges Entry of 1440’, in Suntrup, R.et al. (eds.), The Mediation of Symbol in Late Medieval and Early Modern Times (Medieval to Early Modern Culture, 5; Frankfurt am Main, 2005), pp. 163–194Google Scholar . For Ghent 1458, famous for the staging of Jan van Eyck's Adoration of the Lamb as a tableau, see Smith, J. C., ‘Venit nobis pacificus Dominus: Philip the Good's Triumphal Entry into Ghent in 1458’, in Wisch, B. and Munshower, S. S. (eds.), ‘“All the World's a Stage…”: Art and Pageantry in the Renaissance and Baroque (Papers in Art History from the Pennsylvania State University, 6; University Park, Pa., 1990), pp. 258–290Google Scholar ; Arnade, Realms of Ritual, pp. 127–42 and p. 166; and Kipling, Enter the King, pp. 264–80.

30 Molinet, Chroniques, ii, p. 429. Translation: ‘Many living pictures were devised by the city, but it would take too much time to describe them.’

31 Ibid., p. 431.

32 Even more frustrating is the general focus of regional chronicles, jumping from the wedding in Lier to the birth of Charles as heir and future emperor; see Van Brabant die excellente Cronike: Van Vlaenderen, Hollant, Zeelant int generael (Antwerp, 1530), sig. m [iii]^r–v, and Dits die excellente cronike van vlaenderen . . . (Antwerp, 1531), sig. Z i^r. Not a single bit of information on Joanna's entry is provided by Jaecques [sic] Stroobant, Brusselsche Eer-Triumphen, dat is eene waerachtighe beschrijvinge van alle de Hertoghlijke Huldinghen, der Keyseren, Koninghen, Koninghinnen, Hertoghen en Princen Inne-komsten, Vreugde-feesten en Tournoy-spelen, gheschiet binnen de Princelijcke Stadt Brussel . . . (Brussels, 1670), notwithstanding the author's claim of comprehensivness. Heuterus, Pontus, Rerum Belgicarum libri XV. quibus describuntur pace belloque gesta a principibus Austriacis in Belgio. Praemissus est libellus de vetustate et nobilitate familiae Habspurgicae ac Austriacae (Antwerp, 1598), p. 231Google Scholar restricts himself to the notion of ‘royal magnificence’ following the wedding: ‘sed postea Bruxellae regia planè magnificentia instauratae’.

33 Considerations on the programme in general and on number symbolism in particular can be found in Blockmans, ‘La joyeuse entrée’, pp. 33–6. For doubtful reasons, the Jubal tableau is subsumed under Old Testament heroines.

34 For ample discussion of the neuf preux and neuf preuses see Sedlacek, I., Die Neuf Preuses: Heldinnen des Spätmittelalters (Studien zur Kunst- und Kulturgeschichte, 14; Marburg, 1997)Google Scholar ; Favier, J. (ed.), Un rêve de chevalerie: Les Neuf Preux (exh. cat., Paris, 2003)Google Scholar ; Santarelli, C., ‘Courtly Paintings in the Manta Castle: King David among the Heroes and Heroines, and the Fountain of Youth’, Imago Musicae, 21–2 (2004–5), pp. 135–148Google Scholar .

35 On more than one instance, Herrmann, Forschungen zur deutschen Theatergeschichte, pp. 378 and 394, has mocked the low quality of these drawings. Inv. 78.D.5 is ‘certainly not a luxury edition’; see Blockmans, W., ‘The Emperor's Subjects’, in Soly, H. (ed.) Charles V (1500–1558) and his Time (exh. cat., Antwerp, 1999), pp. 227–283Google Scholar , at p. 275. According to fifteenth-century Burgundian (and Spanish) standards, we might expect a dedicatory copy to be on parchment, with proper miniature painting, as in the three extant prayer books that once belonged to Joanna: (1) Chantilly, Musée Condé, MS 1339 (see Meurgy, J., Les principaux manuscrits à peintures du Musée Condé à Chantilly (Publications de la Société française de reproductions de manuscrits à peinture, 14; Paris, 1930), pp. 172–176Google Scholar (no. 82) and pls. CXV–VI); (2) Harvard University, Houghton Library, MS typ. 443–443.1 (see Smeyers, M. and Van der Stock, J. (eds.), Flemish Illuminated Manuscripts: 1475–1550 (exh. cat., Ghent, 1996), pp. 136–137Google Scholar , no. 9 [B. Brinkmann]; there is no reference to this prayer book in Duggan, ‘Queen Joanna’, p. 92); (3) London, British Library, Add. MS 18852 (see Smeyers, M., Flemish Miniatures from the 8th to the Mid-16th Century: The Medieval World on Parchment (Leuven, 1999), pp. 434 and 438Google Scholar , fig. 249).

36 See Duggan, ‘Queen Joanna’, p. 74.

37 In favour of this hypothesis see B. Franke, Assuerus und Esther, p. 110: ‘Texte und Bilder könnten möglicherweise auch als Vorlage für eine gedruckte, (nicht erhaltene oder nicht ausgeführte) Fassung konzipiert gewesen sein, die das städtische Ereignis dokumentieren sollte.’ According to Eichberger, ‘Illustrierte Festzüge’, who even refers to the slightly later (fictitious) ‘triumph’ of Emperor Maximilian I and its splendid woodcuts, the Berlin manuscript has a decidedly representational potential.

38 For selected miniatures from Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, MS 2591 see Tammen, B. R., ‘Musique et danse pour un jeune prince: La joyeuse entrée de l’archiduc Charles à Bruges, 1515’, in Gétreau, F. (ed.), Iconographie musicale: Enjeux, méthodes et résultats (Paris, 2008) = Musique – Images – Instruments: Revue française d'organologie et d'iconographie musicale, 10, pp. 18–49Google Scholar (with catalogue and further bibliography); for some of the woodcuts provided by Gilles de Gourmont (Paris, 1515) see Wind, ‘Musical Participation’.

39 For a preliminary discussion see Tammen, B. R., ‘Lebenswelten eines mittelalterlichen Bildmotivs: Jubal und Tubalkain in den Illustrationen zu Bibel, Weltchronik und Speculum humanae salvationis’, Musicologica Austriaca, 22 (2004), pp. 103–134Google Scholar .

40 Both stage design and frontal view of the characters are nearly identical in all the depictions of the Berlin manuscript, except ‘tres virgines’ (fol. 56^r); in this single instance stage and characters are relocated to the right side.

41 Within the calendars of fifteenth- and early sixteenth-century books of hours, soft ensembles of lute and recorder frequently illustrate the labours of the month of May; see Wangermée, R., Die flämische Musik in der Gesellschaft des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts (Brussels, 1965), p. 141Google Scholar (fig. 46) and pp. 334–5; Bowles, Musikleben im 15. Jahrhundert, p. 105 (figs. 92–3); Hottois, I., L'iconographie musicale dans les manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Albert I^er (Brussels, 1982), p. 109Google Scholar (no. 172) and fig. 23; Brown, H. M., ‘The Recorder in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance’, in Mansfield Thomson, J. and Rowland-Jones, A. (eds.), The Cambridge Companion to the Recorder (Cambridge Companions to Music; Cambridge, 1995), pp. 1–25Google Scholar (pl. 4). Even the marginal decoration to Ockeghem's mass Mi mi in the Chigi Codex (Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Chigi C.VIII.234, fol. 3^v) is likely to be derived from such a model (for a reproduction see L. Finscher, ‘Die Messe als musikalisches Kunstwerk’, in id. (ed.), Die Musik des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts (Neues Handbuch der Musikwissenschaft, 3; Laaber, 1990), i, ch. 3, p. 216).

42 Owing to a frequent confusion of the half-brothers in both medieval and modern times, the Berlin manuscript gives the misspelling ‘Tubal’, which must be corrected to ‘Jubal’.

43 Gen. 4: 17–22. The translation follows the Rheims–Douay edition.

44 According to a list of the inventors of music provided by Adam of Fulda in 1490 (with Dufay and Busnoys reaching up to the immediate present), Jubal undoubtedly is the oldest authority on music: ‘Si autem quaeramus, quis inter omnes primus extiterit, puto, quod ipse Iubal, nam alios tempore praecessit; sacra enim scriptura ipsum enim inventorem commemorat, & non alium’ (Adam of Fulda, ‘Musica’, in Scriptores ecclesiastici de musica sacra potissimum, ed. M. Gerbert [St. Blasien, 1784], iii, pp. 329–81, at p. 341). Translation: ‘If we ask ourselves, who foremost brought forth [music], I think that this has been Jubal, since he preceded all the others in time; he is commemorated in Holy Scripture as inventor, and no one else.’

45 Petrus Comestor, based on Flavius Josephus. For ample philological evidence see Frings, G., ‘Dosso Dossis Allgorie der Musik und die Tradition des inventor musicae in Mittelalter und Renaissance’, Imago Musicae, 9–12 (1992–5), pp. 150–203Google Scholar .

46 ‘Iubal pater canencium in cythara et organo. id est musice artis inventor. in duabus columpnis in qualibet totam una marmorea et altera latericia. contra dyluvium et incendium scripsit. Tubal caym ferrarie artis inventor. sculpture operum in metallis fabricatorum cuius malleorum sonitus tubal delectatus proporciones ex eis primus perpendit.’ Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, MS 325, fol. 18^r–v.

47 For iconographical evidence see Tammen, ‘Lebenswelten eines mittelalterlichen Bildmotivs’, pp. 115–22. Unfortunately, no illustrated Comestor with depictions of Jubal and the two columns is available in Hottois, L'iconographie musicale, compiled on the basis of Brussels, Bibliothèque royale, the foremost repertory for a Burgundian context.

48 For the following see Tammen, ‘Lebenswelten eines mittelalterlichen Bildmotivs’, pp. 105–15.

49 Misinterpreted by Wescher, Beschreibendes Verzeichnis, p. 180: ‘Jubal am Ambos [sic] und Tubalkaim, der Erfinder der Musik, umgeben von musizierenden Edelleuten. Vorn links ein Notenschreiber.’

50 Jubal's upwardly directed gaze is already prefigured in the eleventh-century Anglo-Saxon Caedmon Genesis (Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Junius 11, fol. 54^r; for a reproduction see Eitschberger, A., Musikinstrumente in höfischen Romanen des deutschen Mittelalters (Imagines Medii Aevi. Interdisziplinäre Beiträge zur Mittelalterforschung, 2; Wiesbaden, 1999)Google Scholar , fig. 1).

51 In all probability Burgundian luxury manuscripts were accessible to the conceiver of Joanna's entry. For Glasgow, University Library, MS Hunter 60 (Bruges, 1455) see Cardon, B., Manuscripts of the Speculum humanae salvationis in the Southern Netherlands (c. 1410–c. 1470): A Contribution to the Study of the 15th Century Book Illumination and of the Function and Meaning of Historical Symbolism (Corpus van verluchte handschriften, 9: Low Countries series, 6; Leuven, 1996), p. 308Google Scholar and fig. 170 (Jubal playing the harp). For Jean Miélot's French translation (1449), ordered by Duke Philip the Good of Burgundy, in Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale, MS 9249–9250, with a depiction of Jubal playing the harp (fol. 47^r, ‘Tubalkayn et Jubal enfans de Lameth [sic] trouverent premiers l’art de musique') see Hottois, L'iconographie musicale, p. 49, no. 73-2, and Cardon, Manuscripts of the Speculum, pp. 373–5 and fig. 69. The latter manuscript might be identical with a Miroir de la Salvacion humaine listed in the 1487 book list of the Chambre de la Garde des Joyaulx in Brussels; see Barrois, J., Bibliothèque protypographique ou librairies des fils du roi Jean, Charles V, Jean de Berri, Philippe de Bourgogne et les siens (Paris, 1830), p. 252Google Scholar , no. 1760.

52 For a definition see Jooss, Lebende Bilder, p. 13: ‘szenische Arrangements von Personen, die für kurze Zeit stumm und bewegungslos gehalten werden und sich so für den Betrachter zu einem Bild formieren’.

53 With respect to the Jubal tableau, see Strohm, R., The Rise of European Music, 1380–1500 (Cambridge, 1993), p. 305Google Scholar : ‘They [tableaux vivants] were usually accompanied by some music that was played next to the tableau by visible musicians, by musicians hidden behind it to make it appear as if the personages of the picture were themselves performing, or indeed by the actors.’ Helas, Lebende Bilder, p. 7 argues in favour of a flexible concept: ‘Der Inhalt des Dargestellten muß sich primär auf der visuellen Ebene vermitteln, doch verlangt dies weder ein völlig “stummes”, noch ein statisches oder räumlich begrenztes “Bild”.’ For the smooth transitions between ‘live performance and static imagery’ see M. A. Meadow, ‘Introduction’, Nederlands kunsthistorisch jaarboek, 49 (1998), pp. 6–9, at p. 8. Interestingly, the Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris, 1405–1449, ed. A. Tuetey (Paris, 1880), p. 200, describes a ‘mistere du Vieilz Testament et du Nouvel’ performed in Paris 1424 as follows: ‘devant le Chastellet avoit ung moult [bel] mistere du Vieilz Testament et du Nouvel, que les enfens de Paris firent, et fut fait sans parler ne sans signer, comme se ceu feussent ymaiges eslevez contre ung mur’. For characters posing ‘motionless as if they were a picture’ in Bruges 1440 on the occasion of the joyous entry of Philip the Good see Strohm, Music in Late Medieval Bruges, p. 81.

54 Inv. 78.D.5, fol. 31^v. ‘Sequuntur effigies seu scemata figurarum (quas personagias vocamus) in scenis seu elevatis et clausis esschaufadis in conis vicorum locatorum q(ue) pretereuntium cum oportunitate tum requesta cortinis ad hoc aptatis nunc velebantur nunc patebant obtutibus. que nedum gestorum congrua fictione ac mirabili pomposoque apparatu quam optime condecentis tropologie (ut patebit) applicatione cunctorum (litteratorumque precipue) animus oblectavere.’ See also Herrmann, Forschungen zur deutschen Theatergeschichte, p. 368; Helas, Lebende Bilder, pp. 4 and 245 (no. cxxxix, providing a not altogether satisfactory German translation).

55 Molinet, Chroniques, i, p. 417 (1483); i, p. 525 (1486); ii, p. 429 (1496), etc. (respective years in brackets).

56 See Tammen, ‘Musique et danse’, p. 22.

57 For the overall problem see Bojcov, M. A., ‘Ephemerität und Permanenz bei Herrschereinzügen im spätmittelalterlichen Deutschland’, in Schütte, U. (ed.), Kunst als ästhetisches Ereignis = Marburger Jahrbuch für Kunstwissenschaft, 24 (1997), pp. 87–107CrossRefGoogle Scholar .

58 Torches are missing altogether in the miniatures of the Berlin manuscript, but well attested for Archduke Charles's joyous entry into Bruges in 1515; see Tammen, ‘Musique et danse’, p. 18 (fig. 1).

59 See Dits die excellente cronike, sig. Z ii^v: ‘Ende hem waren ghetoocht vele schoone spelen van stommen personagien vander poorte tot ten hove.’ Translation: ‘And many lovely plays have been shown to them by silent characters, from the city gate to the court.’

60 For detailed quotations and commentary see Strohm, Music in Late Medieval Bruges, pp. 80–3.

61 Possibly the surprise effect of unveiling was reinforced by sounding trumpets; see Franke, ‘Feste, Turniere’, p. 70. Wind, ‘Musical Participation’, p. 120, takes the presence of an ‘expositor’ in the tradition of medieval mystery plays for granted; Helas, Lebende Bilder, pp. 25–6, on the contrary, tends to exclude the option of complementing silent images (‘stillgestellte Bilder’) through music, action or even speech (‘Handlungen oder Ansprachen’).

62 Further evidence for Habsburg-Burgundian patronage of instrumental music and musicians is found in Fiala, D., Le mécénat musical des ducs de Bourgogne et des princes de la maison de Habsbourg: 1467–1506 (Turnhout, 2005)Google Scholar .

63 See van Doorslaer, G., ‘La chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, Revue Belge d'Archéologie et d'Histoire de l'Art, 4 (1934), pp. 21–57Google Scholar , 139–65, at p. 40, referring to E. Vander Straeten, La musique aux Pays-Bas avant le XIX^e siècle, 8 vols. (Brussels, 1867–88), iv, pp. 159–60 (who in turn provides a slightly different wording from Brussels, Archives Générales du Royaume); see also Vander Straeten, E., Les ménestrels aux Pays-Bas du XIII^e au XVIII^e siècle (Brussels, 1878; repr. Geneva 1972), p. 94Google Scholar , and Polk, K., ‘Instrumental Music in Brussels in the Early 16th Century’, Revue Belge de Musicologie, 55 (2001), pp. 91–101Google Scholar , esp. 100–1.

64 For this severe loss of evidence see Polk, ibid., p. 91.

65 Ibid. For the high level of civic music see also Prizer, W. F., ‘Brussels and the Ceremonies of the Order of the Golden Fleece’, Revue Belge de Musicologie, 55 (2001), pp. 69–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar .

66 Inv. 78.D.5, fol. 31^v. ‘Primo hoc scemate representatur quam uti medio sonantium malleorum dulcem musices melodiam Jubal seu Tubal adinvenit. Sic Johanna hyspanie gravi auctoritate quam in triginta patrias accepit mille milium animos in unam pacis accordantiam adunabit.’ (The number thirty refers to the multitude of cities and territories of the Low Countries, represented later on in the Berlin manuscript [fol. 61^r] by heraldic devices.)

67 Thøfner, ‘Marrying the City’, p. 4, however, reminds us that ‘texts, captions and images should be understood as “mutually elucidating”’.

68 See Herrmann, Forschungen zur deutschen Theatergeschichte, p. 383: ‘bei den Haaren herbeigezogen’.

69 For the exceptional interest of the dukes of Burgundy in typology, manifest foremost in Miélot's French translation of the Speculum and the commissioning of numerous luxury manuscript copies, see Cardon, Manuscripts of the Speculum, pp. 334–50, at p. 337: ‘no other European court circle, of either an earlier or a later date, shows evidence of such an interest in the Speculum Humanae Salvationis (and historical symbolism)’.

70 Respective folios of the Berlin manuscript followed by chapter numbers according to M. Niesner, Das Speculum Humanae Salvationis der Stiftsbibliothek Kremsmünster: Edition der mittelhochdeutschen Versübersetzung und Studien zum Verhältnis von Bild und Text (Pictura et Poesis, 8; Cologne, 1995).

71 See Franke, ‘“Huisvrouw”, Ratgeberin und Regentin’, p. 29. For bibliography on the ‘Nine Worthies’, see above, n. 34.

72 See above, n. 54.

73 For the proximity between tableaux vivants and emblems, the latter composed of pictura, inscriptio and subscriptio, see Jooss, Lebende Bilder, p. 38. For difficulties in ‘reading’ political iconography in pre-emblematical times see Tammen, ‘Musique et danse’, pp. 26–7 with respect to Bruges 1515.

74 Cardon, Manuscripts of the Speculum, p. 347.

75 See Tammen, ‘Musique et danse’, pp. 22–3 (with fig. 2).

76 Besides the rather fictitious account given by Vander Straeten, E., Charles Quint musicien (Ghent, 1894)Google Scholar see Zywietz, M., ‘Karl V. – der Kaiser und die Musik: Neue Wege der Relation von Text und Musik im Motettenschaffen seines Kapellmeisters Nicolas Gombert’ (Habilitationsschrift, Münster/Westfalen, 1999)Google Scholar .

77 Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, MS 2591, fol. 40^v. ‘Je croy que par ce ioly vergier ilz veulent representer le regne et les pays du josne prince flourissans en tous biens, honneurs et vertueuses delectations. Au mylieu desquelz ilz ont situee sa personne comme l’aragne siet en ses roitz, pour estre plus prochain de ses subiectz afin de mieulx et plus legierement survenir aux extremes de touttes pars ou besoing fera, et ausurplus si doulcement accorder l'instrument de sa conduyte, c'est a dire l'institution de son regne en perfaicte consonance et melodieuse armonye de touttes excellentes vertus que pour generalement attraire prochains et loingtains a la suyte et fervent desir de son hault bruyt et glorieux renom, ce que iadis il advint au tressaige filz de David et de freche memoire au bon duc Philippes de Bourgoigne, bisayeul du josne prince, a l'honneur et doctrine duquel doibvent principalment tourner les exemples domesticques de ses bons parens qui luy sont et par raison doibvent estre a jamais ung poignant esguillon pour stimuler le vif de son hault courage a toutte excellence de royale perfection.'

78 See Tammen, ‘Musique et danse’, pp. 24–28Google Scholar .

79 For iconographical options see Seebass, T., ‘Lady Music and her Protégés: From Musical Allegory to Musicians’ Portraits', Musica Disciplina, 42 (1988), pp. 23–61Google Scholar .

80 A thorough analysis of the woodcuts accompanying the chapter on ars musica is provided by Schmid, M. H., ‘Die Darstellung der Musica im spätmittelalterlichen Bildprogramm der “Margarita philosophica” von Gregor Reisch (1503)’, in Heckmann, H.et al. (eds.), Musikalische Ikonographie (Hamburger Jahrbuch für Musikwissenschaft, 12; Laaber, 1994), pp. 247–261Google Scholar .

81 See the case studies provided by Kipling, Enter the King.

82 For models of female humility (e.g., Coronation of the Virgin Mary, with Mary kneeling in front of the Holy Trinity (fol. 39^r); Esther kneeling in front of Ahasuerus (fol. 40^r); the Queen of Sheba kneeling in front of King Solomon (fol. 52^r)), apparently counterbalancing the strength and rigidness of some of the neuf preuses, see Kipling, Enter the King, ch. 6, ‘Entering the Queen’, who comments on Joanna as follows: ‘as a woman, she could not appropriately be received as a Christ-like saviour. That role was reserved for her spouse, the Archduke Philip. As a female consort, she was expected to play other roles and to experience different epiphanies’ (ibid., p. 289).

83 Knighton and Morte García, ‘Ferdinand of Aragon's Entry’, p. 126.

84 Qualified by Roy, R. and Kobler, F., ‘Festaufzug, Festeinzug’, Reallexikon zur Deutschen Kunstgeschichte, ed. Wirth, K.-A., viii (Munich, 1987)Google Scholar , cols. 1417–520, at col. 1459, as ‘Bildungsthema’.

85 The importance of basse musique will be confirmed in the second tableau with musical subject matter, the last one of the entire cycle; see below, §V and Figure 2.

86 For this concept see Knighton and Morte García, ‘Ferdinand of Aragon's Entry’, p. 124.

87 For Joanna's ‘miraculous’ presence see Aram, Juana the Mad, p. 40.

88 See Kipling, Enter the King, p. 50: ‘The ritual drama which the Duke and his subjects perform places the city's history of rebellion, repentance, and pardon into an ideal Christian pattern of fall, repentance, and salvation.’ (A map of the main stations is provided ibid., p. 52, fig. 6.) See also Blockmans, ‘Rituels publics’, p. 327, and Ramakers, ‘Multifaceted and Ambiguous’. For Job as the patron saint of musicians and further iconographical aspects see below, §VI.

89 See Strohm, Music in Late Medieval Bruges, p. 81.

90 For selected reproductions see Herrmann, Forschungen zur deutschen Theatergeschichte, p. 391 (fig. 72); Blockmans, ‘The Emperor's Subjects’, p. 279 (left, in colour). It is noteworthy that the three goddesses, standing alongside the basin of a fountain, are decently clothed. In contrast, when the ‘Judgement of Paris’ had been staged in Antwerp two years earlier (1494) for Philip the Handsome, the nudity of three female actors attracted the ‘most passionate gazes of the spectators’; see Molinet, Chroniques, ii, p. 398: ‘mais le hourd où les gens donnoyent le plus affectueux regard, fut sur l’histoire des .iii. déesses, que l'on veoit au nud et de femmes vives'. For the use of the same subject in the 1463 Bruges entry of Margaret of Anjou see Strohm, Music in Late Medieval Bruges, p. 83.

91 For further details, including the Latin commentary, see below, §VII.

92 Misconceived by Herrmann, Forschungen zur deutschen Theatergeschichte, p. 390 as a depiction of Saint Cecilia. For iconographical traditions see Boeckl, C. M., ‘The Legend of St. Luke the Painter: Eastern and Western Iconography’, Wiener Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte, 54 (2007), pp. 7–37Google Scholar (with further bibliography). The legend had acquired a particular importance for the formation of painters' guilds, with St Luke as patron saint as early as the thirteenth century; see Reynolds, C., ‘Illuminators and the Painters’ Guilds', in Kren, T. and McKendrick, S. (eds.), Illuminating the Renaissance: The Triumph of Flemish Manuscript Painting in Europe (Los Angeles and London, 2003), pp. 15–33Google Scholar .

93 Quite similar in shape is a huge church organ depicted in the background of the Annunciation miniature in Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, MS 1862, fol. 26^v, a Flemish book of hours (c. 1510), probably once belonging to Archduchess Margaret of Austria.

94 A woodcut by Hans Burgkmair the Elder (1507) with two angelic musicians playing lute and recorder, the same instruments as in the Brussels tableau, can be cited as one of the rare instances of a St Luke's Madonna accompanied by angelic musicians; see Hans Burgkmair, 1473–1973: Das graphische Werk, ed. I. Hausberger and R. Biedermann (Stuttgart, 1973), no. 16 (T. Falk) and fig. 16.

95 See, e.g., Vrancken Stockt (Vrancke van der Stockt), city painter of Brussels, who had been in charge of painting organ wings for St Nicholas in 1478/79. The painter furthermore participated in a rehearsal once the repairing had been finished; see Lefèvre, P., ‘À propos de l’obit du peintre Vrancken van der Stoct et de son tombeau à Sainte-Gudule', Archives, Bibliothèques et Musées de Belgique, 13 (1936), pp. 54–58Google Scholar , and Haggh, ‘Music, Liturgy, and Ceremony’, i, pp. 208 and 219–20.

96 See Klein, D., St. Lukas als Maler der Maria: Ikonographie der Lukas-Madonna (Berlin, 1933), p. 106Google Scholar , n. 235. For the prominence of organ-builders among Mercury's children see, e.g., the astrological house-book Tübingen, University Library, M.d.2, fol. 271^r, written and illuminated c. 1475 near Ulm (M. Hering-Mitgau, ‘Die mittelalterlichen Orgelgehäuse’, in F. Jakob et al., Die Valeria-Orgel: Ein gotisches Werk in der Burgkirche zu Sitten/Sion (Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für Denkmalpflege an der Eidgenössischen Technischen Hochschule Zürich, 8; Zürich, 1991), ch. 5, colour plate at p. 116 (fig. 61, with the wrong date 1404); Blume, D., Regenten des Himmels: Astrologische Bilder in Mittelalter und Renaissance (Studien aus dem Warburg-Haus, 3; Berlin, 2000), pp. 172–175Google Scholar ). Further pictorial evidence is provided by Blazekovic, Z., ‘Variations on the Theme of the Planets’ Children, or Medieval Musical Life according to the Housebook's Astrological Imagery', in McIver, K. A. (ed.), Art and Music in the Early Modern Period: Essays in Honor of Franca Trinchieri Camiz (Aldershot, 2003), pp. 241–286Google Scholar .

97 Such inessentials, however, should not be expected to leave traces in a picture book. If documented at all, Brussels's city account books of that year, now lost for ever, might once have offered evidence (see above, n. 64).

98 The rendering of Isabella of Bavaria's entry in Paris 1389 by Philippe de Mazerolles in a miniature of the so-called ‘Breslau Froissart’ (c. 1470) – a Madonna in aureole accompanied by angelic musicians is displayed in a showcase above the city gate (see Franke, ‘Feste, Turniere und städtische Einzüge’, fig. 25) – might provoke similar questions. For the Jubal tableau see above, §II and n. 53.

99 Inv. 78.D.5, fol. 58^v: ‘hoc scemate representatur quam uti congratulantibus angelis sanctus Lucas ymaginem beatissime marie depinxit. Sic parentibus fatis Rerum conditor Jahannam [sic] hyspanie amplectandam ymaginem brabantie advexit.’

100 ‘Et ainsi donc appert par figure et similitude que nostre vertueuse princesse Marie est la vive face, protraction et ymage de la seulle emperiere du ciel. Non point celle que sainct Luc voulut pourtraire: mais celle que le painctre immortel et souverain ymagineur a voulu tailler et former a son digne ymage et semblance. Cest nostre dame, cest nostre princesse, cest nostre Maria, cest nostre maistresse. A laquelle en lhonneur de la royne du ciel ie presente ce vertueux chappellet et ditz en telle maniere.’ Jean Molinet, ‘Le chappellet des dames’, in Les faictz et dictz de feu de bonne memoire maistre Iehan Molinet (Paris: Janot, 1540), fols. 38^r–53^r, at fol. 52^v (standard abbreviations have been silently resolved, the use of u und v normalised). For an introduction to ‘Molinet's reversed analogies’ in Le chappellet des dames see Randall, M., Building Resemblance: Analogical Imagery in the Early French Renaissance (Baltimore and London, 1996), pp. 40–57Google Scholar .

101 ‘la plus ricemment aornée que jamais fut paravant veue ès pays de monseigneur l’archiduc'; Molinet, Chroniques, ii, p. 429.

102 Such a perspective on female beauty, it should be underlined, is decisively male in nature, with the evangelist authenticating the Virgin Mary's beauty. The analogy to the staging of music in the Jubal tableau is evident.

103 For comparable depictions in French and Flemish books of hours see Tammen, B. R., ‘Engelsmusik in der Buchmalerei des 14. und 15. Jahrhunderts: Erscheinungsweisen und Funktionen eines allzu vertrauten Bildmotivs’, Das Mittelalter: Perspektiven mediävistischer Forschung, 10 (2006), pp. 49–85Google Scholar , at pp. 69–70.

104 Unfortunately, nothing is known for certain about musicians and musical instruments in Joanna's retinue on her long way from Spain to Antwerp, once she had set off for the wedding; see Duggan, ‘Queen Joanna’, p. 79.

105 As early as 1914, Herrmann, Forschungen zur deutschen Theatergeschichte, p. 376, had interpreted the St Luke tableau as a ‘monument’ to the painters' own involvement in preparing Joanna's entry (‘ein Denkmal ihrer Teilnahme an den Festesvorbereitungen’). See also Franke, ‘Feste, Turniere und städtische Einzüge’, p. 75; id., Assuerus und Esther, p. 111; Blockmans and Donckers, ‘Self-Representation of Court and City’, p. 95. Notwithstanding the resemblance to a painting (see Borcherdt, Das europäische Theater, p. 140: ‘plastisch-lebendige Übertragung eines niederländischen Gemäldes’), no concrete model has been identified so far.

106 Today preserved at the Boston Museum of Fine Arts. For ample documentation, including the numerous surviving copies, see Eisler, C. T., Les Primitifs Flamands, i: Corpus de la peinture des anciens Pays-Bas méridionaux au quinzième siècle, iv: New England Museums (Brussels, 1961), pp. 71–93Google Scholar and pls. lxxix–cx; Kraut, G., Lukas malt die Madonna: Zeugnisse zum künstlerischen Selbstverständnis in der Malerei (Worms, 1986), pp. 13–26Google Scholar ; Rogier van der Weyden: St. Luke Drawing the Virgin. Selected Essays in Context, ed. The Museum of Fine Arts [Boston] (Me fecit, 1; Boston and Turnhout, 1997).

107 See Klein, St. Lukas als Maler, p. 39, and C. Kruse, ‘Rogiers Replik: Ein gemalter Dialog über Ursprung und Medialität des Bildes’, in id. and F. Thürlemann (eds.), Porträt – Landschaft – Interieur: Jan van Eycks Rolin-Madonna im ästhetischen Kontext (Literatur und Anthropologie, 4; Tübingen, 1999), pp. 167–85.

108 According to Kraut, Lukas malt die Madonna, pp. 25–6 this prestigious commission mirrors the increasing political influence of the painters' guild after the 1421 guild rebellion and the ensuing reorganisation of the civic government. See also Dickstein-Bernard, C., ‘Rogier van der Weyden, die Stadt Brüssel und ihre Malerzunft’, in Rogier van der Weyden: Stadtmaler von Brüssel, Porträtist des burgundischen Hofes, ed. Centre Culturel du Crédit Communal de Belgique (Brussels, 1979), pp. 36–40Google Scholar , at 36–7.

109 For a colour reproduction see Women of Distinction, p. 149. The Latin commentary (fol. 52^v) reads as follows: ‘sic vise philippi Johanneque ymagines amorem vicissim reconciliantes celebres nuptias effecerunt’. Translation: ‘Having seen the portraits, Philip and Joanna fell mutually in love and and brought about the famous nuptial celebrations.’

110 In contrast to the Berlin manuscript, which is lacking any particular reference to commitment or sponsorship, the detailed report given by Remy du Puys on the 1515 Bruges entry reveals that both the civic corporate entities (‘membres’) and the ‘nations’ of foreign merchants had been in charge of realising single tableaux vivants; see Tammen, ‘Musique et danse’.

111 For the Confrérie de Saint-Job and its 1574 statutes, based on a 1506 ordonnance, see Vander Straeten, Les ménéstrels, pp. 94–119; id., La musique aux Pay-Bas, i, pp. 136–47 and iv, pp. 160–73; and Haggh, ‘Music, Liturgy, and Ceremony’, i, pp. 210–21.

112 For the pictorial tradition see Denis, V., ‘Saint Job, patron des musiciens’, Revue Belge d'Archéologie et d'Histoire de l'Art, 21 (1952), pp. 253–298Google Scholar ; Meyer, K., ‘St. Job as a Patron of Music’, Art Bulletin, 36 (1954), pp. 21–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar , figs. 1–15; G. Bandmann, Melancholie und Musik: Ikonographische Studien (Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen der Arbeitsgemeinschaft für Forschung des Landes Nordrhein-Westfalen, 12; Opladen, 1960), pp. 54–62; C. D. Cuttler, ‘Job – Music – Christ: An Aspect of the Iconography of Job’, in Miscellanea in memoriam Paul Coremans 1908–1965 = Bulletin de l'Institut Royal du Patrimoine Artistique, 15 (1975), pp. 86–94; R. Hammerstein, ‘Hiob’, Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, 2nd edn, ed. L. Finscher, Sachteil, iv (Kassel, 1996), cols. 297–301 (with further bibliography), and Terrien, S., The Iconography of Job through the Centuries: Artists as Biblical Interpreters (University Park, Pa., 1996)Google Scholar .

113 See above, n. 88.

114 Cologne, Wallraf-Richartz-Museum (follower of Rogier van der Weyden); see Meyer, ‘St. Job’, fig. 15; Katalog der deutschen und niederländischen Gemälde bis 1550 (mit Ausnahme der Kölner Malerei) im Wallraf-Richartz-Museum und im Kunstgewerbemuseum der Stadt Köln, ed. I. Hiller and H. Vey (Kataloge des Wallraf-Richartz-Museums; Cologne, 1969), pp. 82–6, 89–94 (with further information on the altarpiece and its patron, the Piedmontese merchant Claudio Villa and his wife Gentina Solaro) and fig. 94.

115 See above, n. 108.

116 See Blockmans, ‘Le dialogue imaginaire’, p. 164, and id., ‘La joyeuse entrée’, p. 30: ‘Ils [sc. tableaux vivants] sont réalisés par les métiers, corporations, confréries, gildes et rhétoriqueurs qui représentent ainsi dans un double sens la communauté urbaine recevant le roi.’

117 See Pleij, De sneeuwpoppen van 1511; id., ‘Die städtische Literatur 15.–16. Jahrhundert’, in J. van der Stock (ed.), Stadtbilder in Flandern: Spuren bürgerlicher Kultur 1477–1787 (Brussels, 1991), pp. 171–82; Rhetoric – Rhétoriqueurs – Rederijkers: Proceedings of the Colloquium, Amsterdam, 10–13 November 1993, ed. J. Koopmans et al. (Koninklijke Nederlandse Akademie van Wetenschappen, Verhandelingen, Afdeling Letterkunde: Nieuwe Reeks, 162; Amsterdam, 1995); Erenstein, R. L. (ed.), Een Theatergeschiedenis der Nederlanden: Tien eeuwen drama en theater in Nederland en Vlaanderen (Amsterdam, 1996)CrossRefGoogle Scholar .

118 See Hummelen, W. M. H., ‘Het tableau vivant, de “toog”, in de toneelspelen van de rederijkers’, Tijdschrift voor Nederlandse taal- en letterkunde, 108 (1992), pp. 193–222Google Scholar ; id., ‘“Veele huyskens daer De Retoryck op was”: Stellages van rederijkerskamers bij Blijde Inkomsten’, Nederlands kunsthistorisch jaarboek, 49 (1998), pp. 94–127. For the ample use of typology in the rhetoricians' plays see Moser, N., De strijd voor rhetorica: Poëtica en positie van rederijkers in Vlaanderen, Brabant, Zeeland en Holland tussen 1450 en 1620 (Amsterdam, 2001), pp. 131–167.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

119 A.-L. Van Bruaene, ‘Repertorium van rederijkerskamers in de Zuidelijke Nederlanden en Luik, 1400–1650’ (2004), part of the ‘Digitale bibliotheek voor de Nederlandse letteren (DBNL), rederijkerskamers 1400–1650’, provides ample documentation for each single chamber of rhetoricians and exhaustive bibliography; see <http://www.dbnl.org/organisaties/rederijkerskamers/>. See also Duverger, J., Brussel als kunstcentrum in de XIV^e en de XV^e eeuw (Bouwstoffen tot de Nederlandsche Kunstgeschiedenis, 3; Antwerp and Ghent, 1935), pp. 72–95Google Scholar ; Van Bruaene, A.-L., ‘Minnelijke rederijkers, schandelijke spelen: De rederijkerskamers in Brussel tussen 1400 en 1585’, in Janssens, J. and Sleiderink, R. (eds.), De macht van het schone woord: Literatuur in Brussel van de 14de tot de 18de eeuw (Leuven, 2003), pp. 125–139Google Scholar . For the book of privileges of ‘Den Boeck’ (Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale, MS 21377) see Smeyers and Van der Stock (eds.), Flemish Illuminated Manuscripts: 1475–1550, pp. 196–7, no. 36 (B. Cardon); for its history and political significance see Arnade, Realms of Ritual, pp. 164–5.

120 See Mak, J. J., De rederijkers (Patria, 34; Amsterdam, 1944), pp. 15–16Google Scholar .

121 For late medieval Ghent see Arnade, Realms of Ritual, pp. 159–88, esp. p. 163.

122 See Blockmans, ‘La joyeuse entrée’, p. 31 and id., ‘“Hingegeben der Melancholie der Armut”: Leben und Arbeiten in Brügge 1482–1584’, in M. P. J. Martens (ed.), Memling und seine Zeit: Brügge und die Renaissance (exh. cat., Stuttgart, 1998), pp. 26–32, at 26 (with archival evidence).

123 If there had been an official commitment of the chambers of rhetoricians by the city of Brussels, perhaps even the decision to have the event codified in word and image in what would later become the Berlin manuscript, one would expect to find traces in the city account books (for the lack of documentary evidence, however, see above, n. 64). Franke, Assuerus und Esther, pp. 100–1 speculates on the involvement of Olivier de la Marche in the overall conception; at least he is documented between c. 1485 and 1497 as a member of two chambers of rhetoricians in Brussels.

124 See Mak, De rederijkers, pp. 90–7.

125 For selected illustrations see Herrmann, Forschungen zur deutschen Theatergeschichte, p. 371 (fig. 62), and Bowles, Musikleben im 15. Jahrhundert, fig. 129. Preferences for the bagpipes on behalf of Archduke Philip are assumed by Polk, ‘Instrumental Music in Brussels’, p. 93, lacking, however, concrete evidence. For the motif of long-nosed fools in Sebald Beham's slightly later woodcut of a ‘Nose Dance’ (c. 1534) and its connotations (membrum virile, lack of intelligence, etc.) see Stewart, A. G., Before Bruegel: Sebald Beham and the Origins of Peasant Festival Imagery (Aldershot, 2008), pp. 165–171Google Scholar . For the use of pageant cars see Twycross, M., ‘The Flemish Ommeganc and its Pageant Cars’, Medieval English Theatre, 2 (1980), pp. 15–41Google Scholar and 80–98.

126 See the Latin commentary (fol. 15^v): ‘hoc scemate representantur quidam qui traha vecti faciesque tecti diversis musis artis sue acceptissimam armoniam compegerunt’.

127 For reproductions see Herrmann, Forschungen zur deutschen Theatergeschichte, p. 367, fig. 60; Blockmans, ‘The Emperor's Subjects’, p. 275 (right figure, in colour); and Blockmans and Donckers, ‘Self-Representation of Court and City’, p. 103 (fig. 4).

128 See the Latin commentary (fol. 11^v): ‘hoc scemate representatur hystrio quidam qui partim lunatico cerebro correptus populo frequentem risum extorquere suevit hic quod nec dii dedignantur suo modulo affectum pium kyrieleyson kyriel[eison]. alta voce ingeminans illustrissime domine (cui allusere prata virencia queque) prodidit.’

129 ‘Et aussi ces deux musiques sont si consonans l’une avecques l'autre, que chascune puet bien estre appellee musique, pour la douceur tant du chant comme des paroles qui toutes sont prononcées et pointoyées par douçour de voix et ouverture de bouche; et est de ces deux ainsis comme un mariage en conjunction de science, par les chans qui sont plus anobliz et mieulx seans par la parole et faconde des diz qu'elle ne serait seule de soy.' Quoted after W. F. Patterson, Three Centuries of French Poetic Theory: A Critical History of the Chief Arts of Poetry in France (1328–1630), 2 vols. (University of Michigan Publications: Language and Literature, 14/15; Ann Arbor, 1935), i, p. 88.

130 For Molinet's Art de rhétorique vulgaire (1493) see Rigolot, F., ‘1493: Jean Molinet, poète à la cour de Bourgogne, publie un Art de rhétorique vulgaire. Les rhétoriqueurs’, in Hollier, D. (ed.), De la littérature française (Paris, 1993), pp. 124–129Google Scholar . In turn, Music leaves the quadrivial realms in order to acquire poetic qualities – a development with far-reaching iconographical consequences not only for the allegory of music in itself, but also the Muses' iconography and later emblemetical figurations; see Niemöller, K. W., ‘Zum Paradigmenwechsel in der Musik der Renaissance: Vom numerus sonorus zur musica poetica’, in Boockmann, H.et al. (eds.), Literatur, Musik und Kunst im Übergang vom Mittelalter zur Neuzeit. Bericht über Kolloquien der Kommission zur Erforschung der Kultur des Spätmittelalters 1989 bis 1992 (Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen, Philologisch-historische Klasse, 3rd ser., 208; Göttingen, 1995), pp. 187–215Google Scholar ; id., ‘Musica et Poesia: Zur Stellung der Musik im Emblembuch des Mailänder Humanisten Andrea Alciato in der kommentierten Ausgabe Padua 1621’, in N. Bolin et al. (eds.) Aspetti musicali: Musikhistorische Dimensionen Italiens, 1600–2000. Festschrift Dietrich Kämper zum 65. Geburtstag (Cologne and Rheinkassel, 2001), pp. 347–61.

131 ‘van allen studien d’autste es musike: / Es zu vuer d'alder audste const ghefaemd / Zo schijnd zu macht hebbende over rethorike'. Quoted after Moser, De strijd voor rhetorica, p. 115. See also Mak, De rederijkers, p. 134, referring to Esbat(t)ement van musycke ende rethorycke. For Castelein and the later impact of French seconde rhétorique see also Spies, M., Rhetoric, Rhetoricians and Poets: Studies in Renaissance Poetry and Poetics, ed. Duits, H. and van Strien, T. (Amsterdam, 1999), pp. 57–58CrossRefGoogle Scholar .

132 For ample documentation see Moser, De strijd voor rhetorica, pp. 98–130.

133 See Duverger, Brussel als kunstcentrum, p. 72.

134 For this curious rendering of the Jubal story, strangely deviating from Petrus Comestor and the chronicle tradition, see Moser, De strijd voor rhetorica, pp. 55–67.

135 Franke, Assuerus und Esther, pp. 100–1, in contrast, asserts the importance of the liberal arts at the Court of Burgundy.

136 For selected reproductions see Herrmann, Forschungen zur deutschen Theatergeschichte, p. 397 (fig. 75); Kindermann, H., Das Theaterpublikum des Mittelalters (Salzburg, 1980)Google Scholar , fig. 100.

137 According to the Latin commentary (fol. 57^v), Philip and Joanna will chase off all kinds of sorrows: ‘hoc scemate representatur quam uti hii deliciosis cunctis se voluptatibus occupaverunt. sic occasione coniunctionis Philippi et Johanne ducum omnibus tristiciis sese singuli exeuntes cunctis iocis indulserunt.’ Translation: ‘Here is depicted how everybody has participated in all kinds of merrymaking and pleasure. So everybody has indulged in all joys by leaving all his sorrows on the occasion of the marriage of Philip and Joanna.’

138 See Herrmann, Forschungen zur deutschen Theatergeschichte, p. 384.

139 See Padilla, ‘Crónica de Felipe I^o’, p. 43: ‘y despues que hobieron cenado, hobo muy grandes regocijos de música y danzas’. Joanna was a passionate dancer; see Duggan, ‘Queen Joanna’, pp. 78–9 and pp. 82–3.

140 Duggan, ‘Queen Joanna’.

141 ‘musicis namque modulis delectatur, quam artem a teneris ipsa didicerat’; Petrus Martyr de Angleria [Pietro Martire d'Anghiera], Opera: Legatio Babylonica. De orbe novo decades octo. Opus epistolarum, ed. E. Woldan (Graz, 1966), p. 448. See also Rodríguez Villa, A., La Reina Doña Juana la Loca: Estudio histórico (Madrid, 1892), pp. 10 and 118;Google ScholarStevenson, R., Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus (The Hague, 1960), p. 134CrossRefGoogle Scholar (‘ardently loved music’); and Duggan, ‘Queen Joanna’, pp. 76 and 87.

142 Numerous organs are documented for the latter's court; see Duggan, ‘Queen Joanna’, p. 75.

143 Ibid., p. 90.

144 See ibid., pp. 90, 94–5 and pls. 2–3. Duggan underlines the involvement of Juan de Anchieta, composer and organist, who even followed Joanna to Tordesillas.

145 For such a view see Wind, ‘Musical Participation’, p. 128–9: ‘It is striking that the corpus of themes used for the tableaux vivants was relatively small and similar for all occasions, even from an international viewpoint. … The investigation of other similar entries will probably uncover few if any new music-related themes.’ Even within an overall framework of topoi, however, nuances might have been achieved by the mere choice of motifs and the handling of details.

146 Despite these particular responsibilities, however, an overall programme is clearly detectable, probably overarched by the central planning (and control) of this important political event through Charles's aunt, Margaret of Austria, Regent of the Low Countries; see Tammen, ‘Musique et danse’, p. 35.

147 See above, n. 12.

148 For Bruges, delegating two members of its Holy Ghost rhetoricians chamber to Antwerp in 1494/95 in order to ‘spy out’ the pageantry provided for Maximilian I see Strohm, Music in Late Medieval Bruges, p. 80.

149 See Vandecasteele, M., ‘Het Antwerpse rederijkersfeest van 1496: Een onderzoek van de bronnen’, Jaarboek de Fonteine, 36–7 (1985–6), pp. 149–176Google Scholar . According to a Flemish chronicle (1531) no fewer than twenty-eight chambers of rhetoricians had come from Brabant, Flanders, Holland, and Zeeland to the Antwerp lantprijs; the general topic had been the blessedness of man; see Dits die excellente cronike, sig. Y [vi]^r–v.

150 See Schenk, G. J., Zeremoniell und Politik: Herrschereinzüge im spätmittelalterlichen Reich (Forschungen zur Kaiser- und Papstgeschichte des Mittelalters. Beihefte zu J. F. Böhmer, Regesta Imperii, 21; Cologne, 2003), p. 227Google Scholar .